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1

Schum, Richard M. "A study in direct democracy the citizen initiative & the determinants of voter behavior /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3409.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 187. Thesis director: Edgar H. Sibley. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy in Public Policy. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Mar. 16, 2009). Includes bibliographical references (p. 176-186). Also issued in print.
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2

Wubbold, Ari Joaquin. "Evaluating the Impact of Oregon's Citizen Initiative Review (CIR) on Voter Decisions." Thesis, Portland State University, 2018. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10687045.

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Voters are getting information from more and more sources. Along with this proliferation of sources has come an increasing distrust of traditional mass media. This has created a challenge for voters who seek reliable information when making decisions in the voting booth; including on ballot initiatives. Because voters tend to find ballot initiatives confusing and not easily informed by traditional party cues, the Citizen’s Initiative Review (CIR) and the non-partisan, fact-based recommendations they produce have now spread into multiple states. My thesis seeks to gauge whether the CIR is effective at achieving the goals of increasing voter knowledge and encouraging thoughtful voting decisions; two challenges posed by ballot initiatives. I evaluate the available literature on how voters make decisions in general and about ballot initiatives specifically and then review data from five studies conducted in states with a CIR to determine whether the CIR has met these goals. Where other reports have evaluated findings from individual studies or states, my report takes a comprehensive view of the available data and compares it to what traditional political science literature has to say about voter behavior related to ballot initiatives. On balance, I find that voters see the CIR as providing useful and informative recommendations that have legitimate positive impacts on how they deliberate and vote on ballot initiatives.

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3

Fraser, Jeannette L. "The effects of voting systems on voter participation : punch card voting systems in Ohio /." The Ohio State University, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487260135358552.

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4

Smidt, Corwin Donald. "The spinning message how news media coverage and voter persuasion shape campaign agenda /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1217332406.

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5

Pauwels, Teun. "The populist voter: explaining electoral support for populist parties in The Netherlands, Belgium and Germany." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/209745.

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Since the 1980s a growing number of populist parties have made a breakthrough in European party systems. Examples of these are the Belgian Vlaams Belang (VB), the Lijst Pim Fortuyn (LPF) in the Netherlands or the German Die Linke (DL). All of these parties can considered to be populist because they share a thin centred ideology “that considers society ultimately separated into two homogeneous and antagonistic groups, ‘the pure people’ versus ‘the corrupt elite’, and which argues that politics should be an expression of the volonté générale (general will) of the people” (Mudde, 2004: 543). This thin centred ideology can be combined with other full ideologies such as the radical right but also democratic socialism. The main objective of this study is to explain why people vote for populist parties. Such a question is difficult to answer, however, because populism is mostly attached to other ideologies. To address this problem, this study draws on a comparative research design. By studying the electorates of a wide range of different populist parties, it is disentangled what is exactly the populist element, rather than elements related to the host ideology, that drives voters towards these parties.

The study begins with a careful investigation of all parties in Belgium, The Netherlands and Germany by means of both qualitative and quantitative methods to explore which of them could be labelled populist. Support was found for at least the following cases: LPF, the Belgian Lijst Dedecker (LDD), the Dutch Partij Voor de Vrijheid (PVV), VB, the Dutch Socialistische Partij (SP) and DL. In a next step, the voters of these parties were analyzed by means of election survey data (Dutch Parliamentary Election Study, Partirep Survey and German Longitudinal Election Study).

The main finding of is that dissatisfaction with the functioning of democracy and a desire for more decision making through referendums are important and unique drivers for populist voting in general. On the demand side it is argued that a process of cartelization, i.e. increased reliance of parties on state subventions, more cooperation between government and opposition, and ideological moderation, combined with the growth of critical citizens has led to the questioning of political authority. On the supply side, an increasing group of well-organized populist parties have begun challenging mainstream parties by depicting them as a group of self-serving elites depriving the ordinary people of their sovereignty. Moreover, populist parties claim to restore the voice of the people through the introduction of direct democracy. Accordingly, a growing group of voters who share these concerns are attracted to the populist appeal.

Another important finding of this study is that populist parties generally attract social groups that feel themselves deprived. In Eastern Germany of the 1990s these were the ‘losers of unification’, i.e. highly educated civil servants who had lost the social prestige that they enjoyed during the heydays of the DDR. Yet in contemporary ‘diploma democracies’ it appears that populist parties, regardless of their host ideology, are increasingly attracting the ‘losers of globalization’, which are the lower educated and lower social classes. While populism has mostly been considered a threat for democracy, the ability of populist parties to integrate excluded social groups into the political system certainly deserves notice.
Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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6

Carpenter, Joshua David. "Democracy and the disengaged : a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:a2c1f070-db85-465c-b3e5-f55ddbe01438.

