Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voter research

Contents

  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'Voter research'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 January 2023

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Journal articles on the topic "Voter research"

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Bryant, Lisa A. "Seeing Is Believing: An Experiment on Absentee Ballots and Voter Confidence." American Politics Research 48, no. 6 (May 26, 2020): 700–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x20922529.

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Since the 2000 election, researchers have taken an interest in the role of voter confidence and its importance as an assessment of public trust in electoral outcomes. Many factors may influence voter confidence including the way in which a voter casts their ballot. Previous research has found that absentee voters consistently report the lowest levels of confidence that their votes were counted correctly. This study uses an experiment to examine how voting method impacts voter confidence. Voters were randomly assigned to either an in-person or absentee voting condition. Participants assigned to the absentee condition expressed lower levels of confidence that their votes would be counted correctly than those assigned to the in-person voting condition. Voters who had to ask for assistance during the experiment also reported lower levels of confidence. This could have implications for voter confidence levels nationally as vote-by-mail continues to grow in popularity.
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Kedar, Orit. "Voter Choice and Parliamentary Politics: An Emerging Research Agenda." British Journal of Political Science 42, no. 3 (November 29, 2011): 537–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123411000408.

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This article offers organizing principles to an emerging research agenda that analyses how parliamentary politics affects voter considerations. It uses the process by which votes are turned into policy as a unifying framework: every step in the process poses incentives for voters and encourages different types of strategic behaviour by voters. The standard version of strategic voting commonly found in analyses of voter choice is about the step familiar from the Anglo-American model – the allocation of seats based on votes – yet insights about voter behaviour originated from that model have been inadvertently reified and assumed to apply universally. The article identifies a set of empirical implications about the likelihood of voters employing policy-oriented strategies under different circumstances.
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Adhinata, Made Bayu Permana. "Vote Buying dan Perilaku Pemilih Pemula: Kasus Pemilihan Gubernur Bali 2018 di Tabanan." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 10, no. 2 (October 31, 2019): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.10.2.2019.157-169.

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This article discusses vote-buying as a phenomenon in the 2018th Bali local head election process which affects the voting behavior of youth voters in Tabanan Regency. This research applies to qualitative methods. The research found that there is a linkage of giving money and gift as a form of aid to the society before and during the election can affect youth voter voting preferences. This article argues that the preference of youth voters influenced by their communities where they live and they herded to choose what community say so. Vote-buying in the form of ‘aid’ are liked by the community and youth voter seen it as something ordinary in the socio-political situation. With vote-buying strategy, the candidate can easily obtain a vote, especially from youth voter who has not yet decided their choice. In addition, vote-buying became a kind of magnet to attract youth voter sympathy.
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Ekasari, Ayu. "PENGARUH LOCUS OF CONTROL, PERCEIVED RISK, VOTER DECISION INVOLVEMENT dan VOTER SATISFACTION TERHADAP VOTING STABILITY PEMILIH." Media Riset Bisnis & Manajemen 6, no. 2 (November 2, 2020): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.25105/mrbm.v6i2.8141.

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The study examines the electoral psychology of Indonesian voters during the presidential Election 2004 by applying consumer behavior theory. The focus of the research is to explore the effects of locus of control, perceived risk, voter decision involvement and voter satisfaction on voling stability. The results indicated that tocus of control influences perceived risk, then, perceived risk influences voter decision involvement. Nexl, voter decision involvementinfluences voter satisfaction, which in tun influences voting slability. This means that the propensity to vote for the same candidate in the next election is influenced by voters' psychological characteristics.
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Stein, Robert M., Christopher Mann, Charles Stewart, Zachary Birenbaum, Anson Fung, Jed Greenberg, Farhan Kawsar, et al. "Waiting to Vote in the 2016 Presidential Election: Evidence from a Multi-county Study." Political Research Quarterly 73, no. 2 (March 28, 2019): 439–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912919832374.

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This paper is the result of a nationwide study of polling place dynamics in the 2016 presidential election. Research teams, recruited from local colleges and universities and located in twenty-eight election jurisdictions across the United States, observed and timed voters as they entered the queue at their respective polling places and then voted. We report results about four specific polling place operations and practices: the length of the check-in line, the number of voters leaving the check-in line once they have joined it, the time for a voter to check in to vote (i.e., verify voter’s identification and obtain a ballot), and the time to complete a ballot. Long lines, waiting times, and times to vote are closely related to time of day (mornings are busiest for polling places). We found the recent adoption of photographic voter identification (ID) requirements to have a disparate effect on the time to check in among white and nonwhite polling places. In majority-white polling places, scanning a voter’s driver’s license speeds up the check-in process. In majority nonwhite polling locations, the effect of strict voter ID requirements increases time to check in, albeit modestly.
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Kedar, Orit. "How Diffusion of Power in Parliaments Affects Voter Choice." Political Analysis 13, no. 4 (2005): 410–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpi029.

