Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / Voters of the Sweden Democrats / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: Voters of the Sweden Democrats.

Journal articles on the topic 'Voters of the Sweden Democrats'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'Voters of the Sweden Democrats.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Oskarson, Maria, and Marie Demker. "Room for Realignment: The Working-Class Sympathy for Sweden Democrats." Government and Opposition 50, no. 4 (2015): 629–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2014.41.

Full text

Abstract:

How is it that the Swedish populist nationalist party the Sweden Democrats receives its strongest support from the established working class, in spite of the high degree of class voting and left–right mobilization which is known to characterize Swedish politics? Based on surveys from the SOM (Society, Opinion, Media) Institute as well as the Swedish National Elections Studies, this article shows that this is not a result of increasing anti-immigrant attitudes in the working class or of decreasing left–right polarization among voters. Rather, we present the argument that the weakening alignment

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Gordon, Joshua C. "The Perils of Vanguardism." Socio-Economic Review 17, no. 4 (2017): 947–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ser/mwx046.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractOver the past 25 years, Sweden has gone from having one of the most generous unemployment benefit systems among the rich democracies to one of the least. This article advances a multi-causal explanation for this unexpected outcome. It shows how the benefit system became a target of successive right-wing governments due to its role in fostering social democratic hegemony. Employer groups, radicalized by the turbulent 1970s more profoundly than elsewhere, sought to undermine the system, and their abandonment of corporatism in the early 1990s limited unions’ capacity to restrain right-win

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

Kalsnes, Bente. "Examining the populist communication logic: Strategic use of social media in populist political parties in Norway and Sweden." Central European Journal of Communication 12, no. 2 (2019): 187–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1899-5101.12.2(23).5.

Full text

Abstract:

Previous research has demonstrated that right-wing populist parties are particularly successful in gaining engagement and interaction on social media, but less is known about how rightwing populist parties use social media strategically, both in relation to voters and news media. By focusing on two Nordic countries, Norway and Sweden, this paper addresses the strategic use of social media within the Sweden Democrats and the Progress Party based on three different data sets: interviews, content analysis of Facebook posts, and engagement data from the parties’ Facebook pages. This study finds th

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Parlyk, Vladislav. "The search of ways out of crisis of the Social Democratic Movement of Austria." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (2019): 69–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171924.

Full text

Abstract:

The article is devoted to the crisis of social democratic movements in Western Europe in the XXI century. Emphasis is placed on the evolution of the Social Democratic Party of Austria. Of great importance are the developments of such scientists who dealt with this problem, as K. Kholodkovsky, N. Rabotyazhev, A. Vilkov, G. Nidermyulbihler, G. Sidl, G. Moschonas. The structure of the article is as follows. The first part shows a tendency to reduce electoral support for socialist and social democratic parties in countries such as France, the Netherlands, the United Kingdom, Germany, Sweden, Austr

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Bolin, Niklas, and Nicholas Aylott. "Right-Wing Populist Party Leadership in Sweden: One of a Kind or one of the Crowd?" Polish Political Science Review 7, no. 1 (2019): 24–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ppsr-2019-0002.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractAre right-wing populist parties fundamentally different from other types? This article explores one aspect of what we call the exceptionalist thesis. The thesis could be applied to a wide range of party characteristics, but here we focus on leadership. In this context, our case study is of the Sweden Democrats (SD). First, we examine how SD selects its leader. Second, we assess how leadership works in practice in SD, especially regarding party management. We also review how this leadership style has gone down with voters. We mix our own interpretation of these data with other scholars’

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Gumuscu, Sebnem. "The Emerging Predominant Party System in Turkey." Government and Opposition 48, no. 2 (2012): 223–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/gov.2012.13.