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This thesis investigates if and how poor, mostly minority citizens can be mobilized by a campaign whose principal policy objective would materially enhance their lives by including them in a major public program. The question is put to the test through a multi-dimensional study of voter mobilization in Alabama during the 2014 election for Governor. At stake in the election was whether Alabama would expand Medicaid through the Affordable Care Act in Alabama, an issue emblematic of "submergedness" (Mettler, 2011). In order to understand the extent to which the policy was submerged - measured by knowledge and awareness of the policy, along with its key provisions - I distributed a survey to 868 Alabamians weeks before the election. The survey used the experimental design of conjoint analysis to test which aspects of the policy were most persuasive among the target population. Additionally, I performed a randomized field experiment across the four major metropolitan areas of Alabama, micro-targeting 6,021 registered voters living in the "Coverage Gap," citizens who could gain health insurance if Medicaid were expanded. The campaign yielded negligible effects on voter turnout among subjects in the Coverage Gap, even though the interventions shifted voter knowledge, 'surfacing' the policy. In addition to the survey and field experiments, this research benefits from qualitative insights gathered in 22 semi-structured interviews conducted among poor Alabamians, many of whom were uninsured. From these interviews, it became clear that the political disengagement of the poor is deeply entrenched, prohibitive of policy-based mobilization. Disengagement is driven by a complex mix of barriers to registration and perceptions of political inefficacy based on interpretations of extant policy designs. These results have important implications for our understanding of the limitations of policy-based mobilization, suggesting that more attention must be paid to how current policies shape predispositions for mobilization.
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7

Arvizu, John R. "National Origin Based Variations of Latino Voter Turnout in 1988: Findings from the Latino National Political Survey." University of Arizona, Mexican American Studies and Research Center, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/219033.

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The Latino community in the United States, currently estimated at over 23 million, is projected to become the largest minority group in America within the next fifteen years. However, insufficient national-level data on Latinos has resulted in relatively few studies being published on the voting behavior of this increasingly important group. Using data drawn from the first national probability sample of Latinos, the Latino National Political Survey, this paper addresses selected socio-demographic indices correlated with voter turnout. The logistic regression model empirically demonstrates the importance of distinguishing among subgroups and identifies the life-cycle effect as a principle determinant of voter turnout.
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8

Sheerin, Celia Anne. "Political Efficacy and Youth Non-Voting: A Qualitative Investigation into the Attitudes and Experiences of Young Voters and Non-Voters in New Zealand." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Political Science and Communication, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/962.

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This thesis examines political efficacy and youth non-voting in New Zealand. Drawing from a focus group discussion and depth interviews with 20 young people, I compare and contrast the attitudes and experiences of 18-24 year-old voters and non-voters. I assess whether the theory of political efficacy is a useful conceptual tool for distinguishing between their attitudes, and evaluate the ability of efficacy theory to explain youth non-voting in New Zealand. The thesis draws attention to the oft-overlooked benefits of using qualitative methods to conduct political science research. Based on my research, I find that the standard (quantitative) operationalisation of efficacy obscures the complex and nuanced nature of young people's thoughts about politics. Depth interviews and focus groups are found to be valuable means to gain insight into the political attitudes of young people, as - unlike quantitative methods - they allow participants to elucidate themselves using language and ideas of their own. A purposive sampling strategy using snowball referrals also proved to be a useful way to recruit young non-voters, indicating to future researchers that such an approach may be a good way to access disengaged populations. Contrary to the predictions of efficacy theory and to the findings of research in the quantitative tradition, I find fewer differences between young voters and non-voters than expected: the interviews and focus group in fact reveal surprising similarities in the political efficacy of young voters and non-voters. Through my research I identify three types of young non-voters: 'disinterested', 'inconvenienced' and 'principled' non-voters, each of whom give different and diverse explanations for their non-participation. These findings suggest that the usefulness of efficacy theory as an explanation for youth non-voting may have been overstated, and my research highlights the need to remain open to other explanations for youth electoral disengagement - such as rational choice and post-materialist theories.
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9

Vergara, Rafael. "Strategic voters in the 2000 Mexican elections /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC IP addresses, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3129949.

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10

Gaffar, Afan. "Javanese Voters: A Case Study of Election Under a Hegemonic Party System." The Ohio State University, 1988. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/23627830.html.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, Graduate School, 1988.
Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 370-387).
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11

Kim, Myunghee. "System support and ideological congruence between voters and policy positions." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/binghamton/main/.

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12

Hill, Timothy G. "Interest-ing candidates the electoral impact of interest group endorsements /." Columbus, OH : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1061393728.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.
Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xv, 219 p. : ill. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Herbert F. Weisberg, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 214-219).
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13

Stevenson, Clint W. "A Logistic Regression Analysis of Utah Colleges Exit Poll Response Rates Using SAS Software." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2006. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/1116.