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I analyze how the diffusion of power in parliaments affects voter choice. Using a two-step research design, I first estimate an individual-level model of voter choice in 14 parliamentary democracies, allowing voters to hold preferences both for the party most similar to them ideologically and for the party that pulls policy in their direction. While in systems in which power is concentrated the two motivations converge, in consensual systems they diverge: since votes will likely be watered down by bargaining in the parliament, outcome-oriented choice in consensual systems often leads voters to endorse parties whose positions differ from their own views. In the second step, I utilize institutional measures of power diffusion in the parliament to account for the degree to which voters in different polities pursue one motivation versus the other. I demonstrate that the more power diffusion and compromise built into the political system via institutional mechanisms, the more voters compensate for the watering down of their vote by endorsing parties whose positions differ from their own views.
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Sari, Affiyah Tri Yuni, Aissyah Dwi Fitriyani, and Martriana Ponimin Said. "KOMUNIKASI INTERPERSONAL PADA PROSES PENDIDIKAN POLITIK PEMILIH PEMULA." JIKE : Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi Efek 2, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.32534/jike.v2i2.526.

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Political education is one of the important factors in determining the attitude of a voter in the conduct of elections. Beginner voters with low levels of political education tend to have voices that are still floating or called swing-voters. If it is not able to be convinced, the swing-voter can become a golput, but if it can be convinced, the swing-voter can be an additional vote for a candidate or party in the final result of the vote count. The phenomenon of political apathy can be reduced by providing political education to beginner voters, one of the methods is through interpersonal communication. The exchange of values ??that form the basis of interpersonal communication can also occur in the family. This study aims to determine how the role of interpersonal communication in the process of early voter political education. Using the interpretative paradigm and descriptive qualitative research methods, by conducting observations, interviews and documentation studies. The unit of analysis under study is individuals, namely beginner voters at Pramuka Island, Thousand Islands, DKI Jakarta Province. The results of the study show that the role of interpersonal communication in the process of political voter education at Pramuka Island is to conduct discussions, exchange information about politics, and conduct political socialization, this will affect the process of political voter education and political participation in the 2019 Election. Keywords: interpersonal communication; political education; beginner voters; general election
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Golonggom, Zulkifli, Heru Nurasa, Entang Adhy Muhtar, and Caroline Paskarina. "Social Analysis of Policy Implementation Regional Head Election Voter Registration in North Sulawesi Province." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (May 29, 2021): 2976–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v4i2.2007.

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This study analyzes the social implementation of voter registration policy in the regional head elections in North Sulawesi Province in 2017. According to the eligible residents in the constituency, the process of voter registration through voter list update to produce a voter list is completely fulfilled voting rights. Thus, during the vote, those who have the right to vote can exercise their voting rights. But in the course of the trip, the administrative activities of the preparation of voter lists by the Voter Data Update Officer (PPDP) conducted Matching, and Research (Coklit) encountered obstacles, voter data collection in each village clashed with the constraints of population indifference to be registered as voters and the obligation of recording electronic ID cards, the socio-economic condition of the community that the majority as farmers prioritize their time and needs with agricultural activities and on the other hand the migration of population because of duties and jobs and work and education outside the electoral district.
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Harry, Minaibim, and S. U. Ogbu. "Effectiveness of Voter Education in Curbing Vote-Selling in the 2019 General Elections at Eti-Osa Local Government Area, Lagos." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 10, no. 8 (August 15, 2022): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol10n8132.

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Vote-selling poses grave danger to any society and voter education is widely believed to be the panacea. This research evaluates the effectiveness of voter education in curbing vote-selling at Eti-Osa Local Government Area in the 2019 general elections. While some separate studies have been done on voter education and vote-selling, none was found that specifically evaluates the effectiveness of the former in curbing the latter. This is a gap this work seeks to fill. The three objectives of the study are to assess the level of voter education voters in Eti-Osa received before the 2019 general elections; to evaluate the appropriateness of the major channels used in communicating the voter education messages; and to ascertain whether voter education curbed vote-selling in Eti-Osa Local Government Area during the 2019 general elections. The Effect and Medium theories provide the theoretical framework for the work while questionnaires administered through multistage sampling technique and interview were the sources of gathering the relevant data. The findings reveal that the level of voter education in Eti-Osa was high and the major channel of voter education was fairly appropriate, though the mass media were not used. There is also a strong evidence that the voter education that was conducted curbed vote-selling to a large extent. Accordingly, it is recommended that the voter education efforts in the Local Government Area should be sustained in future elections; more channels of communication should be explored, while future voter education campaigns should also target politicians.
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Sandi, Jhon Retei Alfri. "Religion and Ethnicity Traps: Behind the Intention to Vote of Millennial Voters." Society 9, no. 2 (December 31, 2021): 410–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/society.v9i2.344.

