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Journal articles on the topic 'Volsunga saga'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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1

Fernández Moreno, Sergio. "La espada como símbolo del destino en la Vǫlsunga saga." Medievalia 54, no. 2 (June 21, 2023): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/medievalia.2023.54.2/003x27so014.

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Si bien el género de las llamadas fornaldarsǫgur (‘sagas de los tiempos antiguos’) aparece en la Escandinavia cristiana de los siglos XII y XIII, lo cierto es que en estas narraciones en prosa los temas y motivos de la mitología y las antiguas leyendas escandinavas ocupan todavía un lugar fundamental. En concreto, la Vǫlsunga saga concede al destino y a la espada una importancia medular en relación con las hazañas e infortunios de los Volsungos, por lo que el propósito de este artículo es dilucidar en qué medida el relato traza una conexión simbólica entre esta arma y el porvenir de dos de sus protagonistas: Sigurðr y Brynhildr. En este sentido, el análisis del funcionamiento del destino en la narración, por un lado, y del significado familiar de la espada volsunga, por otro, permitirá concluir que esta arma funciona, en la saga, como un símbolo de la trágica y violenta separación de la pareja.
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2

Fernández Moreno, Sergio. "La espada como símbolo del destino en la Vǫlsunga saga." Medievalia 54, no. 2 (June 21, 2023): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.19130/medievalia.2022.54.2/003x27so014.

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Si bien el género de las llamadas fornaldarsǫgur (‘sagas de los tiempos antiguos’) aparece en la Escandinavia cristiana de los siglos XII y XIII, lo cierto es que en estas narraciones en prosa los temas y motivos de la mitología y las antiguas leyendas escandinavas ocupan todavía un lugar fundamental. En concreto, la Vǫlsunga saga concede al destino y a la espada una importancia medular en relación con las hazañas e infortunios de los Volsungos, por lo que el propósito de este artículo es dilucidar en qué medida el relato traza una conexión simbólica entre esta arma y el porvenir de dos de sus protagonistas: Sigurðr y Brynhildr. En este sentido, el análisis del funcionamiento del destino en la narración, por un lado, y del significado familiar de la espada volsunga, por otro, permitirá concluir que esta arma funciona, en la saga, como un símbolo de la trágica y violenta separación de la pareja.
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3

Classen, Albrecht. "Kristen B. Neuschel, Living by the Sword: Weapons and Material Culture in France and Britain, 600-1600. Ithaca, NY, and London: Cornell University Press, 2020, xii, 223, 13 b/w fig., 4 color plates." Mediaevistik 34, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 345–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med.2021.01.53.

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Sometimes, serendipity rules, also in scholarship. For a few years now, the interest by a growing number of researchers has focused on the so-called Ding, the material objects in the medieval world, examining not just its physical nature, but its social, spiritual, religious, and other significance. Anna Mühlherr et al. edited a volume on Dingkulturen: Objekte in Literatur, Kunst und Gesellschaft der Vormoderne (2016); Warren Tormey published his article “Magical (and Maligned) Metalworkers: Understanding Representations of Early and High Medieval Blacksmiths,” in Magic and Magicians in the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Time, ed. A. Classen (2020); I published an article on the medieval sword, “Symbolic Significance of the Sword in the Hero’s Hand: Beowulf, The Nibelungenlied, El Poema de Mio Cid, the Volsunga Saga, and the Njál’s Saga. Thing Theory from a Medieval Perspective,” Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 80 (2020): 346-70; and Bettina Bildhauer published her Medieval Things (2020). This is now followed by a more historically grounded study by Kristen B. Neuschel, Living by the Sword. Her research is almost exclusively limited to English-language studies, a rather myopic approach.
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4

Classen, Albrecht. "Symbolic Significance of the Sword in the Hero’s Hand: Beowulf, The Nibelungenlied, El Poema de Mio Cid, Volsunga Saga, and Njál’s Saga." Amsterdamer Beiträge zur älteren Germanistik 80, no. 3 (November 24, 2020): 346–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18756719-12340186.

