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Adojutelegan, Nat. "Vote-Selling: Infrastructure and Public Services." ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.waldenu.edu/dissertations/4829.
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Vote-selling in Nigeria pervades and permeates the electoral space, where it has become the primary instrument of electoral fraud. Previous research has indicated a strong correlation between vote-buying and underinvestment and poor delivery of public services. There remains, however, a significant gap in the current literature regarding the nature of the relationship between vote-selling and the delivery of public services. The purpose of this study was to uncover voters' behaviors by investigating their common and lived experiences with respect to the provision of infrastructure, delivery of public services, and voting during elections. Using Bandura's theory of reciprocal determinism, the research explored the connection between environment and vote-selling. Data were collected through semistructured interviews with 10 individuals who participated in the most recent elections in Akoko North West Local Government, Ondo State, Nigeria. The data were analyzed using Moustakas's transcendental phenomenological process. Key findings suggest a reciprocal relationship between vote-selling, and infrastructure and public services. The study findings also revealed that vote-sellers' feel justified because vote-selling is perceived as a product of disappointment, lack of trust and voters' apathy, willingness to accept their own share of 'national cake,' and poverty. These findings are consistent with Bandura's proposition that people create the society and equally react to environmental factors. This study contributes to the existing literature and may enhance social change initiatives by improving the understanding of the connection between the provision of infrastructure and the delivery of public services and vote-selling.
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Junior, Jairo Tadeu Pires Pimentel. "Razão e emoção no voto: o caso da eleição presidencial de 2006." Universidade de São Paulo, 2007. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-07022008-111606/.
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Esta dissertação tem como proposta analisar o papel dos sentimentos na estruturação das escolhas eleitorais durante a eleição presidencial brasileira de 2006. Especificamente, trata-se de analisar de que forma as emoções dos eleitores em relação aos candidatos afetam e estimulam a avaliação e o voto nos mesmos. Primeiramente, buscamos demonstrar formas de mensuração das emoções em termos quantitativos através de pesquisas de survey realizadas durante o período eleitoral. Em segundo lugar, buscamos evidenciar que a avaliação retrospectiva (considerada uma forma racional do voto) pode ser melhor entendida se buscarmos compreender como a avaliação de governo interage com os estados emocionais dos eleitores. Destarte, negando a longa tradição que contrapõe razão e emoção dentro da política, salientamos a tese de que os sentimentos constituem uma importante variável no processamento de informações e, consequentemente, na decisão do voto.This dissertation analyzes how emotions helped structure electoral choices during the campaign for the presidency of Brazil in 2006. How do the voters\' feelings towards the candidates affect and stimulate their choices? To answer this, at first we show different quantitative measures of emotions, based on surveys applied during the campaign period. Then we gather evidence to support the idea that retrospective voting can be better understood if the incumbent\'s evaluation - interacting with the voter\'s emotions - is taken into account. Therefore, we deny the traditional dichotomy between reason and emotion in electoral behavior studies, indicating that feelings are an important variable to be considered by any analyst that intends to understand how citizens decide whom to vote for.
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Valle, Vinicius Saragiotto Magalhães do. "Religião, lulismo e voto: a atuação política de uma Assembleia de Deus e seus fiéis em São Paulo - 2014-2016." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-11032019-113345/.
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Esta pesquisa consiste em um estudo de caso realizado no município de São Paulo, no qual se explorou a dinâmica eleitoral por dentro de uma igreja evangélica pentecostal que pertence à denominação Assembleia de Deus, Ministério Belém, durante o período de 2014 a 2016. A investigação se deu tanto no plano da instituição religiosa em questão, separando os níveis do alto clero e de um templo comum periférico, quanto no plano dos seus fiéis. Na dimensão institucional, procurou-se observar qual o discurso político-eleitoral veiculado pela instituição religiosa, e como ela se organiza em termos eleitorais para difundi-lo. Já no plano dos fiéis, identificou-se como eles agem em relação às posições políticas da igreja, tanto em termos amplos de visão política, quanto no voto em si. Para discutir o papel e a força política da igreja, foi preciso levar em conta também a conjuntura política que o país passava no período, e como os fiéis a liam em cada um dos pleitos. A pesquisa abrangeu tanto as eleições legislativas quanto executivas. Nas duas eleições observadas, perceberam-se diferentes tipos e intensidades de engajamento da instituição religiosa entre as eleições legislativas e executivas, e também um crescente discurso antipetista. Entre os fiéis, encontrou-se forte apoio aos candidatos promovidos pela instituição, mas diferenças subjetivas na impressão sobre cada um deles. Nas eleições municipais de 2016, observou-se o surgimento de um grupo de fiéis que discordou da indicação da igreja. Encontrou-se também o crescimento do antipetismo entre os fiéis, ao longo do tempo, o que culminou no quase desaparecimento do grupo de lulistas na eleição de 2016. Analisando o comportamento dos fiéis ao longo do tempo, foi possível identificar diferenças de lógicas de pensar e de escolha dos votos entre a eleição legislativa e executiva, e procurou-se explicar tal diferença pela forma como que eles entendiam cada uma das esferas, sendo o legislativo visto como uma arena de disputa de valores, e o executivo como o lócus de disputa material da sociedade.This research analyses the electoral dynamics within a Pentecostal church of the denomination Assembly of God, in one of its main ministries, the ministry of Belém, during the election of 2014 and 2016 in São Paulo, Brazil. The investigation approached both institutional and membership levels. In the institutional dimension, I analyzed what speeches were delivered, in the high clergy and in a common temple, and how the institution were organized in electoral terms to manifest this speech. In the membership dimension, I analyzed how they react to the institution acts and speeches, and also the shaping of the points of view and how they affected them in the electoral level, considering the influence of the church and also socioeconomics issues. The observation conducted covered both legislative and executive levels. This investigation found different types and intensities of engagement from the institution in the legislative and executive levels, and also the growth of the anti-PT speech. In the membership dimension, I found a strong support of the candidates promoted by the church in the proportional level, but also subjective differences between them. In 2016 election, we observe the emergence of a group of members that disagreed of the church`s promoted candidate. We also found the growth of the anti-PT along the period, what resulted in the near disappearance of the lulista group in 2016. Analyzing the behavior and the points of view of the members, the found important differences in the ways they think and chooses politics in legislatives and executives elections. We explained these differences by this way of thinking in each one of these levels, where the legislative is seen as an arena dispute of values, and the executive as the level of material disputes.
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Wood, Jason A. "More Than a Feeling: Measuring the Impact of Affect and Socio-Cultural Differences on Vote Choice." University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1307321687.
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Linssen, Sara L. "Cat Videos or Campaign Websites: Does Internet Access Make You More Likely to Vote?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2016. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1427.
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Recent election campaigns generated extensive attention for their creative use of Internet, from President Obama’s 2008 Facebook tactic of allowing Facebook friends to share their support with each other to tools that allow supporters to mobilize and influence offline. This thesis asks whether Internet access alone can influence an individual to vote, within the context of American Presidential elections. First, I replicate similar literature by conducting a series of Linear Probability Models that indicate that Internet does have a significant impact on an individual’s decision to vote. However, one major issue that previous studies fail to address is the likelihood of endogeneity between self-reported Internet access and voting behavior. To address this, I introduce a measure of Internet Service Providers available in a given Congressional District as an instrumental variable. Once instrumented, it appears that Internet is largely insignificant. However, there is a key exception in 2008, where Internet access is significant. I argue that this is due to the developments in social media technology that revolutionized the ways in which candidates engaged with voters and voters engaged with one another.