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Millennial voters are a potential community that is a strategic target for pairs of candidates for regional election contestation to reap the coffers of votes. The campaign approach using religious and ethnic sentiments is an alternative strategy. This study looks at religion and ethnicity influencing millennial voters’ voting intentions. The research method uses quantitative methods with multiple linear regression. The research sample was drawn randomly according to the criteria so that the answers to 280 respondents were analyzed. The study results found that religion significantly influenced millennial voter intentions, while ethnicity did not affect millennial voter intentions. Millennial voters tend not to be interested in practical politics.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Voter research"

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Schum, Richard M. "A study in direct democracy the citizen initiative & the determinants of voter behavior /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3409.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 187. Thesis director: Edgar H. Sibley. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 16, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 176-186). Also issued in print.
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Wubbold, Ari Joaquin. "Evaluating the Impact of Oregon's Citizen Initiative Review (CIR) on Voter Decisions." Thesis, Portland State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10687045.

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Voters are getting information from more and more sources. Along with this proliferation of sources has come an increasing distrust of traditional mass media. This has created a challenge for voters who seek reliable information when making decisions in the voting booth; including on ballot initiatives. Because voters tend to find ballot initiatives confusing and not easily informed by traditional party cues, the Citizen’s Initiative Review (CIR) and the non-partisan, fact-based recommendations they produce have now spread into multiple states. My thesis seeks to gauge whether the CIR is effective at achieving the goals of increasing voter knowledge and encouraging thoughtful voting decisions; two challenges posed by ballot initiatives. I evaluate the available literature on how voters make decisions in general and about ballot initiatives specifically and then review data from five studies conducted in states with a CIR to determine whether the CIR has met these goals. Where other reports have evaluated findings from individual studies or states, my report takes a comprehensive view of the available data and compares it to what traditional political science literature has to say about voter behavior related to ballot initiatives. On balance, I find that voters see the CIR as providing useful and informative recommendations that have legitimate positive impacts on how they deliberate and vote on ballot initiatives.

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Fraser, Jeannette L. "The effects of voting systems on voter participation : punch card voting systems in Ohio /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487260135358552.

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Smidt, Corwin Donald. "The spinning message how news media coverage and voter persuasion shape campaign agenda /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217332406.

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Pauwels, Teun. "The populist voter: explaining electoral support for populist parties in The Netherlands, Belgium and Germany." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209745.

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Since the 1980s a growing number of populist parties have made a breakthrough in European party systems. Examples of these are the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) in the Netherlands or the German Die Linke (DL). All of these parties can considered to be populist because they share a thin centred ideology “that considers society ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people” (Mudde, 2004: 543). This thin centred ideology can be combined with other full ideologies such as the radical right but also democratic socialism. The main objective of this study is to explain why people vote for populist parties. Such a question is difficult to answer, however, because populism is mostly attached to other ideologies. To address this problem, this study draws on a comparative research design. By studying the electorates of a wide range of different populist parties, it is disentangled what is exactly the populist element, rather than elements related to the host ideology, that drives voters towards these parties.

The study begins with a careful investigation of all parties in Belgium, The Netherlands and Germany by means of both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore which of them could be labelled populist. Support was found for at least the following cases: LPF, the Belgian Lijst Dedecker (LDD), the Dutch Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV), VB, the Dutch Socialistische Partij (SP) and DL. In a next step, the voters of these parties were analyzed by means of election survey data (Dutch Parliamentary Election Study, Partirep Survey and German Longitudinal Election Study).

The main finding of is that dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more decision making through referendums are important and unique drivers for populist voting in general. On the demand side it is argued that a process of cartelization, i.e. increased reliance of parties on state subventions, more cooperation between government and opposition, and ideological moderation, combined with the growth of critical citizens has led to the questioning of political authority. On the supply side, an increasing group of well-organized populist parties have begun challenging mainstream parties by depicting them as a group of self-serving elites depriving the ordinary people of their sovereignty. Moreover, populist parties claim to restore the voice of the people through the introduction of direct democracy. Accordingly, a growing group of voters who share these concerns are attracted to the populist appeal.

