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1

Stenger, Gerhardt. "From Toleration to Laïcité." Dialogue and Universalism 31, no. 2 (2021): 145–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/du202131225.

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This paper traces the history of the philosophical and political justification of religious tolerance from the late 17th century to modern times. In the Anglo-Saxon world, John Locke’s Letter Concerning Toleration (1689) gave birth to the doctrine of the separation of Church and State and to what is now called secularization. In France, Pierre Bayle refuted, in his Philosophical Commentary (1685), the justification of intolerance taken from Saint Augustine. Following him, Voltaire campaigned for tolerance following the Calas affair (1763), and the Declaration of the Rights of Man (1789) imposed religious freedom which, a century later, resulted in the uniquely French notion of laïcité, which denies religion any supremacy, and any right to organize life in its name. Equality before the law takes precedence over freedom: the fact of being a believer does not give rise to the right to special statutes or to exceptions to the law.
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2

Jasmin, Guillaume. "Voltaire: Critique Politique." Agora: Political Science Undergraduate Journal 3, no. 1 (February 21, 2013): 48–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/agora19043.

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Much has been written about Voltaire, the great 18th century French writer and Enlightenment philosopher. His works have been pored over countless times and many analyses have been published about him and his writings. This dissertation builds on several sources so as to find the voltairian critiques of the French monarchy in relation to his Traité sur la tolérance. The author starts by detailing the French monarchical system of the time as well as defining what tolerance was under this system. The first part ends with an explanation of what Voltaire thought the monarchy should be as well as defining what tolerance was according to him. The second part of the text discusses the specific critiques Voltaire aimed at the French monarchy, be it the malfunctioning justice system or the arbitrary powers possessed by the king. The final part of this exposition examines the place of religion in the French state. In this third and final section, the author looks at what Voltaire thought religion was and should be as well as the relationship between religion and the state. Plusieurs textes ont été écrit à propos de Voltaire, l'un des grands écrivains et philosophes des Lumières. Ces travaux ont été passés au crible et ont fait l'objet d'études approfondies à maintes reprises. Cette dissertation se hisse sur les épaules des chercheurs venus auparavant afin de trouver les critiques voltairiennes de la monarchie française en lien avec son Traité sur la tolérance. L'auteur débute en détaillant le système monarchique du temps et définit la tolérance du temps. Cette première partie inclut aussi une explication de ce qu'entendait Voltaire lorsqu'il discutait de la monarchie et de la tolérance. La seconde partie examine les critiques spécifiques de Voltaire par rapport à la monarchie française, que ce soit le système judiciaire dysfonctionnel ou le pouvoir arbitraire du roi. Dans la partie finale de ce texte, l'auteur se penche sur ce que la religion était et devait être selon Voltaire. Cette partie inclut aussi une exposition de la relation entre la religion et l'État français monarchique.
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3

Dominiczak, Marek H. "Rationalism, Science, and Freedom of Speech: Voltaire." Clinical Chemistry 62, no. 5 (May 1, 2016): 789–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1373/clinchem.2015.253088.

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4

Arkush, Allan. "Voltaire on Judaism and Christianity." AJS Review 18, no. 2 (November 1993): 223–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400004906.

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Voltaire's voluminous writings on religion contain, as is well known, a large number of attacks on the Jewish people and Judaism. Historians have offered a variety of explanations for this sustained animosity on the part of a great rationalist and proponent of religious toleration toward a people and a religion which continued, in his own day, to be victimized by unjust persecution. While much remains in dispute, there does seem to be general agreement that Voltaire attacked Judaism at least in part because its most sacred texts constituted the foundation of Christianity, the religion he wished to destroy.
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5

Dorfman, Avihay. "Freedom of Religion." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 21, no. 2 (July 2008): 279–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900004434.