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Huang, Catalina Huamei. "Disillusionment and Disaggregation: Why Did Asian Americans Vote for Trump?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1514.
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In one of the most controversial and interesting election cycles in American history, Republican nominee, Donald Trump prevailed over his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton. To many, his victory was shocking, if not completely unexpected, yet the circumstances that catalyzed such a defeat lie in the characteristics of his supporters, made up of several classes, races, and identities. Among them are the multifaceted Asian American population – diverse ethnically and politically. This thesis aims to unravel the reasons for which many Asian Americans gave their vote to Trump on November 8, 2016 through distinctions between their ethnic groups and demographics. It also suggests that Asian Americans who supported Trump believe that they are different from other minorities – the “model minority,” and highlights the importance of nonprofit research that has disaggregated the Asian subgroups. With these observations and analysis in mind, the American public and politic can no longer reduce the voting behavior of Asian Americans to a monolithic entity.
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Wachtel, Joseph Michael. "Vote choice and roll-call accuracy how knowledge of senate behavior affects support for the incumbent /." Tallahassee, Florida : Florida State University, 2009. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-08142009-033743/.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2009.Advisor: Jason Barabas, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences & Public Policy, Dept. of Political Science. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed on April 7, 2010). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 28 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Andronic, Liviu. "Shareholder Engagement and Corporate Behavior : The Case of Environmental and Social Issues." Thesis, Toulouse 1, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016TOU10023/document.
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Cette thèse doctorale traite des investissements socialement responsables sous plusieurs aspects. Nous cherchons tout d'abord à déterminer comment les entreprises répondent à l'engagement des actionnaires sur des problématiques environnementales et sociales. Notre analyse s'est effectuée sur un ensemble de données recensant les propositions des actionnaires lors des assemblées générales des entreprises du S&P 1500. À travers cette analyse nous tentons de mesurer l'impact du vote ou du retrait d'une proposition sur la performance extra-financière de l'entreprise. Après avoir contrôlé d'éventuels problèmes d'endogénéité, nous constatons une association positive entre la soumission de propositions à la fois environnementales et sociales au cours d'une même année et l'amélioration de la performance extra-financière de l'entreprise, à court et à long terme. Les résultats indiquent qu'un engagement actionnarial fort sur des problématiques diverses peut conduire à des changements dans la performance extra-financière des entreprises. Nos travaux de recherche s'attachent également à étudier les dynamiques de vote sous-jacentes aux propositions des actionnaires. Nous essayons de déterminer comment les propositions sur des thématiques similaires, votées (ou retirées) par le passé ou dans la même année, peuvent affecter le résultat du vote pour une proposition d'aujourd'hui. Les résultats obtenus montrent que lorsqu'une thématique a déjà fait l'objet d'une proposition actionnariale par le passé, une nouvelle proposition dans le cadre de cette même thématique recueillerait moins de soutien de la part des actionnaires aujourd'hui. Par ailleurs, un niveau de soutien faible de la part des actionnaires pour une proposition dans le passé signifierait un soutien actionnarial plus réduit pour une proposition dans une thématique similaire aujourd'hui. Nous cherchons aussi à voir dans quelle mesure les informations ESG sont intégrées dans les flux d'informations financières, et notamment à déterminer si les analystes financiers prennent bien en compte l'information extra-financière dans leurs projections financières. Nous constatons que les analystes financiers s'attendent à ce qu'une amélioration dans les avantages sociaux de l'entreprise se traduise par une baisse des bénéfices par action (EPS) à court terme, alors que cet effet n'apparaît pas lorsqu'on se base sur l'EPS réalisé, ce qui laisserait penser que les analystes financiers se trompent dans leurs estimations. Cependant, une diminution des défaillances sur le plan social (i.e. une amélioration de la politique sociale de l'entreprise) se traduit à la fois par une amélioration de l'EPS estimé mais également une hausse de l'EPS réalisé. Par conséquent, les analystes financiers semblent anticiper correctement les impacts positifs générés par l'amélioration dans les défaillances sur le plan social, qui est alors perçue comme un signal positif pour la performance financière de l'entrepriseIn this thesis we examine several aspects surrounding socially responsible investing. First we look into firms' response to shareholder engagement on environmental and social topics. Using data on shareholder-sponsored proposals in S&P 1500 firms, we investigate whether following a voted or withdrawn proposal there are changes in the extra-financial performance of firms. After controlling for endogeneity concerns, we find that being targeted on both environmental and social topics in the same year is associated with improvements in extra-financial performance, both in the short term and in the long term. The results suggest that shareholder engagement on a broad set of issues, as well as stronger shareholder pressure, is more conducive to changes in the extra-financial performance of firms. Further we study the dynamics of voting on shareholder proposals, specifically how past or concurrent votes (or withdrawals) on similar issues may affect a vote on a proposal in the present. We find that when a shareholder-sponsored proposal on a similar issue has already been discussed in the past, such a proposal would gather less shareholder support in the present. Moreover, a low level of past voting support for proposals on similar topics would induce a reduced voting support in the present. In addition we also attempt to quantify whether ESG information is being incorporated into the financial flows of information. More specifically, we seek to determine whether financial analysts incorporate extra-financial information into the financial forecasts. We find that overall financial analysts expect improvements in social strengths to translate into lower earnings per share (EPS) in the short term, whereas this effect isn't detected when using realized EPS, suggesting that the analysts may be wrong in their estimations. A decrease in social concerns (i.e. an improvement) is however reflected in both improved EPS forecasts and an improved realized EPS, suggesting that financial analysts are correct in perceiving positive shifts in (the largely exogenous) social concerns as a positive signal for the firms' financial performance
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Tavoni, Fabrizio Martins. "Determinante do voto partidário : uma análise do voto em eleições para o Executivo no Estado de São Paulo 1998- 2006." Universidade Federal de São Carlos, 2009. https://repositorio.ufscar.br/handle/ufscar/972.
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Previous issue date: 2009-04-28The objective of this work is to analyze the partisan vote in elections for the Executive in the State of São Paulo, as much with the vote for Governor how much for President. The clipping that was made for this work is the period that understands the elections of 1998, 2002 and 2006, being that the analyzed parties are: PSDB (Brazilian Social democracy Party) and PT (Labor Party). The studied data had been collected in TSE (Electoral Superior Court) e, from them, made crossings between candidate the President for a party and candidate the Governor for the other party and vice versa, in order to observe the coherence of the vote in the parties in distinct disputes. From this maps of the vote in the State was made, having shown where each party gets better resulted and also to verify if in such a way in the dispute for the government of the State how much for the Presidency it has coherence in the partisan vote.
O objetivo deste trabalho é analisar o voto partidário em eleições para o Executivo no Estado de São Paulo, tanto com o voto para Governador quanto para Presidente. O recorte que foi feito para este trabalho é o período que compreende as eleições de 1998, 2002 e 2006, sendo que os partidos analisados são: PSDB (Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira) e PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores). Os dados estudados foram coletados no TSE (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral) e, a partir deles, feitos cruzamentos entre candidato a Presidente por um partido e candidato a Governador pelo outro partido e viceversa, de modo a observar a coerência do voto nos partidos em disputas distintas. A partir disso foi feito um geoprocessamento do voto no Estado, mostrando onde cada partido obtém melhor resultado e também verificar se tanto na disputa para o governo do Estado quanto para a Presidência há coerência no voto partidário.
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Makaya, mandembe engouang Yves. "La dynamique de la participation électorale : effets conjoncturels et dispositifs de mobilisation aux élections présidentielles françaises (2007), américaines (2008) et aux élections fédérales canadiennes (2008)." Thesis, Université Grenoble Alpes (ComUE), 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015GREAH029/document.