Another important finding of this study is that populist parties generally attract social groups that feel themselves deprived. In Eastern Germany of the 1990s these were the ‘losers of unification’, i.e. highly educated civil servants who had lost the social prestige that they enjoyed during the heydays of the DDR. Yet in contemporary ‘diploma democracies’ it appears that populist parties, regardless of their host ideology, are increasingly attracting the ‘losers of globalization’, which are the lower educated and lower social classes. While populism has mostly been considered a threat for democracy, the ability of populist parties to integrate excluded social groups into the political system certainly deserves notice.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Carpenter, Joshua David. "Democracy and the disengaged : a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a2c1f070-db85-465c-b3e5-f55ddbe01438.

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This thesis investigates if and how poor, mostly minority citizens can be mobilized by a campaign whose principal policy objective would materially enhance their lives by including them in a major public program. The question is put to the test through a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama during the 2014 election for Governor. At stake in the election was whether Alabama would expand Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act in Alabama, an issue emblematic of "submergedness" (Mettler, 2011). In order to understand the extent to which the policy was submerged - measured by knowledge and awareness of the policy, along with its key provisions - I distributed a survey to 868 Alabamians weeks before the election. The survey used the experimental design of conjoint analysis to test which aspects of the policy were most persuasive among the target population. Additionally, I performed a randomized field experiment across the four major metropolitan areas of Alabama, micro-targeting 6,021 registered voters living in the "Coverage Gap," citizens who could gain health insurance if Medicaid were expanded. The campaign yielded negligible effects on voter turnout among subjects in the Coverage Gap, even though the interventions shifted voter knowledge, 'surfacing' the policy. In addition to the survey and field experiments, this research benefits from qualitative insights gathered in 22 semi-structured interviews conducted among poor Alabamians, many of whom were uninsured. From these interviews, it became clear that the political disengagement of the poor is deeply entrenched, prohibitive of policy-based mobilization. Disengagement is driven by a complex mix of barriers to registration and perceptions of political inefficacy based on interpretations of extant policy designs. These results have important implications for our understanding of the limitations of policy-based mobilization, suggesting that more attention must be paid to how current policies shape predispositions for mobilization.
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Arvizu, John R. "National Origin Based Variations of Latino Voter Turnout in 1988: Findings from the Latino National Political Survey." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/219033.

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The Latino community in the United States, currently estimated at over 23 million, is projected to become the largest minority group in America within the next fifteen years. However, insufficient national-level data on Latinos has resulted in relatively few studies being published on the voting behavior of this increasingly important group. Using data drawn from the first national probability sample of Latinos, the Latino National Political Survey, this paper addresses selected socio-demographic indices correlated with voter turnout. The logistic regression model empirically demonstrates the importance of distinguishing among subgroups and identifies the life-cycle effect as a principle determinant of voter turnout.
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Sheerin, Celia Anne. "Political Efficacy and Youth Non-Voting: A Qualitative Investigation into the Attitudes and Experiences of Young Voters and Non-Voters in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/962.

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This thesis examines political efficacy and youth non-voting in New Zealand. Drawing from a focus group discussion and depth interviews with 20 young people, I compare and contrast the attitudes and experiences of 18-24 year-old voters and non-voters. I assess whether the theory of political efficacy is a useful conceptual tool for distinguishing between their attitudes, and evaluate the ability of efficacy theory to explain youth non-voting in New Zealand. The thesis draws attention to the oft-overlooked benefits of using qualitative methods to conduct political science research. Based on my research, I find that the standard (quantitative) operationalisation of efficacy obscures the complex and nuanced nature of young people's thoughts about politics. Depth interviews and focus groups are found to be valuable means to gain insight into the political attitudes of young people, as - unlike quantitative methods - they allow participants to elucidate themselves using language and ideas of their own. A purposive sampling strategy using snowball referrals also proved to be a useful way to recruit young non-voters, indicating to future researchers that such an approach may be a good way to access disengaged populations. Contrary to the predictions of efficacy theory and to the findings of research in the quantitative tradition, I find fewer differences between young voters and non-voters than expected: the interviews and focus group in fact reveal surprising similarities in the political efficacy of young voters and non-voters. Through my research I identify three types of young non-voters: 'disinterested', 'inconvenienced' and 'principled' non-voters, each of whom give different and diverse explanations for their non-participation. These findings suggest that the usefulness of efficacy theory as an explanation for youth non-voting may have been overstated, and my research highlights the need to remain open to other explanations for youth electoral disengagement - such as rational choice and post-materialist theories.
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Vergara, Rafael. "Strategic voters in the 2000 Mexican elections /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3129949.

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Gaffar, Afan. "Javanese Voters: A Case Study of Election Under a Hegemonic Party System." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23627830.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, Graduate School, 1988.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 370-387).
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Books on the topic "Voter research"

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Washington, Ebonya. How black candidates affect voter turnout. Cambridge, Mass: National Bureau of Economic Research, 2006.