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Why it is that the principle of freedom of religion, rather than a more general principle such as liberty or liberty of conscience, figures so prominently in our lived experience and, in particular, in the constitutional commitment to the free exercise of religion? The Paper argues, negatively, that the most prominent answers offered thus far fall short; and positively, that the principle of freedom of religion arises out of a thicker understanding of the much neglected relationship between religious liberty and democracy. Indeed, a proper account of the legitimacy of the democratic process. I argue, dissolves the mystery surrounding freedom of religion, and thus allows for an adequate justification of this principle. The thesis of this paper is that freedom of religion is a remedy that redresses the (warranted) exclusion of certain religious arguments from the democratic process. The redress is grounded in a republican concern for political self-determination while exclusion is prescribed by a liberal ideal of political legitimation.
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6

Marsden, L. "Freedom from Religion." Journal of Church and State 54, no. 3 (July 17, 2012): 455–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/css074.

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7

Sapir, Gidon, and Daniel Statman. "Why Freedom Of Religion Does Not Include Freedom From Religion." Law and Philosophy 24, no. 5 (September 2005): 467–508. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10982-004-2895-8.

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8

Mason, Haydn. "Voltaire Almighty: A Life in Pursuit of Freedom." French Studies 61, no. 1 (January 1, 2007): 97–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/knl182.

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9

Wieruszewski, Roman. "Freedom of expression and its limits – Was Voltaire right?" Zeitschrift für europarechtliche Studien 18, no. 1 (2015): 65–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/1435-439x-2015-1-65.

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10

Astengo, Francesca. "Freedom of Religion Crucified?" Politique européenne 41, no. 3 (2013): 12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/poeu.041.0012.

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11

Idleman, S. C. "Equality, Freedom, and Religion." Journal of Church and State 55, no. 4 (September 26, 2013): 802–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/cst071.

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12

Hillman, Arye L., and Niklas Potrafke. "Economic Freedom and Religion." Public Finance Review 46, no. 2 (September 21, 2016): 249–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1091142116665901.

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There has been much study of the consequences of economic freedom but, outside of the role of political institutions, there has been little study of the determinants of economic freedom. We investigate whether religion affects economic freedom. Our cross-sectional data set includes 137 countries averaged over the period 2001–2010. Simple correlations show that Protestantism is associated with economic freedom, Islam is not, with Catholicism in between. The Protestant ethic requires economic freedom. Our empirical estimates, which include religiosity, political institutions, and other explanatory variables, confirm that Protestantism is most conducive to economic freedom.
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13

Cheetham, David. "Postmodern Freedom and Religion." Theology 103, no. 811 (January 2000): 29–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x0010300104.

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14

Heinegg, Peter. "Whose Freedom of Religion?" CrossCurrents 67, no. 2 (June 2017): 494–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/cros.12262.

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15

Porter, Tracy, Susan S. Case, Matthew C. Mitchell, and Wasseem Abaza. "Freedom of Religion or Freedom from Religion in Organizations:Dialogue for Voicing Values." Academy of Management Proceedings 2014, no. 1 (January 2014): 14153. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2014.14153abstract.

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16

Langlois, John. "Freedom of Religion and Religion in the UK." Religious Freedom, no. 17-18 (December 24, 2013): 54–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2013.17-18.984.

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Britain has a long history of fighting for religious freedom. In the Middle Ages, the official church was the Roman Catholic Church, which dominated both spiritual and political life. During the Protestant Reformation, Protestantism prevailed and the (Protestant) Anglican Church became the official state church in England. The Presbyterian Church of Scotland became the official state church in Scotland. In England, the Anglican Church discriminated against members of other Christian churches, in particular, such as Baptists and Methodists (usually called dissidents or independent). Roman Catholicism was banned. Only at the beginning of the 19th century he was given the right to exist. Since then, in the United Kingdom, for almost 200 years, there has been freedom of religious faith and practice.
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17

Abdulla, Mariam Rawan. "Culture, Religion, and Freedom of Religion or Belief." Review of Faith & International Affairs 16, no. 4 (October 2, 2018): 102–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2018.1535033.

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18

Houtepen, Anton. "From Freedom of Religion Towards Really Free Religion." Exchange 27, no. 4 (1998): 290–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254398x00349.

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19

Nicola, Michel. "Correspondence: Religion and Academic Freedom." Academe 74, no. 4 (1988): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40249891.

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20

Tillman, J. Jeffrey. "Letters: Academic Freedom and Religion." Academe 87, no. 4 (2001): 4. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40252034.