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In this study I examine voter response at an interview level using a dataset of 7562 voter contacts (including responses and nonresponses) in the 2004 Utah Colleges Exit Poll. In 2004, 4908 of the 7562 voters approached responded to the exit poll for an overall response rate of 65 percent. Logistic regression is used to estimate factors that contribute to a success or failure of each interview attempt. This logistic regression model uses interviewer characteristics, voter characteristics (both respondents and nonrespondents), and exogenous factors as independent variables. Voter characteristics such as race, gender, and age are strongly associated with response. An interviewer's prior retail sales experience is associated with whether a voter will decide to respond to a questionnaire or not. The only exogenous factor that is associated with voter response is whether the interview occurred in the morning or afternoon.
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14

Bouton, Laurent. "Essays in game theory applied to political and market institutions." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210325.

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My thesis contains essays on voting theory, market structures and fiscal federalism: (i) One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation, (ii) Runoff Elections and the Condorcet Loser, (iii) On the Influence of Rankings when Product Quality Depends on Buyer Characteristics, and (iv) Redistributing Income under Fiscal Vertical Imbalance.

(i) One Person, Many Votes: Divided Majority and Information Aggregation (joint with Micael Castanheira)

In elections, majority divisions pave the way to focal manipulations and coordination failures, which can lead to the victory of the wrong candidate. This paper shows how this flaw can be addressed if voter preferences over candidates are sensitive to information. We consider two potential sources of divisions: majority voters may have similar preferences but opposite information about the candidates, or opposite preferences. We show that when information is the source of majority divisions, Approval Voting features a unique equilibrium with full information and coordination equivalence. That is, it produces the same outcome as if both information and coordination problems could be resolved. Other electoral systems, such as Plurality and Two-Round elections, do not satisfy this equivalence. The second source of division is opposite preferences. Whenever the fraction of voters with such preferences is not too large, Approval Voting still satisfies full information and coordination equivalence.

(ii) Runoff Elections and the Condorcet Loser

A crucial component of Runoff electoral systems is the threshold fraction of votes above which a candidate wins outright in the first round. I analyze the influence of this threshold on the voting equilibria in three-candidate Runoff elections. I demonstrate the existence of an Ortega Effect which may unduly favor dominated candidates and thus lead to the election of the Condorcet Loser in equilibrium. The reason is that, contrarily to commonly held beliefs, lowering the threshold for first-round victory may actually induce voters to express their preferences excessively. I also extend Duverger's Law to Runoff elections with any threshold below, equal or above 50%. Therefore, Runoff elections are plagued with inferior equilibria that induce either too high or too low expression of preferences.

(iii) On the Influence of Rankings when Product Quality Depends on Buyer Characteristics

Information on product quality is crucial for buyers to make sound choices. For "experience products", this information is not available at the time of the purchase: it is only acquired through consumption. For much experience products, there exist institutions that provide buyers with information about quality. It is commonly believed that such institutions help consumers to make better choices and are thus welfare improving.

The quality of various experience products depends on the characteristics of buyers. For instance, conversely to the quality of cars, business school quality depends on buyers (i.e. students) characteristics. Indeed, one of the main inputs of a business school is enrolled students. The choice of buyers for such products has then some features of a coordination problem: ceteris paribus, a buyer prefers to buy a product consumed by buyers with "good" characteristics. This coordination dimension leads to inefficiencies when buyers coordinate on products of lower "intrinsic" quality. When the quality of products depends on buyer characteristics, information about product quality can reinforce such a coordination problem. Indeed, even though information of high quality need not mean high intrinsic quality, rational buyers pay attention to this information because they prefer high quality products, no matter the reason of the high quality. Information about product quality may then induce buyers to coordinate on products of low intrinsic quality.

In this paper, I show that, for experience products which quality depends on the characteristics of buyers, more information is not necessarily better. More precisely, I prove that more information about product quality may lead to a Pareto deterioration, i.e. all buyers may be worse off due.

(iv) Redistributing Income under Fiscal Vertical Imbalance (joint with Marjorie Gassner and Vincenzo Verardi)

From the literature on decentralization, it appears that the fiscal vertical imbalance (i.e. the dependence of subnational governments on national government revenues to support their expenditures) is somehow inherent to multi-level governments. Using a stylized model we show that this leads to a reduction of the extent of redistributive fiscal policies if the maximal size of government has been reached. To test for this empirically, we use some high quality data from the LIS dataset on individual incomes. The results are highly significant and point in the direction of our theoretical predictions.


Doctorat en Sciences économiques et de gestion
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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15

Crosby, Raphaella Kathryn. "Australian votes in the making: a critical review of voter behaviour research in Australia." Thesis, 2020. https://researchonline.jcu.edu.au/68803/1/JCU_68803_Crosby_2020_thesis.pdf.

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Raphaella Kathryn Crosby conducted a critical review of the theory and method of voter behaviour research, with a focus on the 2019 Australian federal election. She found there was little agreement or consensus among the research, and no common narrative of the election. Using a Grounded Theory approach she identified five distinct battlegrounds of the 2019 election, and proposed two new theories to explain seemingly illogical voter behaviour.
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16

YANG, CHUNG-CHENG, and 楊中成. "Archives Analysis and Research on the Successful Experience of Voter Service." Thesis, 2018. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/n9yf5q.