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Alberta, Elections. Elections Alberta: Survey of voters and non-voters : research report. [Edmonton]: Elections Alberta, 2008.

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Wang lu min zhu: Taiwan iVoter tou piao zi xun wang zhan jian zhi ji shi = Voter, be an intelligent voter. Taibei Shi: Wu nan tu shu chu ban gu fen you xian gong si, 2013.

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Cwalina, Wojciech. A cross-cultural theory of voter behavior. New York: Haworth Press, 2008.

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Voter en 1789: L'exemple de la sénéchaussée de Nîmes. [Paris]: Publisud, 1995.

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Lijphart, Arend. The problem of low and unequal voter turnout-and what we can do about it. Vienna: Institut für Höhere Studien/Institute for Advanced Studies, 1998.

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Wilson, Laura, and Whitney Tipton. Adaptability in Organizing, Implementing, and Analyzing Research Through Critical Service Learning Projects: A Case Study in Voter Registration Research. 1 Oliver’s Yard, 55 City Road, London EC1Y 1SP United Kingdom: SAGE Publications, Ltd., 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4135/9781529601619.

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Teixeira, Ruy A. Why Americans don't vote: Turnout decline in the United States, 1960-1984. New York: Greenwood, 1987.

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Why Americans don't vote: Turnout decline in the United States, 1960-1984. New York: Greenwood Press, 1987.

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Tom, Lodge. Party presence and voter trust: Findings from the EISA pre-election day and exit poll surveys. Auckland Park, Johannesburg: Electoral Institute of Southern Africa, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Voter research"

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Osei, Anja. "Research Design and Methodology." In Party-Voter Linkage in Africa, 49–71. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19140-9_3.

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Osei, Anja. "Conceptual Problems of Party Research in Africa." In Party-Voter Linkage in Africa, 22–48. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-19140-9_2.

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Naurin, Elin. "Definitions of Election Promises in Empirical Research." In Election Promises, Party Behaviour and Voter Perceptions, 29–38. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230319301_3.

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Gelman, Andrew. "Toward Better R Defaults for Graphics: Example of Voter Turnouts in U.S. Elections." In Advances in Social Science Research Using R, 35–38. New York, NY: Springer New York, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4419-1764-5_3.

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Kuechler, Manfred. "Einheit über alles? — What Did the Voter Decide in the 1990 German Elections?" In Quantitative Social Research in Germany and Japan, 93–121. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-322-95919-5_5.

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Wang, Xiaokan, Zhongliang Sun, and Lei Wang. "Design and Research Intelligent Answering and Voter-Timing Machine Based on AT89C51 MCU." In Lecture Notes in Electrical Engineering, 333–39. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-007-2169-2_40.

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Maloy, J. S. "What Research Overlooks: Voters’ Dilemma of Disempowerment." In Smarter Ballots, 51–78. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13031-2_3.

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Baldini, Gianfranco, and Adriano Pappalardo. "The French 2RS: Suited for Comparative Research?" In Elections, Electoral Systems and Volatile Voters, 116–29. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230584389_7.

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Solevid, Maria, and Ann-Ida Scheiber Gyllenspetz. "Capability and Political Participation Among Ageing Populations." In International Perspectives on Aging, 233–48. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-78063-0_17.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we study reasons for, and conceptions of, non-voting among Swedish seniors. We present a tentative framework for studying capability and political participation among older people in which we combine insights from previous research on age, health and political participation from the perspective of capability; that is, what a person is effectively able to be and do. The empirical illustration is based on extended interviews with eight individuals, both voters and non-voters, aged 80 years or older. The results show that the concepts of internal and combined capabilities are fruitful when understanding conceptions of and reasons for non-voting. For some individuals, voting is simply too much of an effort, and they need to direct their capabilities towards other, more desirable, functionings. For other individuals, health and mobility issues would have hindered their ability to vote if it were not for the practical and social support of close relatives. The chapter ends with a discussion on the importance of continuing to integrate explanations at different levels in order to understand political (in)activity among older individuals.
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Martinez, A. J., L. G. Ramirez, and R. A. Bello. "Microbial Deterioration of Lamparosa (Vomer Setapinnis) Stored at 2°C." In Biodeterioration Research 2, 175–86. Boston, MA: Springer US, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4684-5670-7_17.

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Conference papers on the topic "Voter research"

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Koolyk, Aaron, Tyrone Strangway, Omer Lev, and Jeffrey S. Rosenschein. "Convergence and Quality of Iterative Voting Under Non-Scoring Rules." In Twenty-Sixth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2017/39.