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Que traduit la hausse de la participation aux élections présidentielles françaises de 2007 et américaines 2008 ? À partir d’enquêtes électorales française, américaine et canadienne, notre étude met en lumière les changements d’attitudes politiques des citoyens survenus ces dernières années et la pratique croissante d’une participation intermittente et sélective. Ces changements qui résultent de logiques d’individualisation ont permis aux individus de s’extirper de contraintes d’appartenance sociale et de s’affranchir d’allégeances partisanes. Leur jugement se fonde désormais sur une évaluation des critères de l’offre électorale. L’individualisation des valeurs en politique se traduit notamment par une évolution du sens du vote et une hiérarchisation des scrutins. Les électeurs ne se délaissent pas les élections, ils choisissent simplement de participer autrement. Plus instruits, plus autonomes et plus critiques, ces citoyens prescrivent des changements profonds de l’offre. Afin de rallier le plus grand nombre de suffrages, les candidats se voient contraints d’adapter leurs dispositifs stratégiques aux évolutions des comportements politiques des citoyens : structuration des partis, modernisation des campagnes électorales, militantisme à « la carte », nouvelles formes d’engagement politique, usage de l’Internet. Tout est fait pour que le citoyen individualisé trouve dans ces manières de faire la politique les bonnes raisons de voterWhat does the increase of the voter turnout in the 2007 French and the 2008 American presidential election mean? With the French, American and Canadian surveys, we highlight the changes in the political attitude of the citizens occurred in recent years. The voters are now practicing an intermittent and selective voting. This changing political behavior reflects a growing individualization values in politics. They are making their mind up from an assessment of the electoral issues positions, an evolution of the meaning of the vote and, a priorization of elections. Voters are not leaving the polling stations, they are only choosing to participate in different way. More educated, autonomous and critical, the citizens require deep changes in the political evaluations. So, by winning number of votes, candidates have to adapt their strategical plan of actions by including the individualized behavior of the citizens : structuring the political party, modernizing the electoral campaigns, promoting a membership “à la carte”, developing new forms of political engagement, and using the Internet. Everything is done to increase the individualized citizens vote
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Riley, Justin A. "Rethinking Candidate Character Trait Evaluations: Polynomial Curvature Modeling and Variation Over Time." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619032105711706.
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Rodriguez, Mauricio Javier. "The Social Bases of the Vote for the Left in Ecuador 2002-2006: The Effects of Socioeconomic, Demographic and Regional Attributes of Places." The Ohio State University, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1374143374.
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Silva, Alessandro Melo da. "A politica de incentivos fiscais e o calculo do voto um estudo sobre o caso de Goiás." Universidade Federal de Goiás, 2014. http://repositorio.bc.ufg.br/tede/handle/tede/8356.
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This study aims to investigate the relationship between public policy and electoral behavior. Specifically, the policy of tax incentives, which was implemented aggressively in the last twenty years. Our object is the case of the State of Goiás and from the volume of funds invested in the policy in question, we will assess the election results in the 246 municipalities in the State in four electoral cycles. To this end, we use quantitative methods to identify the correlation between the variables related to the policy of fiscal incentives and the election results. Three statistical models were built with the objective of clarifying how this governmental action can influence in electoral behavior. Finally, we present estimates of this impact. The results clearly indicate that the tax incentive policy and the election results in Goiás have high statistical relevance. ln the case studied, the electoral cycles in 2006, 2008 and 201 O, the policy benefits may have been a variable fairly representative. However, further studies should be developed, because the electoral behavior is a complex theme, where numerous variables and various theories are relevant and cannot be ignored.
Esta dissertação tem o objetivo de abordar e investigar a relação entre políticas públicas e comportamento eleitoral. Especificamente, a política de incentivos fiscais que foi implementada de forma agressiva nos últimos vinte anos. Estudaremos o caso do Estado de Goiás e a partir do volume de recursos aplicados na política em questão, iremos avaliar os resultados eleitorais nos 246 municípios do Estado em quatro ciclos eleitorais, 2004, 2006, 2008 e 2010. Para tanto, utilizaremos métodos quantitativos para identificar a correlacão entre as variáveis relacionadas com a política de incentivos fiscais e os resultados eleitorais. Três modelos estatísticos foram construídos com o objetivo de clarear como essa ação governamental pode influenciar no comportamento eleitoral. Por fim, apresentaremos estimativas desse impacto. Os resultados alcançados indicam claramente que a política de incentivo fiscais e os resultados eleitorais em Goiás possuem elevada relevância estatística. Nos ciclos eleitorais analisados a política de benefícios foi uma variável bastante representativa. Contudo, mais estudos devem ser desenvolvidos, pois o comportamento eleitoral é um tema complexo, onde inúmeras variáveis e diversas teorias são relevantes e não podem ser ignoradas.
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Jardin, Antoine. "Voter dans les quartiers populaires : dynamiques électorales comparées des agglomérations de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0041/document.
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Cette thèse porte sur l’évolution de la participation électorale des habitants des quartiers populaires depuis 1999. En France, après les émeutes de 2005, ces quartiers ont été marqués par une forte hausse de l’inscription et de la participation lors de l’élection présidentielle de 2007. Pourtant ils cumulent les caractéristiques susceptibles d’éloigner leurs habitants du vote. C’est ce paradoxe que la thèse cherche à expliquer. Pour y parvenir, elle croise plusieurs champs théoriques (sociologie urbaine, sociologie/géographie électorale, action publique) dans une perspective comparative, analysant ces évolutions électorales dans les périphéries marginalisées de Paris, Madrid et Birmingham. L’hypothèse centrale est celle d’une inclusion politique croissante des habitants des quartiers populaires français. La méthodologie est mixte, croisant analyse de données agrégées resituant le contexte, données de sondage, entretiens avec des habitants des quartiers marginalisés, observations de bureaux de vote en région parisienne et analyse des politiques d’incitation au vote. Les résultats montrent qu’il n’y a pas de fatalité à la non-participation des périphéries urbaines marginalisées. Enfin dans les trois pays les dispositifs d’incitation au vote influencent de façon très inégale l’évolution des comportements politiques. Les politiques publiques généralistes inspirées par la tradition républicaine se révèlent être plus mobilisatrices que les actions ciblées menées au Royaume Uni à destination de groupes sociaux ou de quartiers particuliersThis research studies the evolution of voting turnout in in Paris, Madrid and Birmingham’s deprived neighborhoods since 1999. In France, after the 2005 riots, both registration and turnout increased sharply during the 2007 presidential election in those places. Yet their inhabitants face numerous social and physical barriers, reducing the likelihood that they would vote. We try to explain this paradox using combined theoretical frameworks from urban sociology, electoral sociology, electoral geography and public policies in a comparative research design. The core hypothesis is that those social groups are increasingly involved in politics and in voting. This study uses several methodological tools involving aggregate data analysis, survey data analysis, polling station observation and field interviews. The results show that public policies designed to influence turnout are sharply divided. Universalistic approaches appear more likely to get voters to participate
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D'Oliveira, Manuela. "The determinants of vote choice in Portugal." Thesis, Open University, 1989. http://oro.open.ac.uk/57273/.