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碩士
崑山科技大學
企業管理研究所
106
Voter service is an extension of the political concept, which in turn increases the request for political affairs, bridges the communication between the government and the people, and finally adds to the treatment of the people’s lives. The content is from simple to multiple, simple to complex, and it is the development of liberal democracy. On the upsurge of populism, voter service became the work of Baoshan Baohai. The purpose of this study is to review, review and examine the experience of voter representatives on their own, analyze, summarize, and translate the best service models, and try to make the voter service a method, method, and direction. This study focuses on various types of service cases, conducts archive analysis research, and joins the researchers' self-view and reflection to compile file texts. Through the interpretation and analysis of texts, the following four propositions have been summed up in the experience of the success of voter services: (1) Emphasizing empathy and empathy in services are the key; (2) Negotiations must have methods and cooperation instead of confrontation; (3) The appeal must be truly understood and directed at the core of the problem; (4) The resources must be more integrated to give full play to the synergy of the team. Finally, based on the research results, this study proposes practical implications and specific recommendations for voter services. It is hoped that the relevant public opinion will have a reference in the service of voters and that it will be able to refer to the electorate’s service satisfaction.
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17

Shou, Si-Zen, and 蕭世仁. "THE RESEARCH OF THE VOTER''S VOTING DESISION AND THE POSITIONING OF CANDIDATES." Thesis, 1994. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/55904577720542729841.

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18

Baughman, Katherine A. Leib Jonathan I. "A model of prediction of voter approval for the expansion of a greenways system in Leon County, Florida." Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04082005-143354.

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Thesis (M.S.)--Florida State University, 2005.
Advisor: Dr. Jonathan Leib, Florida State University, College of Social Sciences, Dept. of Geography. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed July 6, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains vi, 48 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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19

Lin, Ken-Jen, and 林耕仁. "The Research on the Service and Voter Satisfaction of Local Representatives---A Case of Hsin-Chu City." Thesis, 2005. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/91636815955306507719.

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碩士
中華大學
科技管理研究所
93
Quality of service comes from the interactions between providers (representatives) and consumers (voters). In an era of rising voters’ awareness, voters could receive a high-quality service from the representatives who could meet their demands and further enhance their level of satisfaction. This is an empirical study that establishes a measurement profile for voter satisfaction. The voter satisfaction toward representatives in Hsin-Chu City is evaluated through the method of questionnaires. The study finds that the attitude of representatives toward the voters is the principle factor in voter satisfaction. The findings of the comprehensive analysis are then used for reference for other representatives on future voter service.
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Luo, Cheng-chung, and 羅聖宗. "Research on Election Marketing Strategy and The Effect on Voter Behavior-The Case of 2006 Kaohsiung Mayor Election." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/c43eam.

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碩士
南華大學
管理科學研究所
95
The object of this research is setting government performance, election issues and election marketing strategy as primary variables, to analyze the integration of the variables and the effect on voting behavior. In addition, an analysis of its linear relationship and significance will be inferred. In terms of the eleven administrative districts in Kaohsiung city, the stratified random sampling is portioned with the voting population which is analyzed by SEM. There are 211 effective samples in this research. The SEM research results show that the fitness standard of the global mode and the structure fitness of the inner mode reach the statistical test level. Candidate condition can directly affect election marketing strategy and voting behavior , candidate condition through election marketing strategy can indirectly affect voting behavior;government performance can directly affect election marketing strategy and voting behavior, government performance can through election marketing strategy indirectly affect voting behavior;election marketing strategy can directly affect voting behavior.
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21

Lo, Sung-Jie, and 羅頌杰. "Television conversation program and voter''s research voting decision—Take 2006 the Kaohsiung race for mayor as an example." Thesis, 2007. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/99687812685823959823.

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22

Perez, Vanessa. "The Effects of Voter Registration and Declining Political Party Competition on Turnout in the United States of America, 1880-1916." Thesis, 2014. https://doi.org/10.7916/D8Q52MSS.

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My dissertation explains the extent to which electoral institutions and declining political party competition precipitated a steep decline in U.S. turnout after 1896 from which the nation never recovered. Turnout dropped from 83 to 66 percent in less than ten years. This is a persistent puzzle in political science because data limitations have stymied empirical assessment of existing theories. Using original datasets on nineteenth century voter registration laws and records on political gambling on presidential elections from 1880 to 1916, I test the hypothesis that the shift in electoral behavior was a function of registration reforms and declining competition. I find that registration laws and political competition modestly explain the decline. Registration reforms explain one percent of the seventeen point turnout drop, and the combined effect of registration and declining competition is approximately two to three percentage points of the drop. I also found that the effect of registration are conditional on immigration, the effect is stronger in states with higher immigrant populations. For the most part, political party competition had a positive effect on turnout in the expected direction. In states remaining competitive after 1896, the long-term average effect of competition on turnout was an increase of about 14 percentage points. To validate this argument, I use election-betting data to create a measure of the public's perception of electoral competition in the states. My findings indicate that highly informed individuals accurately predicted election outcomes, which suggests the public was aware of the electoral competitiveness of presidential elections in the states. This means that perceptions about the electoral competitiveness of races likely influenced voters' decisions to participate. My dissertation advances our empirical and theoretical understanding of the interaction between institutions and political behavior and helps to inform the current debate on the potential implications that contemporary legal reforms in election laws might have on voter participation in America.
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23

Lee, So Young. "Information heterogeneity and voter uncertainty in spatial voting: the U.S. presidential elections, 1992-2004." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/3803.