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Iterative voting is a social choice mechanism that assumes all voters are strategic, and allows voters to change their stated preferences as the vote progresses until an equilibrium is reached (at which point no player wishes to change their vote). Previous research established that this process converges to an equilibrium for the plurality and veto voting methods and for no other scoring rule. We consider iterative voting for non-scoring rules, examining the major ones, and show that none of them converge when assuming (as most research has so far) that voters pursue a best response strategy. We investigate other potential voter strategies, with a more heuristic flavor (since for most of these voting rules, calculating the best response is NP-hard); we show that they also do not converge. We then conduct an empirical analysis of the iterative voting winners for these non-scoring rules, and compare the winner quality of various strategies.
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Vacca, M., D. Vighetti, M. Mascarino, L. G. Amaru, M. Graziano, and M. Zamboni. "Magnetic QCA Majority Voter feasibility analysis." In 2011 7th Conference on Ph.D. Research in Microelectronics and Electronics (PRIME). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/prime.2011.5966275.

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Moura, Teogenes, and Alexandre Gomes. "Blockchain Voting and its effects on Election Transparency and Voter Confidence." In dg.o '17: 18th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3085228.3085263.

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Cook, Meghan, and Jeffrey Baez. "Informing a Statewide Investment: The NYS Voter Registration Data Pattern Detection Prototype Project." In DG.O'21: The 22nd Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3463677.3463693.

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Gupta, Sushmita, Pallavi Jain, Saket Saurabh, and Nimrod Talmon. "Even More Effort Towards Improved Bounds and Fixed-Parameter Tractability for Multiwinner Rules." In Thirtieth International Joint Conference on Artificial Intelligence {IJCAI-21}. California: International Joint Conferences on Artificial Intelligence Organization, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24963/ijcai.2021/31.

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Multiwinner elections have proven to be a fruitful research topic with many real world applications. We contribute to this line of research by improving the state of the art regarding the computational complexity of computing good committees. More formally, given a set of candidates C, a set of voters V, each ranking the candidates according to their preferences, and an integer k; a multiwinner voting rule identifies a committee of size k, based on these given voter preferences. In this paper we consider several utilitarian and egailitarian OWA (ordered weighted average) scoring rules, which are an extensively researched family of rules (and a subfamily of the family of committee scoring rules). First, we improve the result of Betzler et al. [JAIR, 2013], which gave a O(n^n) algorithm for computing winner under the Chamberlin Courant rule (CC), where n is the number of voters; to a running time of O(2^n), which is optimal. Furthermore, we study the parameterized complexity of the Pessimist voting rule and describe a few tractable and intractable cases. Apart from such utilitarian voting rules, we extend our study and consider egalitarian median and egalitarian mean (both committee scoring rules), showing some tractable and intractable results, based on nontrivial structural observations.
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Velinova, Neli, Lora Metanova, Mariyan Tomov, and Lilia Raycheva. "Fuzzy Choice – The Facebook Facade of The Triple Parliamentary Election Campaign 2021 In Bulgaria." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1002522.

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The rapid advancement of ICTs has outstripped the theoretical rationalization, regulatory framework, business models, professional practices and audiences’ participation in contemporary democratic processes (Kaid L., Mazoleni G., Blumler JG, Esser F.). This new ‘mosaic culture’ is characterized by demassification of media and of society itself. A virtual online culture has been created which, due to its interactive nature, acts as integrating while having an alienating and restrictive impact on people, destroying ‘live’ communication. Nevertheless, media still stays among the main factors of the deliberative democracy, which should ensure fair and reasonable debate among citizens. Compared to traditional media, internet platforms and especially social networks are becoming increasingly popular channels for politicians to communicate with the electorate. The aim of the study undertaken by an academic team of the Faculty of Journalism and Mass Communication at the St. Kliment Ohridsky Sofia University of Bulgaria and supported by the National Scientific Fund (research project KP-06-M35/4-18.12.2019) focuses on the deficits of media literacy in pre-election online communication. The object is the dynamics of the online campaign for the three parliamentary elections in Bulgaria in 2021: one regular (April 4) and two preliminary (July 11 and November 14). They have been held under the shadow of social distance and strict observance of the anti-epidemic measures against COVID-19 and in conditions of political confrontation, hostile public speech, and neglected professional standards. The subject is related to the Facebook messages in the profiles of the political leaders within the one-month period of the three campaigns. The methodology is an empirical study and comparative analysis. The scope of the survey includes those political forces that have passed the 4% electoral threshold. The main research question of the study is how Facebook messages affect voter choiceThe results showed that during all the three election campaigns, Bulgarians preferred to be informed first by television, then by online platforms and most of all - by Facebook. However, the number of posts, the frequency of Facebook use, and the funds invested did not turn out to be directly proportional to the success achieved by the politicians. Relying on populism in various dimensions was a more profitable strategy. Thus, for some of the new political formations, aggressive rhetoric was winning. Online communication replaced politicians' live contact with the public, but numerous likes, comments and shares expanded the audience's reach. In the long run few of the Facebook profiles of political leaders who were elected MPs clearly presented their intentions in such a way that voters could have the opportunity to make informed choices. The results are indicative of the extent to which insufficient information, media and digital literacy as part of the civic education of electoral actors - regulators, politicians, media, analysts and audiences - affect informed voter choice. For successful participation of citizens in public debates on protecting, sustaining and developing of civic rights and democracy, a serious awareness of the risks and opportunities of the deliberative communication process needs to be studied.
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Dalton, Jeffrey, Victor Ajayi, and Richard Main. "Vote Goat." In SIGIR '18: The 41st International ACM SIGIR conference on research and development in Information Retrieval. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3209978.3210168.