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Abstract The medieval hero cannot be imagined without a significant sword. Swords often have names and a mysterious identity. Beowulf cannot kill Grendel’s mother with his own sword, but has to resort to some of the ancient weapons lying in her lair. In the Nibelungenlied, Siegfried’s sword gets into the hand of his nemesis, Hagen, after he has murdered him. Siegfried’s widow, Kriemhild, finally takes it from Hagen and decapitates him. This, however, means her own death. In the Old Spanish El Poema de Mio Cid, the protagonist conquers two most valuable swords, and he passes them on to his sons-in-law, although they prove to be unworthy of those gifts. In the final court trial, Rodrigo Diaz demands those two swords back from the villains, and he triumphs over them. Once he has the swords back in his possession, he can proceed and destroy his enemies in this trial. Swords are not simply weapons; they are synecdoches of the hero himself, and they have the power to sing before or during battle, which is often commented on in the Old Norse sagas. This article will examine how heroic poets treated the sword as a pars pro toto of the hero and hence as agents of superpower, exacting justice and providing honor.
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5

Zuseva-Ozkan, Veronika B. "Yevgeny Zamyatin’s “hypertext” about the female warrior. Article II." Tekst. Kniga. Knigoizdanie, no. 28 (2022): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/23062061/28/2.

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The second article of the two-part cycle considers the most important element of Zamyatin’s “hypertext” about the female warrior, i.e., the tragedy Atilla. The author offers the genealogy of the play’s heroine, Il’degonda, from Brynhildr of the Poetic Edda and Wagner’s Brunnhilde to Ibsen’s Hjordis (The Vikings at Helgeland) and N. Gumilyov’s Lera (Gondla). The common elements of Atilla and variations of the story of the Nibelungs are analyzed in detail: the association with the Burgundian locus, the parallels between the main characters and wolves, the connection of the heroine to the mythologem of fate, her identification with the snake, the motif of the broken vow, the motif of flames. The specific correlation of two female characters in Atilla (Il’degonda and Kerka) is highlighted. It strongly resembles Ibsen’s “paired” heroines: demonic and idyllic, breaking the confines of gender stereotypes and “normative”, such as Hjordis and Dagny in Ibsen’s tragedy The Vikings at Helgeland based on the Volsunga saga. Together with the “Valkyric myth” and the archetypal story of Siegfried and Brunnhilde visible in the plot of Atilla, the genetic relationship between The Vikings at Helgeland and Atilla is described as highly probable. The analysis of the play shows that, though this type of heroine is represented in Atilla in a very elaborate way, it still begins to blur due to the non-canonic relationship between the female warrior and the chosen hero. This tragedy features almost all obligatory elements of the motif complex and the plot, which are characteristic for this heroine, but lacks the most important component, i.e., the heroine’s love for the “strong one”. While losing the ability to love the chosen hero, the heroine also ceases to conform to the heroic image of the female warrior. Il’degonda not only loves the character unequal to her in strength, namely, the cowardly Vigila, but also forgives him his shame (the corporal punishment which he chooses over death), which is unthinkable for a true female warrior. Moreover, Il’degonda herself not once succumbs to cowardice (which is impossible for the heroine of this type). Finally, she kills of the rebellious boy slave - an ambiguous act which undeniably goes beyond the heroic behavior. Thus, though elevated above other Atilla’s enemies, she is only half-“courageous” and half-“strong” - just the way she is made, in Zamyatin’s words, “of the same metal as Atilla” only “halfway”.
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6

Classen, Albrecht. "The Saga of the Volsungs, with The Saga of Ragnar Lothbrok. Trans., with intro., by Jackson Crawford. Indianapolis, IN, and Cambridge: Hackett Publishing, 2017, xxxiv, 147 pp., 1 map." Mediaevistik 31, no. 1 (January 1, 2018): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/med012018_418.