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This dissertation addresses voters' information heterogeneity and its effect on spatial voting. While most spatial voting models simply assume that voter uncertainty about candidate preferences is homogeneous across voters despite Downs' early use of uncertainty scale to classify the electorate, information studies have discovered that well and poorly informed citizens have sizeable and consistent differences in issue conceptualization, perception, political opinion and behavior. Built upon the spatial theory's early insights on uncertainty and the findings of information literature, this dissertation claims that information effects should be incorporated into the spatial voting model. By this incorporation, I seek to unify the different scholarly traditions of the spatial theory of voting and the study of political information. I hypothesize that uncertainty is not homogeneous, but varies with the level of information, which are approximated by political activism as well as information on candidate policy positions. To test this hypothesis, I employ heteroskedastic probit models that specify heterogeneity of voter uncertainty in probabilistic models of spatial voting. The models are applied to the U.S. presidential elections in 1992-2004. The empirical results of the analysis strongly support the expectation. They reveal that voter uncertainty is heterogeneous as a result of uneven distributions of information and political activism even when various voting cues are available. This dissertation also discovers that this heterogeneity in voter uncertainty has a significant effect on electoral outcomes. It finds that the more uncertain a voter is about the candidates, the more likely he or she is to vote for the incumbent or a better-known candidate. This clearly reflects voters' risk-averse attitudes that reward the candidate with greater certainty, all other things held constant. Heterogeneity in voter uncertainty and its electoral consequences, therefore, have important implications for candidates' strategies. The findings suggest that the voter heterogeneity leads candidates' equilibrium strategies and campaign tactics to be inconsistent with those that spatial analysts have normally proposed.
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Sawyer, J. Kanan. "Before behavior: examining language and emotion in mobilization messages." Thesis, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/2300.

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Chen, Yen-Fu, and 陳彥夫. "Research on Split-Vote of Seventh Legislative Election by Spatial Analysis." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/17741572840981266795.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
101
In this research, take the seventh legislative elections for target, It’s first time two ticket voting for congress in Taiwan and it’s a good chance to observe split -vote havior. The unit of analysis are 358 towns in this country. Thronging conventional regression and spatial analysis model to understand the factors that affect the split- voting. Not only the split voting rate as the dependent variable, but also the Pan-Blue and pan-green camp split voting rate .the study found that the most important factor affecting split vote are the third force candidates, showing the charm of candidates for parliamentary elections has a very important influence. The factor that influence blue camp split vote rate are agricultural population and ethnic group. The factor that influence green camp split vote rate are urbanization and ethnic group. The spatial analysis, prove that the split-vote rate would be affected by the proximity effect, the split –vote behavior in adjacent area will be similar.
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Bae, Sun-kwang. "Korean elections and voters in the transition to democracy, 1985-1992." Phd thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/126286.

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This thesis examines the process by which Korean voters come to their voting decision, especially in the era of democratic transition (1985-1992). The main focus of this study is on the political cleavage structures that have led Korean voters to choose one party over the others in elections. By analysing two sets of sample survey data, which cover the elections in the period of democratic transition, it attempts to unravel the nature of the two main dimensions of political cleavage: that is, the urban-rural and regional differences in electoral support, which are in essence descriptions of vote distribution at the aggregate level. The impact of changes in the party system on the voters during this period is discussed with reference first to the patterns of movement of voters across the subsequent elections and second to the patterns of voter alignment on the two main dimensions. In general, the movements of voters were quite stable along the line of government versus opposition. Patterns in electoral support along the urban-rural dimension depict ‘continuity’ across the elections, whereas patterns in electoral support based on regionalism suggest ‘change’ as much as ‘continuity.’ The past cleavage of regime versus pro-democratic support, which was often reflected in urban-rural differences in electoral support, is found to consist more of differences in socialisation. The different composition of socialisation variables, age and education in particular, between urban and rural areas accounts for the yocK on yado (government-rural, opposition-urban) phenomenon. The regional differences in voting, which appeared as a new (and most important) political cleavage in the elections of this period, are mainly due to ‘personalism.’ The voters, who heavily rely on personality factors for their voting decision, seem to have used the regional traits of the candidates and their parties for the evaluations of candidates most importantly. This thesis argues that voter alignment along regional lines - lines which are vertically drawn rather than cross-cutting; highly personalised and emotioncharged rather than interest oriented; and which exhibit a centrifugal tendency - may hinder democratic stability based on the presidential system of government. Moreover, it would be unfortunate if the current pattem of regional alignment entails the permanent exclusion of some population from political power. For the formation of a more responsive political system, more care is needed for the political actors and the voters alike. Given the ideological rigidity of the society on the Right-Left continuum, the converting of the old pro-government versus pro-democratic cleavage into a conservative versus liberal framework, and, further, the rendering of the converted cleavage to a central place in electoral competition, can be a viable option in the foreseeable future if the presidential system in Korea continues to prosper.
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Haptonstall, Clark D. Mondello Michael. "Measuring the effectiveness of mediated and non-mediated communication among Heisman Trophy voters." Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04112005-004936.