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Robaina, Gabriel, and Fabiano Baldo. "Proposta de um modelo para predição do resultado das eleições presidenciais brasileiras baseado em técnicas de regressão." In Congresso Brasileiro de Inteligência Computacional. SBIC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21528/cbic2021-164.

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Prediction of elections is a subject that excites the population, especially in the last few months before an election. In Brazil, there is a wide availability of political, economic and social data, in institutions such as TSE, IBGE and opinion research institutes that can be used as sources to create prediction models. Therefore, this work aims to build multivariate linear regression and regression tree models to predict the percentage of votes received by the situational candidate for the presidency of Brazil. The multivariate linear regression model had the smallest prediction errors, with MAE of 1.45 in the first round and 1.48 in the second, with margins smaller than 1\% in 2002, 2006 and 2018. The proposed models seemed to be more accurate than other models found in the literature. As main contributions, it was possible to observe that the sampling of data by state and the use of the illiteracy rate and the popular vote intention contributed directly to the performance of the models.
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Budhwar, Aditya, Toshihiro Kuboi, Alex Dekhtyar, and Foaad Khosmood. "predicting the vote using legislative speech." In dg.o '18: 19th Annual International Conference on Digital Government Research. New York, NY, USA: ACM, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/3209281.3209374.

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Arroba Rimassa, Jorge, Fernando Llopis, and Rafael Munoz Guillena. "Relevance as an enhancer of votes on Twitter." In CARMA 2018 - 2nd International Conference on Advanced Research Methods and Analytics. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carma2018.2018.8311.

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Reports on the topic "Voter research"

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Abed, Dana, Rihab Sawaya, and Nadim Tabbal. Analyzing Voter Turnout in Lebanon: Political Change in Times of Crisis. Oxfam, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2022.8823.

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In May 2022, Lebanon is hosting its first parliamentary elections since the popular uprising of October 2019, when massive protests took place to denounce the current ruling elites. This research looks at voter turnout and behavior on the eve of the elections and examines the will for political change. It argues that in the current Lebanese context, there needs to be further political awareness-raising, and campaigns should be more inclusive of women and the queer community. Independent campaigns should focus on developing strong governing capacities that voters can trust, and create further space for civic and political engagement on the local and national levels.
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Keefer, Philip, Carlos Scartascini, and Razvan Vlaicu. Research Insights: Can Voter Preferences Explain Why Governments Underinvest in Public Goods? Inter-American Development Bank, April 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004212.

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A new survey of 6,040 voting-age individuals conducted in seven Latin American metropolitan areas reveals that political and interpersonal mistrust, risk aversion and time impatience are strong predictors of voter preferences for public spending. Respondents with higher mistrust or impatience are more likely to choose transfers over public goods; more impatient respondents are also more likely to choose current spending over public investment. Randomized experiments providing information about the benefits of public investment have the expected average demand impacts. Respondents with high political mistrust or impatience increase their demand for public investment significantly less than others.
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Scartascini, Carlos, and Razvan Vlaicu. Research Insights: Are Young Latin American Voters Politically Engaged? Inter-American Development Bank, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0003571.

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Data on political engagement of newly eligible young voters in 34 countries during 2004-2016 indicate that voting eligibility is associated with higher political engagement, casting doubt on the view that voters are rationally ignorant. Voting eligibility is associated with higher political interest, more discussion of political issues and attendance of political meetings, and more political knowledge. These effects are stronger in countries with enforced mandatory voting. The increase in political engagement is larger closer to the prior election, and it is driven by the engagement of eligible voters, implying that young voters acquire political information in anticipation of elections rather than ex post.
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Hanusch, Marek, Philip Keefer, and Razvan Vlaicu. Research Insights: What Explains Vote Buying in Elections? Inter-American Development Bank, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0002094.

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Habyarimana, James, Ken Ochieng' Opalo, and Youdi Schipper. The Cyclical Electoral Impacts of Programmatic Policies: Evidence from Education Reforms in Tanzania. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2020/051.