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21

Kadivar, Mohsen. "Freedom of Thought and Religion." Current History 104, no. 678 (January 1, 2005): 43–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2005.104.678.43.

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22

Lægaard, Sune. "Disaggregating Corporate Freedom of Religion." Netherlands Journal of Legal Philosophy 44, no. 3 (November 2015): 221–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/njlp/221307132015044003004.

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23

Trigg, Roger. "Equality and freedom of religion." Theology 124, no. 1 (January 2021): 32–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0040571x20985699.

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The philosopher Roger Trigg reflects on the wider implications of his ongoing work on the Church of England’s response to contemporary issues concerning marriage and sexuality. His particular concern is to defend religious freedom.
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24

Boulad-Ayoub, Josiane. "« Et la religion le remplit de fureur... » : Les déterminations idéologiques, polémiques et politiques, du Mahomet de Voltaire." Articles 17, no. 2 (August 3, 2007): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/027119ar.

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RÉSUMÉ Il s'agira, en examinant sa tragédie de 1742 avec laquelle débute l'intérêt explicite de Voltaire envers le Prophète de l'Islam, de retracer ce qu'avec Mahomet ou le fanatisme, Voltaire, un Voltaire critique d'abord de sa société et futur auteur du Traité sur la Tolérance, met véritablement en scène, ou plus précisément, en arrière-scène pour les besoins idéologiques de sa dénonciation. On commentera, chemin faisant, les aspects polémiques de ces attaques contre la superstition et le fanatisme religieux ainsi que les conséquences politiques qu'elles ont eues sur son propre contexte historique pour finir par poser, en conclusion, la question de leur actualité, devant la résurgence contemporaine des intégrismes quels qu'ils soient, et de la mort et de la violence qui les accompagnent inéluctablement.
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25

Ahdar, Rex. "Is Freedom of Conscience Superior to Freedom of Religion?" Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 7, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwy006.

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26

Hurd, Elizabeth Shakman. "Freedom, Salvation, Redemption." Migration and Society 4, no. 1 (June 1, 2021): 110–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/arms.2021.040111.

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The politics of religious asylum is ripe for reassessment. Even as a robust literature on secularism and religion has shown otherwise over the past two decades, much of the discussion in this field presumes that religion stands cleanly apart from law and politics. This article makes the case for a different approach to religion in the context of asylum-seeking and claiming. In the United States, it suggests, the politics of asylum is integral to the maintenance of American exceptionalism. Participants in the asylum-seeking process create a gap between Americans and others, affirming the promise of freedom, salvation, and redemption through conversion not to a particular religion or faith but to the American project itself. This hails a particular kind of subject of freed om and unencumbered choice. It is both a theological and a political process.
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27

Dură, Nicolae V. "The right to freedom of religion." Annales Canonici 10 (May 1, 2014): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acan.628.

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28

Kim, Byeong-Rok. "Gender Equality and Freedom of Religion." Legal Studies Institute of Chosun University 25, no. 3 (December 31, 2018): 3–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18189/isicu.2018.25.3.3.

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29

Coons, John A., Kevin Boyle, and Juliet Sheen. "Freedom of Religion: A World Report." American Journal of Comparative Law 49, no. 1 (2001): 161. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/840926.

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30

Czigle, János Tamás. "Freedom of Religion at the Workplace." Hungarian Yearbook of International Law and European Law 5, no. 1 (December 2017): 311–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/hyiel/266627012017005001017.

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31

Manoharan, Karthick Ram. "Freedom from God: Periyar and Religion." Religions 11, no. 1 (December 24, 2019): 10. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11010010.

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This paper looks at South Indian rationalist and anti-caste leader Periyar EV Ramasamy’s approach to religion. Periyar saw Hinduism as a fundamental degradation of the non-Brahmin community in general, the Dalits in particular. Here, I draw parallels between Periyar and Russian anarchist Mikhail Bakunin, especially with regards to their radical readings of religion and social power. Similar to Bakunin who inverts Christianity to look at Satan as the original free thinker, Periyar inverts Ramayana to consider the asura Ravana as a Dravidian hero and a victim of Brahminical supremacy. A militant atheist and an avowed enemy of God, Periyar was nevertheless aware of the importance of religion in social life, and I briefly explore his qualified support for Islam and Buddhism and his rationale for urging the lower castes to convert to these religions. I conclude that reading Periyar in the anarchist tradition might open up new ways of understanding his political thought.
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32

Scheinin, Martin. "Freedom of Thought, Conscience and Religion." Studia Theologica - Nordic Journal of Theology 54, no. 1 (July 2000): 5–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/003933800750041485.