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The Reasoned Action model was applied in Portugal to study the factors which determine vote choice among Portuguese voters. Covering three elections (the 1980 Presidential election, the 1982 Local elections and the 1983 General election) the study was started six years after the Revolution of 25 April 1974 which restored Democracy after 48 years of the Salazar-Caetano Dictatorship. The Reasoned Action model, successfully tested in one American Presidential election and in one British General election, assumes that voting intentions are directly related to a) attitudes towards voting for each candidate or party based on knowledge voters possess about important issues and about the candidates or parties stands on them, and b) social influence factors based on voters' beliefs on the opinions of trusted referents as to whom they should be voting for. The results obtained in the three Portuguese electoral studies give strong support to the thesis that in spite of their undemocratic background Portuguese voters like their American and British counterparts make reasoned choices based on their knowledge of important issues and of the differences between the candidates' or parties' stands on such issues. As in the American and British studies the weight of the attitudinal component of the Reasoned Action model was found to be a much more significant determinant of voting intentions than its social influence component.
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White, Ariel Rebecca. "Voter Behavior in the Wake of Punitive Policies." Thesis, Harvard University, 2016. http://nrs.harvard.edu/urn-3:HUL.InstRepos:33493481.
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Millions of people in the US have direct experience with the machinery of immigration enforcement or criminal courts, and millions more have seen family members, friends, or neighbors face these experiences. What do these experiences mean for political behavior in the United States? Do these proximate observers decide that government is a dangerous and capricious force to be avoided, and withdraw from political participation entirely? Or is there sometimes a mobilization response, where some people organize to push back against what they see as unjust government actions?
This is an important policy feedback story. Large-scale punitive policies could either "lock themselves in" via community disengagement, or hasten their own demise by fueling political responses. The three papers of this dissertation examine policies at varying distances (people living in an area where the policy is introduced, those directly affected, and those living with people directly affected), and with different timeframes and geographic coverage. The results of these papers, and the approach of using administrative datasets and finding causal leverage from "natural experiments," point us toward a new understanding of policy feedbacks.
In the first paper, I find that Latino voters living in counties where a new deportation program was introduced before the 2010 election became more likely to vote. This effect seems driven not by personal experience seeing deportation activities, but by activists mobilizing voters in affected counties.
In the second paper, I use random courtroom assignment to measure the causal effect of short jail sentences (from misdemeanor cases) on voting. I find that even short jail sentences can deter people from voting in the next election, with particularly large effects among black voters.
In the third paper, I find that the household members of incarcerated people also become several percentage points less likely to vote. This finding is particularly striking given the narrow scope of the effect measured: this is only the additional effect of seeing a household member jailed for a short period, among a set of people that have already seen their household member arrested and charged with a crime.Government
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Tunali, Çiğdem Börke. "Essays on political economy." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAB013/document.
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L'économie politique est l'une des sous-disciplines de la littérature économique. Les économistes politiques étudient les effets des facteurs politiques sur les résultats économiques. Les institutions et l'influence de différentes structures institutionnelles sur les marchés sont parmi les principaux domaines de recherche de l'économie politique. Dans la littérature existante, le nombre d'analyses empiriques portant sur les déterminants des institutions est faible par rapport aux études qui se concentrent sur les effets des institutions sur les performances économiques. De plus, les analyses qui examinent l’impact de la culture, en particulier de la religion, sur les institutions sont rares. Sans aucun doute, la religion peut avoir des effets dramatiques sur les variables sociales et économiques. L’objectif de ce travail est donc d’examiner les effets de la religion et de la religiosité sur la corruption, le bonheur des individus et le comportement électoral. Nous contribuons à la littérature existante en fournissant de nouvelles preuves et en nous concentrant sur les pays non analysés dans les études précédentes. [...]Political economy is one of the sub-diciplines of economics literature. Political economists investigate the effects of political factors on economic outcomes. Institutions and the influence of different institutional structures on markets are among the main research areas of political economy. In the existing literature, the number of empirical analyses which investigate the determinants of institutions is low in comparison to the studies that focus on the effects of institutions on economic performance. Moreover, the analyses which examine the impact of culture, specifically religion, on institutions are scarce. Without doubt, religion can have dramatic effects on social and economic variables. Hence, the aim of this work is to investigate the effects of religion and religiosity on corruption, individuals’ happiness and voting behaviour. We contribute to the existing literature by providing new evidence and by focusing on the countries which are not analysed in the previous studies. [...]
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Middents, Janelle. "UNDERSTANDING THE SPLIT-TICKET VOTER." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3958.
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This thesis will focus on split ticket voting. Split ticket voting refers to an aspect of voting behavior where the individual will cast votes for different political parties for different offices. Through the development of countless theories and utilizing data, political scientists have managed to shed some light as to why an individual may engage in split-ticket voting. However, many of these studies have been too narrow in their focus, for instance, relying on a specific election without taking into account some major variables that provide the foundation for voting behavior. The purpose of this study is to provide scholars with an idea of what characteristics exist most commonly among split-ticket voters compared with straight-ticket voters. What variables work together to cause an individual to engage in split ticket voting? Specifically, this thesis will examine the contribution of variables in explaining ticket splitting. Despite studies of the causes of split-ticket voting, the field is still unclear as to what causes an individual to engage in split-ticket voting. What individual variables cause an individual to engage in ticket splitting?M.S.
Department of Political Science
Sciences
Political Science MA
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Green, Edmund Martin. "Social structure and political allegiance in Westminster, 1774-1820." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.312389.
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Hayes, Loren D. "Functional and mechanistic explanations for communal nesting by prairie vole (Microtus ochrogaster) females." Oxford, Ohio : Miami University, 2004. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=miami1102452365.
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Ferkin, Michael H. "Odor preference and social behavior in meadow voles, Microtus pennsylvanicus." Thesis, Boston University, 1989. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/38027.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Boston UniversityPLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis or dissertation. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you.
Seasonal differences in odor preference and social behavior existed among adult meadow voles. During the breeding season, a female preferred its own odor and the odor of males to the odor of another females. Males preferred the odor of females to the odor of other males. Paired encounters between breeding females were more agonistic than encounters between males or encounters between males and females. During the nonbreeding season, a female preferred the the odor of another female to the odor of males. Males did not display an odor preference for any conspecifics. Paired encounters between males were more agonistic than encounters between males and females or encounters between females. Encounters between nonbreeding females contained few agonistic acts. Seasonal differences also existed in the interactions between adults and juveniles. During the early breeding season, adult males were more agonistic than adult females toward juvenile males. During the late breeding season, adult females were more agonistic than adult males toward juvenile males. Encounters between an adult female and a juvenile female in the late breeding season contained few agonistic acts, indicating that overwintering groups are female-biased, and contain juvenile females. Juveniles did not display a shift in odor preferences. They preferred the odor of opposite-sex adults to the odor of same-sex adults, regardless of season. Familiarity, through association during rearing, reduced agonistic behavior between parents and young, and between siblings. Paired encounters between close-kin that were not familiar were agonistic, and similar to encounters between unfamiliar, and unrelated conspecifics. Conspecifics were more agonistic toward closely related males than females. Voles also preferred the odor of a familiar nestmate, independently of genetic relatedness. Familiarity decreased the number of agonistic behaviors between adult females, but increased the number of agonistic behaviors between adult males. Familiarity had no effect on the number of agonistic behaviors between a male and a female.
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Bouton, Laurent. "Essays in game theory applied to political and market institutions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210325.
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My thesis contains essays on voting theory, market structures and fiscal federalism: (i) One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation, (ii) Runoff Elections and the Condorcet Loser, (iii) On the Influence of Rankings when Product Quality Depends on Buyer Characteristics, and (iv) Redistributing Income under Fiscal Vertical Imbalance.(i) One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation (joint with Micael Castanheira)
In elections, majority divisions pave the way to focal manipulations and coordination failures, which can lead to the victory of the wrong candidate. This paper shows how this flaw can be addressed if voter preferences over candidates are sensitive to information. We consider two potential sources of divisions: majority voters may have similar preferences but opposite information about the candidates, or opposite preferences. We show that when information is the source of majority divisions, Approval Voting features a unique equilibrium with full information and coordination equivalence. That is, it produces the same outcome as if both information and coordination problems could be resolved. Other electoral systems, such as Plurality and Two-Round elections, do not satisfy this equivalence. The second source of division is opposite preferences. Whenever the fraction of voters with such preferences is not too large, Approval Voting still satisfies full information and coordination equivalence.