Full text

Abstract:

In the Turkish national elections of 12 June 2011 the ruling Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi (AKP, Justice and Development Party) registered an exceptional success in Turkish democracy. For the first time, an incumbent party had managed to increase its votes for three elections in a row and established its predominance. This article argues that the AKP, like the Christian Democrats in Italy, Liberal Democrats in Japan or Social Democrats in Sweden, has established a cycle of dominance that includes initial mobilization, expansion of core support through material benefits, delegitimization of the op

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

Jylhä, Kirsti M., Jens Rydgren, and Pontus Strimling. "Radical right‐wing voters from right and left: Comparing Sweden Democrat voters who previously voted for the Conservative Party or the Social Democratic Party." Scandinavian Political Studies 42, no. 3-4 (2019): 220–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12147.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Butler, Daniel M., Elin Naurin, and Patrik Öhberg. "Party Representatives’ Adaptation to Election Results: Dyadic Responsiveness Revisited." Comparative Political Studies 50, no. 14 (2016): 1973–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414016679178.

Full text

Abstract:

Politicians’ dual responsibilities to respect their party and also be responsive to their constituents is surprisingly lacking in studies of representation. How do politicians—especially those who function in strong-party systems—individually respond to their constituents’ preferences? We make use of an original, large-scale survey of politicians and the recent success of the Sweden Democrats in the elections in Sweden to show that important adaptation takes place within the party structure. Individual politicians are responsive to signals about voters’ preferences, and they act on these signa

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

Grishin, I. "Prize without Victory, Victory without Prize." World Economy and International Relations, no. 2 (2015): 68–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-2-68-76.

Full text

Abstract:

Traditional stability of the Swedish legislative and executive authorities functioning, manifested in the almost complete absence of parliamentary and governmental crises, was questioned by results of the general elections in September 2014. The Alliance of four center-right parties who ruled Sweden from 2006 to 2014 suffered a defeat having lost 32 of 173 mandates. Simultaneously, the informal coalition of three center-left parties that opposed to the Alliance in 2006-2014 increased its representation in the Riksdag from 156 to 159 deputies only. Thus, none of the two inter-party blocks has t

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

LEWIN, LEIF. "Framing to persuade. Sweden's decision to join the European Union." European Review 12, no. 2 (2004): 127–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798704000134.

Full text

Abstract:

In September 2003, in a referendum, Sweden said ‘no’ to the euro. This might have shocked the European political establishments, but for Swedish observers the result came as no surprise. Swedish ordinary citizens were already sceptical of the whole EU project when Sweden applied for membership in 1991; thereafter, Sweden was the only member country with a EU-negative majority in its delegation to the European Parliament. For once the dominant Social Democratic Party in Sweden, otherwise so superbly skilful in forming opinion, had not anchored its EU-policy among the voters. Instead, the politi

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Svensson, Jakob. "Negotiating the Political Self on Social Media Platforms An In-Depth Study of Image-Management in an Election-Campaign in a Multi-Party Democracy." JeDEM - eJournal of eDemocracy and Open Government 4, no. 2 (2012): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.29379/jedem.v4i2.150.

Full text

Abstract:

The elections 2010 were the first in Sweden where social media platforms were used to a large extent by politicians and parties in their campaigns. In this paper we follow the liberal parliamentarian Nina Larsson, who in tandem with traditional election campaigning used social media platforms with the guidance of a local communication agency, Hello Clarice. The paper is theoretically grounded in an understanding of our time as late modern, of social media use as expressive and web campaigning as to large extent revolving around image-management. The research question that will be attended to i

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Johansson, Perry. "Resistance and Repetition: The Holocaust in the Art, Propaganda, and Political Discourse of Vietnam War Protests." Cultural History 10, no. 1 (2021): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cult.2021.0233.

Full text

Abstract:

The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to ex

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Benton, Allyson Lucinda. "Dissatisfied Democrats or Retrospective Voters?" Comparative Political Studies 38, no. 4 (2005): 417–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414004273856.