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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005.
Dr. Michael Mondello, Florida State University, College of Education, Dept. of Sport Management, Recreation Management, and Physical Education. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 10, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains viii, 96 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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28

Tsui, Yao-Cheng, and 崔曜丞. "The research of city councilor votes service in Taipei-Take the ninth as an example." Thesis, 2008. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/4pe33c.

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碩士
銘傳大學
社會科學院國家發展與兩岸關係碩士在職專班
96
This research is on the basis of how Taipei city councilors serve the voters. What is called, ‘voters service’ means Taipei city councilors accept voters’ commissions thus assist in dealing with them. These commissions can be related to public affairs or private personal request. Therefore, this thesis first emphasized the importance of public affairs related service. Secondly, the reason of why public affairs government organizations are willing to assist citizenry delegates. Finally, how the citizenry delegates play the roles in the process and what the gains and losses relations do they have. According to the foregoing research, we can realize why Taipei city councilors think highly of voter’s service. While Taipei city councilors serve, they build up the retinue relationship with the voters. Then they build up their personal votes. This kind of election behavior is beyond ideology and pro-political party. Further more, we can also find out that why some citizenry delegates think highly of voters’ service but others not. As well as how the voters’ service gives influences to Taipei city councilors while they interpellate or even on their election results.
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29

Huang, Chia-Tien, and 黃佳恬. "Application of Importance - Performance Method to Explore Voters' Research on Service Quality of Municipal Members." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/46cy9p.

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碩士
亞洲大學
經營管理學系碩士在職專班
105
The parliament is the most basic institution of the democratic state. In the democratic politics, the parliament through the operation of the statutory function, the implementation of supervision of government governance, legislation, expression of public opinion and for the well-being of people and other functions to enhance the quality of government governance. Public opinion representatives at any time to contact the grassroots level, so they grasp the public opinion, not only more immediate, but also through governance issues and various monitoring functions, urge the administrative unit of governance quality. By the grassroots diversity of representatives of the composition of public opinion, more able to fully reflect the views of social diversity and demand service quality is from the representatives of public opinion and the interaction between the election, not only the recipient is also the demand for services, public opinion provided by the How to take care of the quality of services. The object of this study is based on the study of the contents of the voter service by the representatives of the local government. The City Councilor Service shall strengthen the project, including the facilities and services of the service office and the service personnel. To reliable, etc., to enhance the service quality of service satisfaction.
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Pang, Fa-Wen, and 龐法文. "Research of the Councilor Assistant Votes Service - Case Study of the 11th Taipei City Council Councilor Assistant." Thesis, 2013. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/46902598003201136760.

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碩士
銘傳大學
公共事務學系碩士在職專班
101
This research mainly discusses the votes service of councilors’ assistants in Taipei City, and the results are as follows: Upon the present situation of the work content of councilors’ assistants in terms of votes service, there is a great diversity in the cases of votes service, which can be classified into three categories: negotiation of problems, reflection of local residents’ opinions, and other services. The way councilors’ assistants serve their clients depends on the difficulty of the case they are dealing with, while the principles of dealing with things of emergent matter first and with efficiency still rule. However, the authorization from the councilor can have certain extent of influence on how the assistant help the clients. As to the range of the service case, the dominant majority consist of intervening arguments, handling traffic tickets, environmental issue and applications, while vary from case to case. The councilor focuses on assistants’ service for civilians, then secondly goes the overview of legislative acts, depending on whether there are other distractions. Upon the regulation of the assistant to serve their clients, there is no formal restriction currently, but still it cannot violate the law. The councilor’s assistants have to have certain background of intercommunication and commonsense for laws in order to have required knowledge and skills to serve their clients. This civilian service from the assistants is a crucial condition for the councilor to renew his term of office and plays a vital part in achieving this goal. Also, the nuclear functions, or vocational duties, for the elaboration of the assistants’ role and their functions, include being a private advisor and negotiator. Meanwhile, the connection between assistants’ role playing and the regulation of their work depends on the extent of the authorization from the councilor. At last, the common encountered problems, when councilor’s assistants help their clients, are as follows: voter’s worrying about whether the assistants have influence upon the making of policy, whether the new assistants might not be able to handle the given tasks fluently, and whether they might cross the line of their authorization and make policy-making decisions for the legislatives when being too subjective. Key words: councilors’ assistant, the work content of councilors’ assistants, voters service
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31

Fischer, A. J. (Alastair James). "How should I vote : a study of various aspects of voting systems used in parliamentary elections, particularly in Australia / A.J. Fischer." 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18599.