(ii) Runoff Elections and the Condorcet Loser
A crucial component of Runoff electoral systems is the threshold fraction of votes above which a candidate wins outright in the first round. I analyze the influence of this threshold on the voting equilibria in three-candidate Runoff elections. I demonstrate the existence of an Ortega Effect which may unduly favor dominated candidates and thus lead to the election of the Condorcet Loser in equilibrium. The reason is that, contrarily to commonly held beliefs, lowering the threshold for first-round victory may actually induce voters to express their preferences excessively. I also extend Duverger's Law to Runoff elections with any threshold below, equal or above 50%. Therefore, Runoff elections are plagued with inferior equilibria that induce either too high or too low expression of preferences.
(iii) On the Influence of Rankings when Product Quality Depends on Buyer Characteristics
Information on product quality is crucial for buyers to make sound choices. For "experience products", this information is not available at the time of the purchase: it is only acquired through consumption. For much experience products, there exist institutions that provide buyers with information about quality. It is commonly believed that such institutions help consumers to make better choices and are thus welfare improving.
The quality of various experience products depends on the characteristics of buyers. For instance, conversely to the quality of cars, business school quality depends on buyers (i.e. students) characteristics. Indeed, one of the main inputs of a business school is enrolled students. The choice of buyers for such products has then some features of a coordination problem: ceteris paribus, a buyer prefers to buy a product consumed by buyers with "good" characteristics. This coordination dimension leads to inefficiencies when buyers coordinate on products of lower "intrinsic" quality. When the quality of products depends on buyer characteristics, information about product quality can reinforce such a coordination problem. Indeed, even though information of high quality need not mean high intrinsic quality, rational buyers pay attention to this information because they prefer high quality products, no matter the reason of the high quality. Information about product quality may then induce buyers to coordinate on products of low intrinsic quality.
In this paper, I show that, for experience products which quality depends on the characteristics of buyers, more information is not necessarily better. More precisely, I prove that more information about product quality may lead to a Pareto deterioration, i.e. all buyers may be worse off due.
(iv) Redistributing Income under Fiscal Vertical Imbalance (joint with Marjorie Gassner and Vincenzo Verardi)
From the literature on decentralization, it appears that the fiscal vertical imbalance (i.e. the dependence of subnational governments on national government revenues to support their expenditures) is somehow inherent to multi-level governments. Using a stylized model we show that this leads to a reduction of the extent of redistributive fiscal policies if the maximal size of government has been reached. To test for this empirically, we use some high quality data from the LIS dataset on individual incomes. The results are highly significant and point in the direction of our theoretical predictions.
Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
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King, Simon. "Parties, issues and personalities : the structural determinants of Irish voting behaviour from 1885 to 2000." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.367533.
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Talbot, R. J. "Population cycles in the field vole, Microtus agrestis (L) : The evidence for phenotypic and genotypic change." Thesis, Bucks New University, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.380279.
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Grace, Ben. "The Facebook Formula: An experimental study into which electioneering strategies used over Facebook are most effective at influencing the Australian youth vote." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/19804.
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Facebook is rapidly changing Australia’s political media landscape. Young voters’ growing reliance on Facebook for the consumption of political news has corresponded with politicians’ increasingly prudent use of social media; suggesting that Facebook will play a defining role as an influential political arena to access future generations of voters. It is therefore important for electioneers and political scientists to understand which electioneering strategies used over Facebook are the most effective at influencing the Australian youth vote. This thesis takes a post-positivist approach to research to examine this causal relationship; using the experimental method to isolate and test the effects of extant online electioneering strategies on the voting habits of young Australians. It employs web-based crowdsourcing services to recruit participants into the experiments, and in doing so encounters sample size problems which prevent it from drawing conclusions against hypotheses. While the thesis is unable to evaluate the causal relationship between online electioneering strategies and youth voting habits, by learning from the sampling issues encountered in the study it makes an important contribution towards our understanding of experiments in Australian political science. Additionally, considering problems in the study were caused by sampling issues rather than the methodological design, the thesis is able to offer a robust methodology for future post-positivist research into this area.
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Barbet, Porta Berta. "Issues, party strategies and voter behaviour : a dynamic approach." Thesis, University of Leicester, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2381/37703.
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Parties compete around political conflicts and identities that structure the way electoral alliances are formed. Changes in the issues of party competition are, then, relevant for understanding electoral dynamics. Nonetheless, the study of changes in issues over which parties compete has largely been limited to large and drastic realignments, with little systematic research aimed at understanding the process in a more comprehensive way. This thesis studies changes in the issues of electoral competition in a comparative and dynamic way. It does so by using a research design that is comparative in three ways. First, comparisons are made over time to see how the situation evolves with changes and to separate it from structural elements. Second, comparisons are made between countries, to isolate the effect of the different contextual elements, and third between issues, to see if different issues have different characteristics and dynamics. Using data from the Comparative Manifesto Project to measure the issues of the party offer, it shows that the issues discussed by parties change constantly in modern established democracies. It also shows that parties that were far away from the median voter in the previous election change the issues of their offer more radically, proving that strategic considerations play a role in these changes. However, the empirical evidence gathered using data from several opinion polls and electoral studies shows that these changes do not always translate into changes in the issues that predict the vote. Although parties explain part of the variation in the drivers of the vote, that effect is far from perfect and not common to all the issues and circumstances. This lack of automatic link between the two agendas is found both when studying it in a comparative way, and when focusing on several case studies. Consequently, further research should focus on investigating these dynamics to provide better understanding of how the two agendas interact.
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Keir, Warren Neill. "Voter behaviour and constitutional change in Australia since 1967." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 2009. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/31139/1/Warren_Keir_Thesis.pdf.
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Australian Constitutional referendums have been part of the Australian political system since federation. Up to the year 1999 (the time of the last referendum in Australia), constitutional change in Australia does not have a good history of acceptance. Since 1901, there have been 44 proposed constitutional changes with eight gaining the required acceptance according to section 128 of the Australian Constitution. In the modern era since 1967, there have been 20 proposals over seven referendum votes for a total of four changes. Over this same period, there have been 13 federal general elections which have realised change in government just five times. This research examines the electoral behaviour of Australian voters from 1967 to 1999 for each referendum. Party identification has long been a key indicator in general election voting. This research considers whether the dominant theory of voter behaviour in general elections (the Michigan Model) provides a plausible explanation for voting in Australian referendums. In order to explain electoral behaviour in each referendum, this research has utilised available data from the Australian Electoral Commission, the 1996 Australian Bureau of Statistics Census data, and the 1999 Australian Constitutional Referendum Study. This data has provided the necessary variables required to measure the impact of the Michigan Model of voter behaviour. Measurements have been conducted using bivariate and multivariate analyses. Each referendum provides an overview of the events at the time of the referendum as well as the =yes‘ and =no‘ cases at the time each referendum was initiated. Results from this research provide support for the Michigan Model of voter behaviour in Australian referendum voting. This research concludes that party identification, as a key variable of the Michigan Model, shows that voters continue to take their cues for voting from the political party they identify with in Australian referendums. However, the outcome of Australian referendums clearly shows that partisanship is only one of a number of contributory factors in constitutional referendums.