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Old Norse sagas are simply in today, probably because they contain so much valuable and intriguing information about the world of the Icelanders and Vikings, and because they reflect deeply on mythological concepts and historical events, strongly colored by heroic deeds. This means that publishers of textbooks continue to demonstrate their willingness to produce English translations, such as the present one of The Saga of the Volsungs, which Jackson Crawford accompanies with a translation of The Saga of Ragnar Lothbrok. Henry Halliday Sparling (1890), Margaret Schlauch (1930), Ronald G. Finch (1965), Jesse L. Byock (1990 and 1999), and Kaaren Grimstad (2000), among others, had already offered English translations of the former, but none of them are listed by Crawford in his introduction. Translations into German, French, Italian, or other languages are also not considered, although there is a long tradition of comparable work that has been done many decades ago until today.
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7

Lionarons, Joyce Tally. "Vǫlsunga saga: The Saga of the Volsungs. Kaaren Grimstad." Speculum 78, no. 1 (January 2003): 182–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0038713400099322.

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8

Mikučionis, Ugnius. "The Hero and his Values." Scandinavistica Vilnensis, no. 14 (May 27, 2019): 87–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.15388/scandinavisticavilnensis.2019.5.

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In this article, I argue that the portrayals of Sigurðr Fáfnisbani as a hero that emerge from the narratives about the slaying of the dragon in the Prose Edda and in the Saga of the Volsungs are rather different. A hero’s essence is not only about what actions the hero performs or what physical qualities the hero possesses, but also about what choices he makes and what values he adheres to. Therefore, one has to investigate why Sigurðr chose to agree to slay Fáfnir in order to be able to judge how heroic this deed was – or was not. A comparative analysis of the two source texts shows that while the main motivating factor for Sigurðr in the Prose Edda version of the narrative is the prospect of gaining Fáfnir’s treasure, the version contained in the Saga of the Volsungs gives a completely different picture. Here, the main motivation arises from Sigurðr’s own desire to avenge those who had killed his father, Sigmundr. In order to be able to wreak his vengeance, Sigurðr needs a suitable weapon, a sword without equal. Since Reginn is extraordinarily zealous in inciting Sigurðr to slay Fáfnir, Sigurðr promises to do so in exchange for a sword that Reginn – who is a smith with supernatural, dwarf-like competences – has to fashion using all his skill and effort. Additionally, avenging the injustice suffered by Reginn seems morally right, and is compatible with Sigurðr’s plans. The prospect of acquiring a hoard of gold may have contributed to his resolution, but in the Saga of the Volsungs it is not the main motivating factor for Sigurðr.
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9

Bellairs, Jonathan. "The Saga of the Volsungs: With The Saga of Ragnar Lothbrok trans. by Jackson Crawford." Comitatus: A Journal of Medieval and Renaissance Studies 49, no. 1 (2018): 265–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cjm.2018.0028.

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10

Bratton, Susan Power. "FROM IRON AGE MYTH TO IDEALIZED NATIONAL LANDSCAPE: HUMAN-NATURE RELATIONSHIPS AND ENVIRONMENTAL RACISM IN FRITZ LANG'S DIE NIBELUNGEN." Worldviews: Global Religions, Culture, and Ecology 4, no. 3 (2000): 195–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853500507825.

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AbstractFrom the Iron Age to the modern period, authors have repeatedly restructured the ecomythology of the Siegfried saga. Fritz Lang's Weimar film production (released in 1924-1925) of Die Nibelungen presents an ascendant humanist Siegfried, who dominates over nature in his dragon slaying. Lang removes the strong family relationships typical of earlier versions, and portrays Siegfried as a son of the German landscape rather than of an aristocratic, human lineage. Unlike The Saga of the Volsungs, which casts the dwarf Andvari as a shape-shifting fish, and thereby indistinguishable from productive, living nature, both Richard Wagner and Lang create dwarves who live in subterranean or inorganic habitats, and use environmental ideals to convey anti-Semitic images, including negative contrasts between Jewish stereotypes and healthy or organic nature. Lang's Siegfried is a technocrat, who, rather than receiving a magic sword from mystic sources, begins the film by fashioning his own. Admired by Adolf Hitler, Die Nibelungen idealizes the material and the organic in a way that allows the modern ''hero'' to romanticize himself and, without the aid of deities, to become superhuman.
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11

Martín Páez, Mario. "Sobre el destino, la maldición y la obediencia en el ciclo de los Volsungos." Revista de Literatura Medieval 32 (December 10, 2020): 215–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.37536/rlm.2020.32.0.73666.