Full text

Abstract:

This article examines recent trends in Latin American voting behavior and casts them in terms of sincere (economic) and strategic (electoral) concerns. It argues that thanks to years of economic adversity, Latin Americans have developed long, sophisticated economic memories. Although this has resulted in rising frustration with democratic government, according to recent opinion polls, it has not always led voters to punish all parties responsible for hardship at election time. A panel study of the region’s presidential systems demonstrates that citizens punish incumbents by voting for establis

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Raos, Višeslav. "Ideology, Partisanship, and Change." Politička misao 56, no. 3-4 (2020): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20901/pm.56.3-4.01.

Full text

Abstract:

This paper analyzes changes in the Croatian party system in the 1990-2016 period by looking at trends in the ideological makeup of voters of the main center-right (HDZ) and center-left (SDP) parties. An assessment of changes in voter self-placement on a left-right scale has shown a gradual increase in the ideological distance among voters of these parties. Further, the paper detected a trend towards an increase in the share of self-declared far-right voters among HDZ voters and far-left voters among SDP voters. In addition, an analysis of categorical ideological identification has demonstrated

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Kopelson, Gene. "“Ya Basta?!” Ronald Reagan's 1966 Success with Mexican American Voters." California History 91, no. 4 (2014): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2014.91.4.31.

Full text

Abstract:

President Ronald Reagan often is remembered for his ability to attract disaffected Democrats—the “Reagan Democrats”—to vote Republican. Yet, long before his first Presidential victory in 1980, Reagan garnered their votes in the 1966 California gubernatorial election. In beating Republican primary opponent, former San Francisco Mayor George Christopher, as well as his general election opponent, incumbent Democrat Governor Pat Brown, he drew heavily from the ranks of disaffected Democrats. Perhaps more surprising, Reagan polled well among Mexican Americans, who were traditionally Democrats. Inde

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Pennycook, Gordon, and David G. Rand. "Cognitive Reflection and the 2016 U.S. Presidential Election." Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin 45, no. 2 (2018): 224–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0146167218783192.

Full text

Abstract:

We present a large exploratory study ( N = 15,001) investigating the relationship between cognitive reflection and political affiliation, ideology, and voting in the 2016 Presidential Election. We find that Trump voters are less reflective than Clinton voters or third-party voters. However, much (although not all) of this difference was driven by Democrats who chose Trump. Among Republicans, conversely, Clinton and Trump voters were similar, whereas third-party voters were more reflective. Furthermore, although Democrats/liberals were somewhat more reflective than Republicans/conservatives ove

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Grishin, I. "Sweden after Swedish Model." World Economy and International Relations, no. 6 (2014): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-6-53-64.

Full text

Abstract:

Since the turn of the 1980–90s the Swedish society has undergone fundamental changes. It has altered the vector of the socioeconomic development. The social democrats have lost their position as the dominant party. They changed the course of the governmental policy from social-state to liberal one that was taken over and strengthened by the government of center-right parties after their victory in the 2006 and 2010 general elections. The social democrats have found themselves in the unprecedented since 1917 long opposition. All of this means that, despite keeping predominance of the institutio

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Borquez, Julio. "Partisan Appraisals of Party Defectors: Looking Back at the Reagan Democrats." American Review of Politics 26 (November 1, 2005): 323–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.323-346.

Full text

Abstract:

Using data from the 1980-1992 National Election Studies, this paper compares the policy and partisan views of three sets of voters: (1) “loyal” Democrats who voted for their party’s presidential candidates; (2)“defecting” Democrats who voted for Ronald Reagan or George Bush; (3) loyal Republicans. During the 1980s, the defectors were commonly labeled “Reagan Democrats,” and the conventional wisdom at the time was that Reagan Democrats were disenchanted with the liberal tilt of the “national” Democratic Party, especially on issues related to race and redistribution. The analysis shows that defe

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Plevako, Natalia. "Elections in Sweden: Swedish Democrats mixed cards." Scientific and Analytical Herald of IE RAS, no. 5 (October 1, 2018): 71–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15211/vestnikieran520187175.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Eccarius-Kelly, Vera. "Party preferences and political participation: the emergence of the Turkish-origin German voter." Migration Letters 5, no. 1 (2008): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v5i1.56.