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Macdonald, Robert. "Voter behaviour in Tanzania : a qualitative study of the 2015 elections." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/31420.
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In October 2015, John Magufuli became President of Tanzania and his party (Chama cha Mapinduzi, CCM) won a large majority in parliament. This thesis explains why Tanzanians choose to vote the way they do in general and in these elections in particular. It draws on qualitative interviews with approximately one-thousand voters in four field sites: one urban and one rural area in Dodoma Region where CCM are dominant, and a second pair of urban and rural areas from Mwanza Region in which the opposition are more competitive. By using theories of social remembering to understand vote preference, this thesis investigates a number of key issues that are crucial to determining political outcomes in Tanzania: 1) CCM's track record in government; 2) The sources of information available to voters; 3) The role of money in politics; 4) CCM's attempts to discredit the opposition; 5) The progress of the opposition since political liberalisation, and; 6) Local factors, including the behaviour of candidates. Having addressed these dynamics, attention is turned to how they played out during the 2015 election. The thesis concludes that, although Magufuli had significant appeal to many voters, his victory was aided by undemocratic manipulation. This shows that the process of political transition was far from complete, even before post-election developments that have threatened basic democratic principles in Tanzania.
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Reimink, Elwin. "Electoral reform: why care? Opinion formation and vote choice in six referendums on electoral reform." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209040.
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This PhD thesis explores the question how citizens react when they are confronted with complex institutional questions related to politics. Specifically, we look at how citizens vote when they are asked for their opinion in a referendum on amending the electoral system of their country. Traditionally, electoral systems have been considered the political playing ground of political elites. It is hence interesting to see what happens when the ‘power of decision’ shifts to citizens, who are supposed to have little interest in, or knowledge about, electoral systems. We observe that citizens partially mimic political elites in their behaviour, by following partisan considerations: citizens judge electoral reforms on the consequences for their favoured parties. Moreover, citizens tend to incorporate values when judging electoral reforms: a particular effect is caused by the left-right-distinction, with left-wing voters being more attracted towards more proportional systems. Finally, we observe that how citizens react to electoral systems is affected by their baseline knowledge on politics. More knowledgeable citizens tend to judge more on substantial grounds, while less knowledgeable citizens rather tend to judge on miscellaneous grounds. We conclude by arguing that citizens can and do form substantial opinions on complex subjects like institutional reforms, but that some baseline knowledge is nonetheless required in order to substantially participate in the democratic decision-making process.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Flacco, Fernanda. "Leader Effects, the Stability of Parties and Party Systems, and the Vote." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/267343.
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According to a conventional wisdom, politics is nowadays more personalized than before. The proposition of the personalization of politics is relevant for three specific areas: institutions, media and voting behavior. This dissertation deals with the latter, since it focuses on the influence of party leaders on vote choice. So far the empirical scholarship tested whether “leader effects” have increased overtime (longitudinal studies) or investigated which conditions can enhance or discourage the electoral influence of party leaders (conditionality literature). We argue that both approaches have their limits, the former being based on the customary assumption of linearity, the latter investigating the role of (micro, meso and macro) “characteristics” rather than overarching and dynamic condition(s). This dissertation puts the cursor on a specific overarching condition: the (in)stability of parties and party systems (supply-side complexity). Actually, we argue that the magnitude of leader effects on the vote is conditional to the quality of the electoral environment. We therefore attribute to the “leader variable” a heuristic value: the leader appeal is conceived as an electoral shortcut more likely to be activated in complex electoral environment than in clear and stable contexts. There are two ways of testing the link between (variations in) and supply-side complexity and (variations in) leader effect on the vote. The first requires the adoption of a synchronic perspective, which implies a cross-national and cross-partisan empirical posture. This perspective considers space (i.e. “horizontal”) variations of stability, by assuming that certain parties and party systems are stable, while others are less or not stable. Are leader effects on the vote greater in the latter than in the former? The second one focuses on time (i.e. “longitudinal”) variations of stability. Indeed, electoral contexts vary across time – and not only across spaces - thus modifying the perceptions that voters may have of their electoral environment. When parties and party systems get convulsed, voters lose their frame of references. As such, they become cue-takers and rely more easily on leader appeals. On the contrary, when the political environment becomes clarified, voters will be less encouraged to rely on leader heuristic.This dissertation gives voice to both dimensions (space variation vs time variation). In a first place, we dig into the synchronic perspective. The relationship between supply-side complexity and leader effect on the vote is tested on a sample composed by 20 countries and 125 parties, included within the Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems. In a second place, we chart the magnitude of the leader variable according to longitudinal variations of supply-side complexity. Actually, our analytical effort will henceforth be centered on two distinguished case studies: Poland (1997-2011) and Italy (1996-2013), which have both experienced important variations in the stability of their electoral environment.We demonstrated that de facto differences (i.e. cross national and cross-partisan variations) in terms of stability do not automatically determine the magnitude of leader effects. On the contrary, we detect a link between the leader variable and longitudinal variations of the electoral environment. However, the quality of this link proves to be different in Poland and Italy. In the young democracy of Poland, leader effects and stability seem to be convergent rather than antagonist forces, while the Italian case properly fits our expectations: the convolution of the electoral environment makes voters more sensitive to the leader heuristic.Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
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Schilling, Emily Ursula. "Reassessing legislative relationships: capturing interdependence in legislative position taking and votes." Diss., University of Iowa, 2015. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/1899.
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Since Woodrow Wilson's (1885) analysis of Congress, researchers assumed that members of Congress look to one another for information, cues, and advice on unfamiliar policy areas. The amount of time and effort that each legislator and their staffers would have to put in to make all of these voting decisions would be insurmountable. Fellow legislators are a resource to turn to for guidance or assistance. Legislators are able to influence their colleagues above and beyond each of their individual preferences. The members of Congress that are most influential will not necessarily be the same for every bill. The significant legislators may be one's co-partisans and the party leadership or they may be a group of legislators with whom they share a common interest. Spatial analysis allows researchers to look more explicitly at the relationships between legislators and their colleagues.
I use spatial probit and a spatial duration model to study these issues by examining the factors that influence voting decisions and the timing of position announcements. I look at a variety of different policy areas, including foreign policy, education, and agriculture, over an extensive time period (1933-2014) to test which relationships are most influential on their decisions. I study the interdependence between three different relationships, same party, state delegation, and ideological similarity, and hypothesize that these ties will lead legislators to behave more similarly. The use of the spatial analysis provides an opportunity to test these relationships and see if even after controlling for other influences there is dependence between legislators. In my research, I find that legislators are interdependent regardless of their individual characteristics. When I analyze voting behavior, legislators' behave similarly from one another across all three relationships above and beyond what we would expect given their personal preferences. These positive findings do not hold when I study the timing of position announcements where legislators behave dissimilarly from one another when interdependence exists. The study, overall, suggests that legislative ties are especially important in explaining voting behavior and that it is critical to account for these relationships.
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Riascos, Benavides José Luis. "Natural resources, institutions, and sustainable development : a regional analysis in Latin America." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Orléans, 2024. http://www.theses.fr/2024ORLE1090.