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A large literature documents the electoral benefits of clientelistic and programmatic policies in low-income states. We extend this literature by showing the cyclical electoral responses to a large programmatic intervention to expand access to secondary education in Tanzania over multiple electoral periods. Using a difference-indifference approach, we find that the incumbent party's vote share increased by 2 percentage points in the election following the policy's announcement as a campaign promise (2005), but decreased by -1.4 percentage points in the election following implementation (2010). We find no discernible electoral impact of the policy in 2015, two electoral cycles later. We attribute the electoral penalty in 2010 to how the secondary school expansion policy was implemented. Our findings shed light on the temporally-contingent electoral impacts of programmatic policies, and highlight the need for more research on how policy implementation structures public opinion and vote choice in low-income states.
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Feeney, Patricia, Matthias Liffers, Estelle Cheng, and Paul Vierkant. Better Together: Complete Metadata as Robust Infrastructure. Crossref, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.13003/m3237yt.

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According to the survey we conducted prior to this webinar series dedicated to the APAC community, metadata quality was one of the most voted topics to be covered in the webinars, which is understandable - out of FAIRsFAIR’s 15 assessment metrics for the FAIRness of research objects, 12 are about metadata. Rich and persistent metadata that incorporate identifiers and encode generic and domain-specific information, accessibility and licensing, and links between objects using standardized vocabulary and communication protocols is the cornerstone of a versatile, equitable, and trustworthy scholarly infrastructure ecosystem. In this webinar, we want to focus on the various aspects of enriching the metadata of research outputs. What is considered rich or complete, what does it mean to the metadata capture and curation workflows, how is this process supported, what services are underpinned by which part of the metadata, etc? In this webinar, we’ll hear from Matthias Liffers from ARDC and representatives from Crossref, DataCite, and ORCID, to share their perspectives and provide guidance toward a world with richer metadata. This webinar takes place on Nov 28, 2022, 06:00 AM Universal Time UTC/ 14:00 Beijing. This webinar will last 90 minutes including time for Q&A. The slides and recording will be shared afterward with all who register for the event.
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Kindt, Roeland, Ian K Dawson, Jens-Peter B Lillesø, Alice Muchugi, Fabio Pedercini, and James M Roshetko. The one hundred tree species prioritized for planting in the tropics and subtropics as indicated by database mining. World Agroforestry, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5716/wp21001.pdf.

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A systematic approach to tree planting and management globally is hindered by the limited synthesis of information sources on tree uses and species priorities. To help address this, the authors ‘mined’ information from 23 online global and regional databases to assemble a list of the most frequent tree species deemed useful for planting according to database mentions, with a focus on tropical regions. Using a simple vote count approach for ranking species, we obtained a shortlist of 100 trees mentioned in at least 10 of our data sources (the ‘top-100’ species). A longer list of 830 trees that were mentioned at least five times was also compiled. Our ‘top-100’ list indicated that the family Fabaceae (syn. Leguminosae) was most common. The information associated with our mined data sources indicated that the ‘top-100’ list consisted of a complementary group of species of differing uses. These included the following: for wood (mostly for timber) and fuel production, human nutrition, animal fodder supply, and environmental service provision (varied services). Of these uses, wood was most frequently specified, with fuel and food use also highly important. Many of the ‘top-100’ species were assigned multiple uses. The majority of the ‘top-100’ species had weediness characteristics according to ‘attribute’ invasiveness databases that were also reviewed, thereby demonstrating potential environmental concerns associated with tree planting that need to be balanced against environmental and livelihood benefits. Less than half of the ‘top-100’ species were included in the OECD Scheme for the Certification of Forest Reproductive Material, thus supporting a view that lack of germplasm access is a common concern for trees. A comparison of the ‘top-100’ species with regionally-defined tree inventories indicated their diverse continental origins, as would be anticipated from a global analysis. However, compared to baseline expectations, some geographic regions were better represented than others. Our analysis assists in priority-setting for research and serves as a guide to practical tree planting initiatives. We stress that this ‘top-100’ list does not necessarily represent tree priorities for the future, but provides a starting point for also addressing representation gaps. Indeed, our primary concern going forward is with the latter.
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AARP 50+ Voters Research, Phase 2: New Hampshire Survey Annotated Questionnaire. AARP Research, February 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00372.002.

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AARP 50+ Voters Research. Phase 1: National Survey — Responses for All, White, Black, and Hispanic Women. AARP Research, May 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00364.005.

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AARP 50+ Voters Research. Phase 1: National Survey — Responses for All, Democrat, Republican, and Independent Women. AARP Research, May 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.26419/res.00364.006.

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