Full text

Abstract:

The article examines trends in voting preferences and voting behavior of Turkish-origin German voters. Despite only representing a small percentage of the total German electorate, Turkish-origin voters are gaining an opportunity to shape the future political landscape. While the Social Democrats have benefited most directly from the minority constituency so far, this author suggests that the Green Party is poised to attract the younger, better educated, and German-born segment of the Turkish-origin voters. All other dominant national parties have ignored this emerging voting bloc, and missed o

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Bellucci, Paolo. "Changing Models of Electoral Choice in Italy." Modern Italy 12, no. 1 (2007): 55–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532940601134841.

Full text

Abstract:

Scholars argue that the realignment of the electorate which took place with the transition to the so-called Italian Second Republic followed mainly a traditional partisan pattern, with electors of the former centre ruling parties (the Christian Democrats and the Socialists) turning to vote for the new centre and right parties (Forza Italia and the National Alliance), while left-wing voters continued to hold their traditional allegiance. Behind this apparent electoral turmoil there would appear to be little in the way of voter mobility. Such a reading implies continuity in the motivations of vo

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Bullock, Charles S., M. V. Hood, and Richard Clark. "Punch Cards, Jim Crow, and Al Gore: Explaining Voter Trust in the Electoral System in Georgia, 2000." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 5, no. 3 (2005): 283–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/153244000500500305.

Full text

Abstract:

Following the problems with presidential voting in Florida in 2000, voters and political scientists became interested in election administration. While empirical studies have shown that different election equipment can produce different tabulation error rates, little is known about the factors that affect voters' perceptions of good election administration. Using a survey of voters in Georgia, we examine these perceptions of the voting process. We find that black voters and Democrats were significantly less confident than others that their votes were counted accurately and that they were also

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Berntzen, Lars Erik. "How Elite Politicization of Terror Impacts Sympathies for Partisans: Radical Right versus Social Democrats." Politics and Governance 8, no. 3 (2020): 19–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v8i3.2919.

Full text

Abstract:

The populist radical right is frequently engaged in intense political and normative conflict with their political opponents. Does this have a spillover effect on citizens’ sympathies for populist radical right voters and the voters of their political antagonists, and if so, why? This is a study of citizens’ affective evaluation of radical right and social democratic voters when exposed to intense conflict between the two parties at the elite level. It zooms in on the conflict between the Norwegian Progress Party and the Labour Party that revolves around the trauma of the 22 July 2011 terror at

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

Larcinese, Valentino, James M. Snyder, and Cecilia Testa. "Testing Models of Distributive Politics using Exit Polls to Measure Voters’ Preferences and Partisanship." British Journal of Political Science 43, no. 4 (2012): 845–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123412000245.

Full text

Abstract:

This article tests several hypotheses about distributive politics by studying the distribution of federal spending across US states over the period 1978–2002. It improves on previous work by using survey data to measure the share of voters in each state that are Democrats, Republicans and Independents, or liberals, conservatives and moderates. No evidence is found that the allocation of federal spending to the states is distorted by strategic manipulation to win electoral support. States with many swing voters are not advantaged compared to states with more loyal voters, and ‘battleground stat

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Tyrberg, Maria, and Carl Dahlström. "Policy Effects of Anti-Immigrant Party Representation on Aid to Vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area Citizens." Political Studies 66, no. 1 (2017): 3–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032321717722361.