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El objetivo del presente artículo es poner en tensión la Saga de los Volsungos y las fuentes que utilizó su autor para desarrollar esta obra. Nos centraremos especialmente en el Reginsmál y en las diferencias que presentan ambos escritos en la representación de la familia de Hreiðmarr. Se demostrará que las variaciones entre ambas fuentes sirven para enfatizar los dos patrones fundamentales de la saga: por un lado, acentúa la sobreestimación de las relaciones de parentesco y muestra las obligaciones que se desprenden de su estructura como deberes inexorables. Por otro lado, resalta el carácter nocivo de la maldición del tesoro de Andvari sobre la estructura familiar. Posteriormente argumentaremos que estas dos dinámicas no actúan de forma aislada, sino que se prestan a la comparación. Veremos que la estructura de parentesco se equipara al destino y a la maldición en tanto en cuanto sus obligaciones resultan igual de negativas e inevitables que el maleficio del oro de Andvari. Finalmente, se pondrá en relación el significado de la obra con su contexto de producción. Argumentaremos que la función de Vǫlsunga saga está enfocada a castigar un determinado orden de las cosas que amenaza las buenas prácticas y las ideologías del sistema que se pretende legitimar.
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12

Haymes, Edward R. "The Saga of the Volsungs: The Norse Epic of Sigurd the Dragon Slayer.Jesse L. Byock." Speculum 67, no. 3 (July 1992): 643–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2863668.

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13

Quinn, Judy. "The saga of the Volsungs: the Norse epic of Sigurd the dragon slayer (review)." Parergon 9, no. 1 (1991): 153–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/pgn.1991.0005.

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14

Stilling, Robert. "WARRAMOU’S CURSE: EPIC, DECADENCE, AND THE COLONIAL WEST INDIES." Victorian Literature and Culture 43, no. 3 (May 29, 2015): 445–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150315000029.

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Despite the recent revival of interest in the Victorian epic, poems from the colonial periphery have played only a small role in the revised narrative of the epic's persistence across the nineteenth century. Part of the explanation for this may lie in the centralized imperial geography of the archives that inspired both nineteenth-century scholars and epoists. As Adelene Buckland and Anna Vaninskaya remark, “Britain was certainly the place to be for a nineteenth-century aficionado of epic poetry” (163). While scholars flocked to Oxford, Cambridge, the British Museum, and the Bodleian Library to pour over the texts of Gilgamesh or old Icelandic sagas, a number of nineteenth-century poets began to see the epic itself as a tool for excavating a more geographically and archeologically localized national story. As Simon Dentith notes, “the nationalism of the nineteenth century seized upon epics – especially the old vernacular primary epics . . . and made them an expression of the national spirit (Epic 67). William Morris's Sigurd the Volsung, for example, revives the mythology of the Old North to make a “Great Story” for the race of northern Europeans what the “Tale of Troy was to the Greeks” (Dentith, “Morris” 239).
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15

Andersson, Theodore M. "The saga of the Volsungs: The Norse epic of Sigurd the dragonslayer. Tr. Jesse L. Byock Berkeley CA: University of California Press, 1990." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 4, no. 1 (January 1992): 84–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700000846.

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16

Goldstein, Carolina. "Os papéis femininos presentes na saga dos Volsungos e seus arquétipos." Medievalis 9, no. 1 (April 13, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.55702/medievalis.v9i1.44318.