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33

Smyslova, Ekaterina A. "Freedom of religion in Russia 1998." Helsinki Monitor 9, no. 3 (1998): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181498x00367.

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34

Atkins, Jed W. "Tertullian on ‘The Freedom of Religion’." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek and Roman Political Thought 37, no. 1 (January 17, 2020): 145–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340261.

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Abstract Tertullian first coined the phrase ‘the freedom of religion’. This article considers what this entails. I argue that Tertullian’s discussion of religious liberty derives its theoretical significance from his creative repurposing of the Roman idea of liberty as non-domination. Tertullian contends that the Roman magistrates’ treatment of Christian citizens and loyal subjects amounts to tyrannical domination characterized by the absence of the traditional conditions for non-domination: the rule of law, rule in and responsive to the interests of the people, and citizens’ rights. On his reworking of these criteria, he argues that citizens and loyal subjects should have the right to act publicly on the convictions of their conscience even if these actions conflict with the state’s civil religion. Tertullian shows that non-domination is a highly flexible idea that does not necessarily entail the participatory ‘free state’ of republicanism. Moreover, by applying the logic of non-domination to questions surrounding religious liberty, he opens up an important avenue of investigation largely ignored in the contemporary republican literature on non-domination.
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35

Müller, Jörg Paul. "Freedom of religion — the missing commandment?∗." Religion, State and Society 24, no. 4 (December 1996): 385–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09637499608431752.

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36

McKenna, Joseph H. "Book Review: Religion and Cultural Freedom." Theological Studies 55, no. 2 (June 1994): 379–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/004056399405500228.

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37

Koyzis, David T. "Roger Trigg, Equality, Freedom, and Religion." Review of Faith & International Affairs 10, no. 4 (December 2012): 75–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15570274.2012.739903.

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38

Cohen, Jean L. "Freedom of Religion, Inc.: Whose Sovereignty?" Netherlands Journal of Legal Philosophy 44, no. 3 (November 2015): 169–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.5553/njlp/221307132015044003002.

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39

Jones, Peter. "Introduction: Religion and Freedom of Expression." Res Publica 17, no. 1 (January 26, 2011): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-011-9139-1.

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40

Plant, Raymond. "Religion, Identity and Freedom of Expression." Res Publica 17, no. 1 (February 2011): 7–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11158-011-9140-8.

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41

Begović, Nedim. "Freedom of Religion in the Workplace." Journal of Muslims in Europe 10, no. 2 (February 5, 2021): 168–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22117954-bja10011.

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Abstract The article analyses the case law of the European Court of Human Rights on accommodation of Islamic observances in the workplace. The author argues that the Court has not hitherto provided adequate incentives to the states party to the European Convention on Human Rights to accommodate the religious needs of Muslim employees in the workplace. Given this finding, the author proposes that the accommodation of Islam in the workplace should, as a matter of priority, be provided within a national legal framework. In Bosnia and Herzegovina, this could be achieved through an instrument of contracting agreement between the state and the Islamic Community in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
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Babiy, Mykhailo. "Freedom of conscience and freedom of religion: theoretical and practical dimensions." Ukrainian Religious Studies, no. 65 (March 22, 2013): 74–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/2013.65.207.

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The proclamation of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion is one of the important achievements of mankind in the context of civilization development. The analysis of the historical temporal aspect of the development of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion testifies to the constant attention to these problems in the diversity of their manifestation. They (these problems) without exaggeration are some of the most important and relevant topics of philosophical, legal, religious, and theological discourse. Essential conceptual peculiarity of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion, their paradigmatic fundamentals, is devoted to a large array of scientific and theological literature, special studies.
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43

Seung Cheul Kim. "The 19th Century Prussian National Religion and Freedom of Religion." Korean Jounal of Systematic Theology ll, no. 39 (September 2014): 105–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.21650/ksst..39.201409.105.