Full text

Abstract:

While anti-immigrant parties have been electorally successful in European parliaments, it is still unclear whether they have influenced policies. This article contributes by investigating the anti-immigrant party policy impact on a previously unexplored welfare policy area, that concerning the mobility of vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area citizens. In Sweden, the aid offered to these citizens varies a great deal in different municipalities. Furthermore, the largest anti-immigrant party (Sweden Democrats) has, unlike the mainstream political parties, preferences for a strict poli

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

Arndt, Christoph. "The Electoral Consequences of Welfare State Reforms for the Danish Social Democrats." World Political Science 9, no. 1 (2013): 319–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/wpsr-2013-0014.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe article demonstrates that the big electoral defeat for Danish social democracy in the 2001 elections was not solely the consequence of the immigration issue, but of the welfare state reforms implemented by the Social Democratic government (1993–2001). Social democratic core voters opposed the reforms since they broke with the decommodification paradigm and turned away from social democracy. Against the arguments from the literature, the left-wing competitor Socialist People’s Party’s could not benefit from the reforms given its function as supporter party. Rather, the reforms cause

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Grishin, I. "Sweden is Increasingly Loosing its Peculiarity (On Elections of 2010)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 3 (2011): 46–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2011-3-46-56.

Full text

Abstract:

The article analyses results of Swedish parliamentary elections in September 2010. The author regards them as another manifestation of the fact that Sweden is losing peculiarity of its social development model. This is a result of the end of an era of two-block party structure of the Riksdag (left and right centers) and of the domination of Social Democrats in the political life of the country. The new third political force – the party of Swedish Democrats which strongly opposes the other culture immigration – is detail regarded.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Kolkmann, Michael. "Rückkehr zum „divided government“, aber die „blaue Welle“ bleibt auf halbem Wege stecken: Die US-Kongresswahlen vom 6. November 2018." Zeitschrift für Parlamentsfragen 50, no. 4 (2019): 810–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0340-1758-2019-4-810.

Full text

Abstract:

The 2018 Congressional elections ended with an ambivalent result for both the Democrats and Republicans . The turnout recorded the best result in almost a century . The Democrats were able to recapture a significant majority in the U .S . House of Representatives by winning particularly among white and female voters while solidifying their support among Democrats-leaning groups like African-Americans and Hispanics . The Republicans were not only able to defend their slim majority in the U .S . Senate but even increased their majority by two seats . The current 116th Congress, especially the Ho

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Burström, Bo. "What Is Happening in Sweden?" International Journal of Health Services 49, no. 2 (2019): 204–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020731418822236.

Full text

Abstract:

Election to the parliament was held in Sweden on 9 September 2018. None of the traditional political blocks obtained a majority of the vote. The nationalist Sweden Democrats party increased their share of the vote from 13% in 2014 elections to 17% of the vote in 2018. As no traditional political block wants to collaborate with the Sweden Democrats, no new government has yet been formed, more than 2 months after the election. Health care was a prominent issue in the elections. Health care in Sweden is universal and tax-funded, with a strong emphasis on equity. However, recent reforms have empha

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Beachler, Donald W. "Race and Partisanship: Congressional Redistricting In the South After the 2000 Census." American Review of Politics 25 (July 1, 2004): 137–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2004.25.0.137-155.

Full text

Abstract:

Much of the literature on the effort to increase minority representation in Congress has focused on the extent to which creating majority-minority districts decreased the prospects for the election of Democrats. Little attention is paid to the partisanship of those drawing the district lines. An examination of redistricting in the South after the 2000 census indicates that Republican controlled state legislatures will distribute minority voters in a dramatically different fashion than will Democrat majority legislatures. When Democrats draw district lines, it is possible to draw district lines

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Grad, Marius, and Claudiu Marian. "Explaining Change: The Online Political Marketing of the Romanian Social Democrats." European Review 28, no. 5 (2020): 778–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s106279872000023x.