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Este artigo tem como objetivo analisar a importância dos arquétipos das figuras femininas, presentes na Saga dos Volsungos, para a construção dos papéis sociais, nos quais as mulheres da sociedade Viking são inseridas, dando enfoque nas personagens divinas e nas dísir (valquírias e nornas), conhecidas como entidades femininas relacionadas à proteção, seja de uma determinada família ou de uma comunidade inteira. A Saga dos Volsungos foi a saga escolhida, dentre tantas outras, para tal análise, principalmente, por preservar muito da cultura e práticas religiosas pagãs, ainda que tenha sido escrita em um período já cristão e monárquico, no século XIII e, também, por haver grande representatividade ativa das personagens femininas.
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17

Martín-Páez, Mario. "Liminaridad y licantropía: sobre los ritos de paso y la ascendencia en «Vǫlsunga Saga»." Memoria y Civilización, June 16, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/001.24.018.

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Vǫlsunga Saga es una de las fuentes de mayor riqueza literaria producidas en el contexto nórdico medieval. El objetivo del artículo es demostrar las formas en las que se configura la identidad dentro de la familia de los Volsungos durante la representación de un rito de paso. Durante este proceso, varios personajes adoptan comportamientos lupinos. Se argumentará que la metamorfosis es determinada por la presión estructural ejercida sobre el cuerpo y afecta no solo al individuo transformado, sino también al grupo enemigo que se convertirá en su presa. Previamente, mostramos las condiciones y el desarrollo del rito de paso, en el que se otorga a los ancestros el poder de influir sobre su descendencia. Asimismo, demostraremos que las definiciones y obligaciones que se desprenden de la estructura de parentesco tienen la capacidad de caracterizar al grupo enemigo como un «otro» y legitimar los actos de violencia cometidos en su contra.
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18

Gotovac, Vedrana. "Antički žrtvenik sa dva natpisa iz Omiša." Radovi. Razdio povijesnih znanosti 31, no. 18 (April 20, 2018). http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/radovipov.2139.

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Na antičkom žrtveniku iz Omiša su uklesani u različito vrijeme votivni natpisi na dvije suprotne strane, što ga čini neobičnim i zanimljivim. Prvi natpis - [Div\o /lug(uslo) el [Roinae\l Sacru[rn\ - klesan je u 1. stoljeću ili, točnije, za vrijeme vladanja cara Tibcrija. Drugi natpis - \Ara\m Geni[o Voc(i) A\ugustam/ [.. vel ...[Ilica Vol! |... vel ...,| <sacravil vel consecravit> - datira se u prvu polovicu 2. stoljeća. Na osnovi osam sačuvanih slova (-Ilica Vol-) pokušalo se odgonetnuti kako je glasilo ime dedikanta. Radi se o ženskom imenu koje pripada liburnskoj odnosno sjevcrnodalmatinskoj imenskoj baštini. Imenska formula je rimska (duo nornina). Osobno ilirsko ime - Voltisa, Volsuna, Volaesa ili Vulsa - zauzelo je u formuli položaj cognomena, a ilirsko kolektivno ili porodično ime ili prezime položaj gentilicija. Korijen porodičnog imena mogao je glasiti Opi- ili Oepl-, Može se govoriti o dva lica are, starijem i mlađem. Stariji natpis, pisan besprijekornom kapitalom, zrači svojom sažetošću kozmopolitskim rimskim duhom. Oficijelne je naravi i mogao ga je postaviti grad, gradska uprava ili neka institucija. Sadržaj dužeg i mlađeg natpisa privatnog je i provincijalno- lokalnog karaktera (obraćanje zaštitniku mjesta i ilirsko, liburnsko porijeklo zavjetodavke). Omiški žrtvenik s ostalim novijim arheološkim i epigrafskim nalazima, otkriva da je i Omiš u antici morao imati drugo, značajnije i bogatije lice od onog s kojim smo se do sada susretali u povijesnim izvorima i znanstvenoj literaturi.
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