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Includes bibliographical references.
vi, 291 leaves : ill. ; 30 cm.
Title page, contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University Library.
Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Economics, 1994
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Fischer, Alastair James. "How should I vote : a study of various aspects of voting systems used in parliamentary elections, particularly in Australia / A.J. Fischer." Thesis, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18599.

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33

Dabula, Nandi. "The influence of social media political marketing on trust, loyalty and voting intention of youth voters in South Africa." Thesis, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10539/21489.

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A research report submitted to the Faculty of Commerce, Law and Management, University of the Witwatersrand, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Management in the field of Strategic Marketing Johannesburg, 2016
South Africa has witnessed a decline in youth voter turnout. Consequently, political parties are integrating social media in their political marketing strategies in order to appeal to the youth voters. Notwithstanding the cumulative research that has been conducted on social media political marketing globally, there is dearth of such research in South Africa. Furthermore, no studies have explored the influence of social media political marketing on voter trust, loyalty and voting intention of the youth in the South African political context. This research intends to contribute to the increasing knowledge on the efficacy of social media political marketing by political parties in South Africa to engage with the youth and improve their election turn out. The two main research objectives the study seeks to achieve are to establish the influence of social media political marketing on voting intention, with voter trust and voter loyalty as mediators and to determine which mediator (voter trust or voter loyalty) has the strongest influence on the outcome variable (voting intention). Using a data set of 250 respondents, between the ages of 18 and 35 years, from Gauteng Province in South Africa, this study explores these relationships. The study outcome is that all five hypotheses are supported. The results denote that the relationship between social media political marketing and voter trust, social media political marketing and voter loyalty, voter trust and voter loyalty, voter trust and voting intention and voter loyalty and voting intention are all positive in a significant way. The research paper deliberates on the implications of the results from an academic, political party, legal and marketers’ perspective. In addition, directions for future research are suggested.
MT2016
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34

Zhen, Guo-You, and 甄國佑. "Research on the Relationship between Youth and DPP Votes: Spatial Analysis of Taiwan''s 2014 Nine-in-One Municipal Election." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/7dgd2z.

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碩士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
107
The purpose of this study is to explore the impact of youth factors on election results from a "SPACE" perspective. Select the topical 2014 Taiwanese Local elections, commonly known as the Nine-in-One election as a case study to observe the relationship between the youth factor and the DPP’s vote at the time, and to answer that whether the DPP’s vote is positive or not in the area with a large youth distribution ratio in 2014 Taiwanese Local Election. In this study, "Space Analysis Method" was used to study the counties in the main island of Taiwan. Collecting the voting of each political party in every area, the youth ratio, and the relevant social and economic indices, also, used the methods such as “Visual presentation”, “Space exploration analysis” and “Space regression analysis” to screen out other socio-economic factors that may be affected, and analyze the relationship between the youth ratio and the DPP’s votes. After analyzing, it was found that in the 2014 Taiwanese Local Election, the influence of the youth population on the DPP’s votes was only partial rather than comprehensive. The statement that the youth factor is helpful for the DPP to receive votes is not entirely correct. From the research data, it can be found that the youth factor has insufficient explanatory power for the DPP’s vote, and the factors that really affect the outcome of the election are others. However, from the research process, it can be found that the influence of "Space factor" is significant. Taiwan''s election results have a spatial effect, so it is not negligible in conducting election research.
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Li, Chung-Hwa, and 李中華. "The KMT party member votes the behavior research - to elect take Republic of China 94 year Chiayi city party president as an example." Thesis, 2006. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/64862588098497896474.

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36

Slosar, Mary Catherine. "The power of personality : candidate-centered voting in comparative perspective." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/ETD-UT-2011-05-3407.

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More and more, elections around the world seem to be won or lost on the basis of the candidates’ personal qualities rather than their policies. Despite its prevalence in new and established democracies alike, we still know very little about what explains such candidate-centered voting. This study moves our understanding of this issue by examining variation in candidate-centered voting across individuals and electoral contexts in recent presidential elections in the United States, Brazil, and Mexico. I argue that candidate-centered voting is largely an information problem. At the individual level, I focus on the conditioning role of political sophistication, arguing that voters with higher levels of political sophistication engage in less candidate-centered voting due their increased capacity to manage the more cognitively demanding types of information related to policy and performance. Moving beyond the individual level, I consider how candidate-centered voting may vary across electoral contexts as well. In particular, I consider how the institutionalization and structure of political competition shape the cognitive demands on voters, making it more or less difficult for voters to evaluate candidates on bases other than their personalities. To test these arguments, I estimate models of voters’ electoral utilities and vote choices using electoral survey data from the U.S. (2008), Brazil (2002), and Mexico (2000 and 2006). Overall, the empirical analysis supports my individual-level argument regarding political sophistication’s conditioning role. As political sophistication increases, the dominance of candidate considerations in voters’ electoral decisions tends to decrease. Likewise, comparisons in the level of candidate-centered voting across the elections under study suggest that certain aspects of the institutionalization and structure of political competition may help explain contextual variation in candidate-centered voting.
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37

Yeh, Yi-Siou, and 葉易修. "The Research of the Correlation between Social Network and Vote of Internet Public Opinion from Social Media -A case study of the Mayor of Kaohsiung HAN GUO YU." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/ur6y3e.