Full text

Abstract:

In the most recent two decades, the political campaigns conducted by the Social Democratic Party in Romania targeted specific groups of voters, with little intention to attract new voters. The reason behind their strategy is that they could secure a relatively constant support of roughly one third of the electorate and so win the popular vote in every election since 2000. However, the 2016 parliamentary elections marked a turning point in this approach and the party used almost exclusively online marketing to organize, streamline and channel its messages. This article seeks to understand why t

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Tucker, Harvey J., Arnold Vedlitz, and James DeNardo. "Does Heavy Turnout Help Democrats in Presidential Elections?" American Political Science Review 80, no. 4 (1986): 1291–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055400185119.

Full text

Abstract:

There is conventional political wisdom that high voter turnout in a U.S. presidential election advantages the majority party. Because the Democratic party has been the dominant party in recent decades, this turnout advantage is often believed to accrue to Democratic presidential candidates. In an article in the June 1980 issue of the Review, James DeNardo challenged this conventional view. Indeed, he claimed that the majority party was likely to suffer with increased turnout when the behavior of core and peripheral voters is taken into account. Harvey J. Tucker and Arnold Vedlitz take issue wi

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Smith, Seeon. "Universe of Support: Suburban Voters in Canadian Federal Elections." Political Science Undergraduate Review 5, no. 1 (2020): 25–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur145.

Full text

Abstract:

This chapter reviews the position of suburban voters within Canadian federal elections. In response to the impression that federal elections are won and lost in the greater Toronto area I ask - how do suburban voters factor into the campaign strategies of political parties? I examine the significance of suburban voters, emphasizing those in Toronto, as a contested demographic. I draw attention to the allocation of campaign resources through analysis of the 2019 party leader tours of the Liberals, Conservatives, and New Democrats. This is supplemented by an analysis of party platforms from 2008

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Caughell, Leslie. "When Playing the Woman Card is Playing Trump: Assessing the Efficacy of Framing Campaigns as Historic." PS: Political Science & Politics 49, no. 04 (2016): 736–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096516001438.

Full text

Abstract:

ABSTRACTCandidate gender has become a major theme in the 2016 presidential campaign. Secretary Clinton appears to be emphasizing her gender to a greater degree than she did in 2008, even invoking gender in primary debates as something that separates her from the political establishment. Her opponent in the general election, Donald Trump, claimed that Clinton was playing the “woman card” and that Clinton has little to offer as a candidate beyond her sex. However, scholars have little sense of the effectiveness of playing the woman card by emphasizing the historic first associated with a candida

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Erlingsson, Gissur Ó., Kåre Vernby, and Richard Öhrvall. "The single-issue party thesis and the Sweden Democrats." Acta Politica 49, no. 2 (2013): 196–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/ap.2013.18.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Anthonsen, Mette, Johannes Lindvall, and Ulrich Schmidt-Hansen. "Social democrats, unions and corporatism: Denmark and Sweden compared." Party Politics 17, no. 1 (2010): 118–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068810365504.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Christian, Julie, Daniella Nayyar, Ronald Riggio, and Dominic Abrams. "Them and us: Did Democrat inclusiveness and Republican solidarity lead to the 2016 US presidential election outcome?" Leadership 14, no. 5 (2018): 524–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1742715018793733.

Full text

Abstract:

This research examined the role that group dynamics played in the 2016 US presidential election. Just prior to the election, participants were assessed on perceived self-similarity to group members’ views, perception of own leader’s prototypicality, perceptions of social values, and strength of support (attitudes). Results indicated that Democrats were more inclusive, seeing more similarity between themselves and members from the outgroup political party, while Republicans displayed more ingroup solidarity and negative attitudes toward outgroup members. Trump was viewed as a more prototypical

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Fisk, Colin A. "No Republican, No Vote: Undervoting and Consequences of the Top-Two Primary System." State Politics & Policy Quarterly 20, no. 3 (2019): 292–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532440019893688.