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44

Kyrychenko, Yuriy, and Hanna Davlyetova. "Theoretical-legal aspects of constitutional regulation of the right to freedom of opinion and religion in Ukraine and the countries of continental Europe." Naukovyy Visnyk Dnipropetrovs'kogo Derzhavnogo Universytetu Vnutrishnikh Sprav 2, no. 2 (June 3, 2020): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.31733/2078-3566-2020-2-15-20.

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The article explores the constitutional practice of normative regulation of the right to freedom of thought and religion, enshrined in Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine and in similar norms of the constitutions of the states of continental Europe. The necessity to state the stated norm in the new version is substantiated. It is determined that the right to freedom of worldview and religion, which is enshrined in Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine, relates to civil rights of man and citizen and consists of three basic elements: freedom of thought, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion. This right includes the freedom to profess any religion or not to practice any religion, to freely send religious cults and rituals, as well as to conduct religious activities. It is noted that in the states of continental Europe the constitutional and legal regulation of the right to freedom of opinion and religion is implemented differently. Thus, in the constitutions of Andorra, Bulgaria, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Armenia, Georgia, Estonia, Lithuania, Macedonia, Romania, San Ma-rino, Serbia, Czech Republic and Montenegro, the analyzed law is enshrined along with other human rights. In other constitutions of European states, the law under study is formulated in a separate article. It is stated that the constitutions of European states use unequal verbal designations of this right. In particular, such terminological expressions as "freedom of conscience and religion", "freedom of cults", "freedom of conscience, religion and other beliefs", "freedom of conscience and religion", "freedom of conscience", "freedom of religion and worship", " freedom of religion ”,“ freedom of choice of religion ”,“ freedom of conscience, religion and worship ”,“ freedom of religion and conscience ”,“ freedom of religious beliefs ”, which differ but have much in common. The expediency of deleting the term “freedom of world outlook” from Part 1 of Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine and the consolidation of the term "freedom of conscience", which in its content, first, covers a broad sphere of spiritual, world-view of human being, and second, acts as the freedom of choice and assertion of the individual in the system of religious coordinates. It is proposed taking into account the European experience of constitutional and legal regulation of the right to freedom of opinion and religion of the provision of Art. 35 of the Constitution of Ukraine shall be read as follows: “Everyone has the right to freedom of conscience and religion. This right includes the freedom to profess any religion or not to practice any religion, to freely send religious or ritual rites alone or collec-tively, to conduct religious activities. The exercise of this right may be restricted by law only in the interests of public order, the health and morals of the population, or the protection of the rights and freedoms of others. Churches and religious organizations in Ukraine are separated from the state and the state education system from the church. No religion can be recognized as binding by the state. Churches and religious organizations are equal before the law. It is forbidden to compel a person to choose and profess any religion or belief, to participate in re-ligious and ritual ceremonies or activities of a religious organization and to receive religious education.”
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45

Domingo, Rafael. "RESTORING FREEDOM OF CONSCIENCE." Journal of Law and Religion 30, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 176–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2015.5.

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AbstractThis paper argues that secular legal systems need a better defined space for freedom of conscience because this important right has been crowded out by both freedom of religion and freedom of thought. Based on the principles of the Protestant Reformation, American constitutionalism expanded the idea of freedom of conscience to the point of making it almost interchangeable with freedom of religion. On the other hand, international law, followed by European constitutional law, reduced the political force of the concept of freedom of conscience by assimilating it to freedom of thought. And yet freedom of conscience cannot be treated just the same as either religious freedom or freedom of thought. By nature, the secular legal systems of political communities are moral, but nonreligious. So morality and religion affect legal systems in different ways. For this reason, freedom of conscience and freedom of religion should be protected using different legal devices. The so-called privilege of abstaining (beneficium abstinendi) best protects freedom of conscience; freedom of religion, by contrast, is appropriately protected by what I call the religious exception (exceptio religiosa). The consequences of applying these legal tools in particular cases, and their proper scopes, depend on the constitutional model of the political community in question. But in general, an increasingly globalized, diverse, and multicultural society demands a wider application of both these legal tools.
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46

Bonotti, Matteo. "Religion, hate speech and non-domination." Ethnicities 17, no. 2 (March 9, 2017): 259–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1468796817692626.