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Cette thèse contribue à la littérature sur la malédiction des ressources au niveau local, en se concentrant sur l'exploitation minière en Amérique latine dans le contexte du changement climatique. Elle explore comment l'exploitation minière influence le développement durable et examine les attitudes du public face à des priorités concurrentes. Le premier chapitre analyse l'impact de l'exploitation des métaux de transition énergétique (MTE) sur la qualité des institutions en Amérique latine. Un nouvel indice de qualité institutionnelle au niveau local est créé. Ce chapitre utilise une méthode de différence-en-différence synthétique. Le groupe de traitement comprend les régions où l'exploitation des métaux de transition énergétique (MTE) a commencé. Les résultats montrent que cette exploitation minière réduit la qualité des institutions locales, notamment en ce qui concerne l'efficacité perçue du gouvernement. Cette baisse pourrait compromettre le développement à long terme, car des institutions solides sont essentielles. Le deuxième chapitre étudie la contribution du secteur minier au développement durable dans les municipalités mexicaines. En utilisant une approche en différences-différences échelonnées, avec les municipalités minières comme groupe de traitement, les résultats montrent que l'exploitation minière n'a pas d'effet significatif sur les inégalités économiques ou l'éducation, a peu d'impact sur les revenus des ménages, mais cause une dégradation de l'environnement. Cela révèle des compromis négatifs possibles pour les communautés minières. Enfin, le troisième chapitre examine les attitudes des électeurs face aux investissements pour le développement durable en Colombie. L'analyse montre que, lorsqu'ils sont confrontés à d'autres préoccupations, les électeurs privilégient la sécurité et les infrastructures visibles plutôt que les investissements durables. Toutefois, dans les municipalités où la sécurité est moins préoccupante ou où le niveau d'éducation est plus élevé, les priorités des électeurs varient davantage, ce qui montre que le contexte influence fortement leurs préférencesThis thesis contributes to the literature on the resource curse at the subnational level, focusing on mining in Latin America within the context of climate change. It examines how mining influences sustainable development and explores public attitudes toward sustainable development in the face of competing priorities. The first chapter analyzes the impact of energy transition metal (ETM) mining on the quality of institutions in Latin America. A novel institutional quality index dataset at the subnational level is constructed. Using a synthetic difference-in-differences approach, with the treatment group consisting of regions where ETM mining begins, the findings indicate that mining reduces the quality of local institutions, particularly in terms of perceived government effectiveness. This decline in institutional quality may potentially compromise long-term development, given the key role of strong institutions. Chapter 2 investigates the contribution of the mining sector to sustainable development in Mexican municipalities. Employing a staggered difference-in-differences design, with municipalities where mining operations occur as the treatment group, the results suggest that mining does not significantly affect economic inequality or education and has a limited impact on household income but does lead to environmental degradation. These findings highlight potential negative trade-offs for mining communities. Lastly, Chapter 3 examines voter attitudes toward investments aimed at sustainable development in Colombia. The analysis reveals that when confronted with competing concerns, voters prioritize security and visible infrastructure over sustainability-focused investments. However, municipalities with lower security concerns or higher levels of education exhibit more diverse priorities, suggesting that context significantly influences voter preferences
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Arnold, Felix [Verfasser]. "Direct Democracy, Voter Turnout and Representative Behavior : Essays in Political Economics / Felix Arnold." Berlin : Freie Universität Berlin, 2016. http://d-nb.info/1081935464/34.
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Zushin, Peter-James H. "The selective effect of estrogen receptor alpha and beta on activity and social behavior in neonatal male praire voles." Akron, OH : University of Akron, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=akron1248102221.
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Thesis (M.S.)--University of Akron, Dept. of Biology, 2009."August, 2009." Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed 10/7/2009) Advisor, Bruce Cushing; Committee members, Qin Liu, Todd Blackledge; Department Chair, Monte Turner; Dean of the College, Chand Midha; Dean of the Graduate School, George R. Newkome. Includes bibliographical references.
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Nieto, Vazquez Octael. "A one-shot deal on the spot : how vote buying affects electoral behaviour : experimental evidence from Mexico." Thesis, University of Essex, 2018. http://repository.essex.ac.uk/22353/.
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For the 2012 Mexican Presidential Elections, about 50 million voters went to polls to elect more than two thousand posts. The runner-up attributed the defeat to a massive vote-buying mobilisation in favour of the front-runner. Reports from electoral observers supported that version. Did vote buying modify voters choices? Although the literature has approached vote buying from several angles, there remain disputes and gaps in our understanding of the mechanisms involved and their direct implications for electoral outcomes. In this dissertation, I assess both, asking i) how are Mexican voters confronted by vote-buying strategies, ii) what mechanisms for targeting and buying votes do parties deploy, and iii) how strong are the effects on voting choices. First, I propose an extended two-stage model of vote-buying mobilisation to frame the analysis and to resolve conflations and confusions in previous research. Second, I employ a mixed-methods research design, analysing thousands of phone calls reporting vote-buying to a national hotline service, a series of semi-structured interviews with brokers, and a list experiment embedded in a nationally representative survey in Mexico. Qualitative evidence from calls and interviews confirm the two-stage model: that activists begin to target voters long time before polling days by knocking on doors, proffering rewards as an exchange for votes and compiling lists of electors. Near and during polling days, activists conduct the second mobilisation strategy to monitor voters and ensure compliance by distributing benefits broadly across the country. Survey evidence shows that 15% of those electors switching voting choices near polling days were contacted by activists during the Election Day, which suggests that further research on vote buying should be more attentive to the timing of the exchange. This research contributes to the literature on vote buying in three ways. First, it extends theoretical approaches of models of vote-buying mobilisation. Second, it provides qualitative evidence from both citizens and brokers to understand mechanisms of targeting and buying votes. Third, it highlights some indirect questioning strategies -including but not confined to the list experiment- that are helpful for estimating vote-buying.
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Carlson, Rosalie J. "Voter Compatibility In Interval Societies." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/hmc_theses/50.
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In an interval society, voters are represented by intervals on the real line, corresponding to their approval sets on a linear political spectrum. I imagine the society to be a representative democracy, and ask how to choose members of the society as representatives. Following work in mathematical psychology by Coombs and others, I develop a measure of the compatibility (political similarity) of two voters. I use this measure to determine the popularity of each voter as a candidate. I then establish local “agreeability” conditions and attempt to find a lower bound for the popularity of the best candidate. Other results about certain special societies are also obtained
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Zito, Stephanie Danielle. "Developmental Expression of Estrogen Receptor Beta in the Brain of Microtus ochrogaster." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1238714127.
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McAfee, Jerry Lee. "Basic human values and their relationship to voter behavior on a school tax levy /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487261919113787.
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Schum, Richard M. "A study in direct democracy the citizen initiative & the determinants of voter behavior /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3409.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.Vita: p. 187. Thesis director: Edgar H. Sibley. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 16, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 176-186). Also issued in print.
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Koenig, Ashley S. "Estrogen Receptor Beta mRNA: Localization in the Prairie Vole (Microtus ochrogaster)." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1384794449.
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Simon, Jonathan M. "THE CONVERGENCE OF MEDIA, CANDIDATE, AND PUBLIC AGENDAS AS PREDICTORS OF VOTER CHOICE." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1304692471.
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Smidt, Corwin Donald. "The Spinning Message: How News Media Coverage and Voter Persuasion Shape Campaign Agendas." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1217332406.
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Seide, Laura [Verfasser]. "Voter Behavior and Government Performance : Theory and Empirical Application in Sub-Saharan Africa / Laura Seide." Kiel : Universitätsbibliothek Kiel, 2015. http://d-nb.info/1068503998/34.
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Beach, Elsworth Charles. "Oral Exposure of Bisphenol A During Development Affects Behavior in Adulthood in the Female Prairie Vole (Microtus ochrogaster)." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1386761986.
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Junior, Sergio Simoni. "Flutuação do voto e sistema partidário: o caso de São Paulo." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-24072012-160028/.