Full text

Abstract:

Washington and California adopted the Top-Two Primary in 2008 and 2012, respectively. Under this new system, all candidates regardless of party affiliation run against each other, narrowing the field down to the top two for the general election. In some jurisdictions, the general election features two candidates from the same party. Ten percent of California voters chose not to vote in the 2016 U.S. Senate election which featured two Democrats. Using data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study (2012–2016), I find that among those who vote in the national November elections, orphans,

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Steger, Wayne E. "Playing Defense in the Illinois 10th: Surviving "Obama-mania" in the Shadow of Chicago." American Review of Politics 30 (July 1, 2009): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2009.30.0.137-154.

Full text

Abstract:

Mark Kirk, Republican Representative for the 10th congressional district of Illinois, faced a daunting reelection challenge in 2008. As noted earlier, national conditions favored the Democrats in 2008 with an unpopular Republican president, increasingly unpopular wars, high energy prices, a looming recession, increasing problems with the health care system, and growing budget deficits that limit solutions. National polls indicated wide-spread public dissatisfaction with the status quo on a wide range of issues and increasing support for “change”. Further, the Democrats won control of the House

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Loepp, Eric. "Who Else Is Running? Reference Dependence in Candidate Evaluations." American Politics Research 48, no. 2 (2018): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18803881.

Full text

Abstract:

Research assessing how voters evaluate political candidates often focuses on the effects of particular attributes (e.g., race, gender, partisanship). I submit that voters’ perceptions of candidates may depend not only on candidates’ own traits and features, but those of other candidates running against them. Drawing on literature on reference dependence, I argue that the same candidate may be perceived in significantly different ways depending on whether or not voters evaluate the candidate as a single entity or as one option in a multicandidate field. An original survey experiment reveals tha

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Junn, Jane, and Natalie Masuoka. "The Gender Gap Is a Race Gap: Women Voters in US Presidential Elections." Perspectives on Politics 18, no. 4 (2019): 1135–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592719003876.

Full text

Abstract:

Scholarship on women voters in the United States has focused on the gender gap, showing that, since the 1980s, women are more likely to vote for Democratic Party candidates than men. The persistence of the gender gap has nurtured the conclusion that women are Democrats. This article presents evidence upending that conventional wisdom. It analyzes data from the American National Election Study to demonstrate that white women are the only group of female voters who support Republican Party candidates for president. They have done so by a majority in all but 2 of the last 18 elections. The releva

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

Makse, Todd, and Anand E. Sokhey. "Yard Sign Displays and the Enthusiasm Gap in the 2008 and 2010 Elections." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 04 (2012): 694–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096512000777.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractIn the run up to the 2010 midterm elections, pundits and politicos often talked of an “enthusiasm gap” between Republicans and Democrats. Although conventional treatments have typically equated these gaps with changes in turnout and the composition of the electorate, we argue that the term better describes the participatory patterns of highly engaged voters. Using multiple data sources, including a geocoded, county-wide study that tracked yard sign displays between 2008 and 2010, we examine the visible evidence of enthusiasm gaps in voters' neighborhoods. Our findings echo recent narra

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Lyon, Gregory. "Working Conditions, Workers’ Rights, and Candidate Preference in the 2016 Democratic Primary." Public Opinion Quarterly 83, no. 4 (2019): 805–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/poq/nfz047.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Working conditions and workers’ rights have long been indicators of broader societal power, yet it is unclear whether candidates who take explicit stands on such issues can expect to find electoral support among voters. This study draws on cross-sectional and panel data to examine the relationship between attitudes toward such issues and candidate preference in the 2016 Democratic primary. Although research on vote choice suggests issue attitudes are typically remote considerations, the findings indicate that Democrats who were more concerned about workers’ working conditions and the

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Campbell, James E. "Explaining Electoral Change in the 2018 US Midterm Elections: The Three Components of Electoral Mandates." Forum 16, no. 4 (2018): 477–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2018-0034.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Why did the American electorate elect a solid majority of Republicans to the House in 2016 and then 2 years later replace it with a solid majority of Democrats? This article revives the idea of an electoral mandate and applies it to the 2016 and 2018 elections. It proposes a trinity of partisan attitudes serving as the components of electoral mandates: performance, values, and leadership. The election of President Trump in 2016 depended on a mix of performance evaluations (a weak economy) favoring the Republicans and leadership evaluations (Trump’s behavior difficulties) muted by valu

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Abramowitz, Alan. "Forecasting in a Polarized Era: The Time for Change Model and the 2012 Presidential Election." PS: Political Science & Politics 45, no. 04 (2012): 618–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909651200087x.