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In this paper, I argue that one way of explaining what is wrong with hate speech is by critically assessing what kind of freedom free speech involves and, relatedly, what kind of freedom hate speech undermines. More specifically, I argue that the main arguments for freedom of speech (e.g. from truth, autonomy and democracy) rely on a ‘positive’ conception of freedom intended as autonomy and self-mastery or as collective self-government, and can only partially help us to understand what is wrong with hate speech. In order to fully grasp the wrongness of hate speech and to justify hate speech legislation, I claim, we need to rely instead on the republican idea of freedom as ‘non-domination’. I conclude that the hate speech used by religious citizens, even though it is a manifestation of their religious freedom, should be subject to the same restrictions that apply to other citizens’ hate speech, because republicans should be concerned with the undominated (i.e. robustly secured) religious freedom of all religious citizens and, more generally, with the undominated freedoms of all citizens, including those who are victims of religious hate speech.
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47

Roberts, Caroline K. "Is There a Right to Be ‘Free from’ Religion or Belief at Strasbourg?" Ecclesiastical Law Journal 19, no. 01 (December 20, 2016): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x16001071.

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The theme of the Ecclesiastical Law Society's 2016 Day Conference, ‘Freedom of/from religion’, reflects the growing interest in the idea that, in addition to a right to freedom of religion, there is a right to ‘freedom from’ religion. In recent years, there has been a trend towards increased use of the language of freedom from religion in academic literature and in material produced by practitioners, organisations and activists in discussions of the right to freedom of thought, conscience and religion.
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48

Babiy, Mykhailo, and Sergiy Prysukhin. "Freedom of Conscience and Freedom of Religion: Essence and Subject Field." Religious Freedom 2, no. 19 (November 8, 2016): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32420/rs.2016.19.2.884.

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The problem of freedom of conscience and freedom of religion for many years surely occupies an important place in the system of religious knowledge. There is reason to talk about the emergence of a new branch of the law of religion. The acuteness of discourse gives rise to skepticism about the logic of definitions, generalizations and conclusions, which, in general, does not deny the possibility of new research on the substantive characteristics of this religious discipline.
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49

Green, M. Christian. "BETWEEN BLASPHEMY AND CRITIQUE: FREEDOM OF RELIGION AND FREEDOM OF SPEECH." Journal of Law and Religion 29, no. 1 (February 2014): 176–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jlr.2013.12.

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Abstract:
On Valentine's Day, 1989, novelist Salman Rushdie was driven into hiding in England by a fatwa issued by the Ayatollah Khomeini in Iran decrying his 1988 novel,The Satanic Verses, as “blasphemy against Islam” and demanding Rushdie's execution. Twenty years later, Yale University Press refused to publish cartoon representations of the Prophet Muhammad in political scientist Jytte Klausen's book,The Cartoons That Shook the World.That book analyzed the controversy spawned by a Danish newspaper's publication of the cartoons in 2005 and the republication of the cartoons in several European newspapers in 2008, which led to protests by Muslims around the world. In 2010, Terry Jones, a Christian pastor in Florida, announced plans to publicly burn a Qur'an on the anniversary of the September 11, 2001, terrorist attacks on the United States. Under protest, he cancelled his book-burning plans for the 9/11 anniversary, but he made good on his promise six months later in March 2011, in an incident whose online video dissemination around the world is said to have motivated riots in Afghanistan that resulted in the deaths of twelve people. Throughout this period, with the regularity of a drumbeat, the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) (formerly the Organization of the Islamic Conference), a coalition of majority Muslim nations at the United Nations, introduced resolutions each year—first in the Human Rights Council (HRC) from 1999 forward and then in the General Assembly from 2005 forward—on “combating defamation of religions” at the UN and in wider global discourse.
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50

Serrano, Vicente. "Freedom of thought as radical freedom in Spinoza’s critique of religion." Reformation & Renaissance Review 14, no. 1 (April 2012): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/1462245913z.0000000002.

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