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O tema deste estudo é o papel dos partidos políticos brasileiros no momento eleitoral sob o prisma da volatilidade eleitoral. A questão da volatilidade é um dos principais tópicos de análise na área eleitoral e, em especial, sobre sistema partidário e sua evolução. Diz respeito à estabilidade/mudança, no tempo, da direção partidária do voto por parte do eleitor. No Brasil, o debate se trava em torno da institucionalização do sistema partidário e da relação deste com o eleitorado. Argumenta-se, de modo geral, que os partidos brasileiros manteriam relação fluída com os eleitores, o que configuraria um quadro de competição eleitoral instável e volúvel. Os paradigmas teóricos mobilizados pela abordagem tradicional são inspirados na sociologia política e eleitoral, e apontam, em geral, a falta de correspondência sólida entre partidos e clivagens sociais. Busco apresentar nesta dissertação uma versão alternativa. A fundamentação do argumento se dá, do ponto de vista teórico, por meio da reconstrução do caminho percorrido pela noção de volatilidade eleitoral, tal como ele se desenvolve na academia européia, conjugada com um diálogo com outro conjunto de literatura, encontrado marcadamente na academia americana, de inspiração institucionalista e na escola da escolha racional, interessado na competição eleitoral. Esse embasamento possibilitará uma visão teórica e analítica diversa da literatura nacional sobre o fenômeno da volatilidade no Brasil. Do ponto de vista empírico, proponho uma mudança de foco em relação aos estudos tradicionais: enquanto esses analisam os pleitos legislativos, defendo que estudos centrados nos cargos executivos possibilitam uma visão mais acurada sobre volatilidade e sistema partidário, pois essas são as disputas mais importantes para os partidos e para os eleitores. O objeto empírico deste estudo são os resultados eleitorais para o estado de São Paulo, nas eleições para cargos do Executivo, ou seja, presidente, governador, e prefeito da capital, nos anos de 1982 a 2008, com foco no período pós-94. A hipótese da pesquisa é que a volatilidade eleitoral, mensurada pelo índice de Pedersen, tradicional na literatura, é causada, em grande medida, por estratégias dos partidos políticos, ao decidirem pelo lançamento e retirada de candidaturas, não se devendo, necessariamente, a debilidades do sistema partidário ou ao comportamento e preferências instáveis do eleitor. Obviamente, existem mudanças de preferências, mas procuro mostrar que em São Paulo os partidos apresentaram bases eleitorais definidas.The central theme of this work is the role of Brazilian political parties and electoral volatility at the time of election. Volatility is one of the major topics of analysis concerning electoral studies and the evolution of party systems. It addresses the stability and change, during certain period of time, of the electors vote for any given party. In Brazil, the debate deals with the institutionalization of the party system and its relationship with the electorate. It is generally argued that Brazilian parties maintain a fluid relationship with voters, which configures an unstable and fickle electoral competition framework. The theoretical paradigms used by the main approach are inspired by electoral and political sociology, and they tend to indicate, in general, the lack of strong correspondence between parties and social cleavages. In this dissertation, I offer an alternative approach. Theoretically, the ground of my argument is given by reconstructing the discussion of electoral volatility, as it has developed in the European academy, combined with a dialogue with another set of literature, found notably in the American academy, inspired by institutionalist and rational choice school, interested in electoral competition. This foundation will enable a theoretical and analytical vision different from the traditional literature about electoral volatility in Brazil. I propose an empirical change of focus, from the analysis of legislative elections, as it was common in brazilian studies, to an executive-centered analysis. I argue that executive-centered studies enable a more accurate view of volatility and party system, since executive disputes are more importante both for parties and voters. The empirical object of this work are the election results of the state of São Paulo, in Executive elections, President, Governor and Mayor of capital, from 1982 to 2008, focusing on the post-94 period. My hypothesis is that electoral volatility, as measured by the Pedersen index, is largely caused by political parties strategies and decisions of who should and who should not be its candidates. Thus electoral volatility should not necessarily be caused by the weaknesses of brazilian party system or unstable behavior and preferences of voters. Obviously, there are changes in preferences, but I try to show that in São Paulo, parties had well defined constituencies.
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Antwi, Richard Boateng. "How Do Voters Decide? A Study of the Determinants of Voting Behavior in Ghana." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright154748899772539.
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Mandelli, Marie-Juliette. "Aspects of social behaviour, sexual dimorphism and ultrasonic vocalisation in the vole, Microtus agrestis." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.287245.
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Moraes, Murilo Ferreira de. "Voting technology and political competition: lessons from overlapping political races in Brazil." Universidade de São Paulo, 2012. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/12/12138/tde-16042013-143746/.
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This dissertation investigates changes in election results associated with adoption of different voting technologies. The empirical application uses election data for different offices from the period 1994-2002. We exploit a discontinuity associated with a change of the voting mechanism, from paper ballot to Direct Recording Electronic (DRE), conditioned on Brazilian election structure with overlap (local elections held two years out of phase with general elections) as a source of identification for election results determinants. We find robust evidence that the shift to an easier voting mechanism reflected on an enfranchising effect (increase in valid votes) which ultimately resulted in more political competitiveness. The impact on election outcome creates a source of identification for the determinants of mayors decision related to municipalities\' resource allocation. Specifically, we find evidence suggesting that facing an increase in political competition municipalities with a previous low level of competition reallocate public spending towards health care.Essa dissertação consiste em uma análise das mudanças em resultados eleitorais associadas a adoção do voto eletrônico em 1998. Utiliza-se para essa investigação, a análise empírica de resultados das eleições para diferentes cargos entre 1994 e 2002. A partir da descontinuidade associada à adoção do voto eletrônico em 1998, em substituição à cédula de votação, e da estrutura sazonal das eleições brasileira (que, com um intervalo de dois anos, alterna as eleições municipais e as estaduais/federais) exploramos o impacto eleitoral da adoção da nova tecnologia e os desdobramentos em outras variáveis políticas. Encontramos forte evidência de que o voto eletrônico resultou em enfranchising (aumento dos votos válidos) e, em última instância, em maior nível de competição política. Usamos a mudança no grau de competição como fonte para identificação dos determinantes da alocação de gastos municipais. Especificamente, encontramos evidências que sugerem que aumentos no nível de competição política, para municípios com níveis menos acirrados de disputada eleitoral, tem impacto na realocação dos orçamento público municipal em direção aos gastos com saúde.
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Lea, Brian N. "Ultrasonic vocalization in prairie voles (Microtus ochrogaster) : evidence for begging behavior in infant mammals? /." Electronic version (PDF), 2006. http://dl.uncw.edu/etd/2006/leab/brianlea.pdf.
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Jacob, Rafael. "Party, People, or Policy? Uncovering the Impact of Advertisement in Ballot Initiative and Candidate-Centered Campaigns." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2017. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/433340.
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Political SciencePh.D.
We have acquired, over the last several decades, a fairly rich understanding of the impact on voter behavior of political communication in general and of political advertising specifically. Yet much of this knowledge pertains to “traditional,” candidate-centered elections; comparatively very little is known with regards to ballot initiative races. In principle, these contests pit not people, but proposed policies, against each other. In practice, however, they not only feature ads discussing policy, but also frequently comprise ads highlighting a measure’s supporters and opponents, be they individuals, non-profit groups, media outlets, industries, or political parties. This, in turn, leads to a basic query: what types of advertising message carry the greatest weight with voters in initiative contests – and how do they differ (if at all) from the effects they have in similar ads run in candidate-centered elections? Through an original experiment, this dissertation aims to break new ground in the voter behavior, media effects, and direct democracy literature by tackling this question.
Temple University--Theses