Full text

Abstract:

The 2012 presidential campaign takes place at a time of deep political division in the United States. Democrats and Republicans differ sharply over Barack Obama's performance in office as well as a wide range of issues ranging from government spending and health care to immigration and gay marriage. These divisions are shaping the strategies of the candidates and the outlook for November. Overwhelming majorities of Democrats and Republicans, including overwhelming majorities of independents who lean toward a party, can be expected to support their own party's nominee. As a result, the outcome

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Bergh, Johannes, Stefan Dahlberg, Ulf Mörkenstam, and Jo Saglie. "Participation in Indigenous Democracy: Voter Turnout in Sámi Parliamentary Elections in Norway and Sweden." Scandinavian Political Studies 41, no. 4 (2018): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9477.12129.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Schroeder, Ralph. "Even in Sweden?" Nordic Journal of Media Studies 2, no. 1 (2020): 97–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/njms-2020-0009.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe Swedish national parliamentary election of 2018 took place amidst considerable concern over the role of misinformation. This paper examines the role of digital media during the election against the background of the Swedish media system. It focuses on the role of bots and how they supported the Sweden Democrats, whose agenda was also promoted by anti-immigrant alternative news websites. This article reports on a study of Twitter that used computational techniques to distinguish bots from genuine accounts across hashtags related to the election and Swedish politics (such as #valet20

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

BACCINI, LEONARDO, and STEPHEN WEYMOUTH. "Gone For Good: Deindustrialization, White Voter Backlash, and US Presidential Voting." American Political Science Review 115, no. 2 (2021): 550–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055421000022.

Full text

Abstract:

Globalization and automation have contributed to deindustrialization and the loss of millions of manufacturing jobs, yielding important electoral implications across advanced democracies. Coupling insights from economic voting and social identity theory, we consider how different groups in society may construe manufacturing job losses in contrasting ways. We argue that deindustrialization threatens dominant group status, leading some white voters in affected localities to favor candidates they believe will address economic distress and defend racial hierarchy. Examining three US presidential e

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Högström, John. "The Gender-Representation Gap in Radical Right Parties: Is There Any Contagion Effect from Parties with Small Gaps?" Comparative Sociology 18, no. 1 (2019): 66–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-12341486.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This study is about women’s political participation in times of increased influence from radical right parties. The gender-representation gap in the Swedish radical right party, the Sweden Democrats, is examined. A reformulated contagion theory is tested using three hypotheses. To test the hypotheses, a large-N study of all of Sweden’s municipalities is conducted. The results show that a large gender-representation gap exists in the Sweden Democrats party compared with that in the other main parties, and the gap has a negative effect on the total level of female representation in the

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Martinus, Handy. "Analisis Perubahan Partai Politik Pemenang Pemilu di Indonesia." Humaniora 4, no. 2 (2013): 866. http://dx.doi.org/10.21512/humaniora.v4i2.3516.

Full text

Abstract:

By three elections in Indonesia, the pattern seen is a change in a very significant political force. It changed not only the party in the first position, but also a different party: three elections produced three different parties that received the most votes. Major political changes in Indonesia have been coloring since the reformation in 1998. The first change occurred in the 1999 election. PDIP evicted Golkar that has ruled for more than 30 years claiming an absolute majority. Then in the 2004 election, the strength of the party with the most votes moved to Golkar. In 2009, a major change o

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!