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38

Giles, Clark Andrew. "Regime fatigue : a cognitive-psychological model for identifying a socialized negativity effect in U.S. Senatorial and Gubernatorial elections from 1960-2008." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/4649.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
This research project proposes to try to isolate and measure the influence of “regime fatigue” on gubernatorial elections and senatorial elections in the United States where there is no incumbent running. The research begins with a review of the negativity effect and its potential influence on schema-based impression forming by voters. Applicable literature on the topics of social clustering and homophily is then highlighted as it provides the vehicle through which the negativity effect disseminates across collections of socially-clustered individuals and ultimately contributes to changing tides of public opinion despite the fact that the political party identification can remain relatively fixed in the aggregate.
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Karasová, Kamila. "Vliv komunikačních kanálů na rozhodování prvovoličů na příkladu voleb do Poslanecké sněmovny Parlamentu České republiky 2017." Master's thesis, 2018. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-372982.

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This master's thesis named The influence of communication channels on decision making of first-time voters shown on the elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic in 2017 focuses on the influence and use of the consumption of communication channels on the decision making of first-time voters. This thesis also portrays the phenomenon of contemporary opinion leaders, such as YouTubers, bloggers, and other Internet celebrities. The theoretical section of the thesis describes the organization of elections to the Chamber of Deputies of the Parliament of the Czech Republic, defines the first-time voter in terms of psychological and sociological, discusses the impact of socialization within family, school, and media, presents the concept of political efficacy, and describes the electoral participation of adolescents. In addition, this thesis focuses on current trends in the consumption of communication channels by young people and opinion leaders. This section draws upon particular international studies and other relevant literature. The analytical section presents the methodology of the research, defines the research sample and its selection, and describes the results of the research. The established hypotheses are based on the results of international studies and for...
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Prokop, Daniel. "Výzkum volebních preferencí v ČR: návrh metodologické optimalizace." Master's thesis, 2012. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-311280.

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Bibliographic record PROKOP, Daniel. (2012). Election polls in the Czech Republic: Methodological Optimization. Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institut of Sociological Studies. Thesis academic consultant: Mgr. Jindřich Krejčí, Ph.D. Abstract The thesis focuses on the election-polls and prediction of election results in the Czech Republic. Using data of research company MEDIAN s.r.o. from face-to-face (CAPI) and telephone interviewing (CATI) in election year 2010 it examines possibilities of methodological optimizations which could lead to reducing systematic bias and discrepancies of pre-election polls the election results. In particular, it discusses these methodological solutions: mix-mode data collection (combination of CATI and CAPI), data weighting focused on specific factors correlated with voting behavior, including preferences of undecided voters, prediction of the respondents' participation in elections, election-polls results time-series smoothing. Based on these analyses the thesis tries to articulate general findings which could be fruitful in discussion about Czech election-polls and their methodology in general. In the thesis, basic and advanced statistic methods (CART, exponential smoothing, etc.) are being used to achieve given research goals. Keywords: election...
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Dutton, Laura A. "Evaluating the criteria for successful elections in post-conflict countries : a case study including Iraq, Sierra Leone, and Bosnia and Herzegovina." Thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/5281.

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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)
Previous research on post-conflict elections has found several criteria important in determining if an area is ready to hold elections and whether or not it is likely to succeed. Although rarely ranked in any determination of importance, several concepts are present in most post-conflict election research. Additionally, there is not an agreed set of standard criteria upon which success can be assumed. When researching the post-conflict election literature two questions arise: (1) is there a set of criteria established to determine if an area is ready to conduct post-conflict elections, and (2) do all criteria need to be present in order to ensure successful post-conflict elections? Most research agrees on common criteria but highlights or researches one dominant criterion, to which is then often attributed to the success of an election. This is found in Krishna Kumar’s focus on international assistance (Kumar, 1998), Staffan Lindberg’s attribution of success to repetition of the election process (Lindberg, 2006), Paul Collier’s focus on per capita income (Collier, 2009), and Marie-Soleil Frere’s research on post-conflict elections and the media (Frere, 2011). When reviewing multiple research sources, it is likely several factors at various times and in various elections will be credited with being the single source criterion for success. This kind of past research is well supported and conclusively argued, but still fails to provide a scope of understanding outside of a single event. In other words, it is case specific and not comparatively applicable across cases. Although this thesis does not intend to “McDonaldize” (Ritzer, 2009) the process of democratization, it does propose to define a common set of criteria necessary, even if in varying degrees, to conduct successful elections in post-conflict environments.
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