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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting Rights Act of 1965 (United States)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 28 July 2025

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1

Jenkins, Jeffery A., and Justin Peck. "Building Toward Major Policy Change: Congressional Action on Civil Rights, 1941–1950." Law and History Review 31, no. 1 (2013): 139–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000181.

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The mid-1960s witnessed a landmark change in the area of civil rights policy in the United States. After a series of tortuous internal battles, with Southern legislators using all available procedural tools to maintain their states' discriminatory Jim Crow legal systems, the United States Congress adopted two statutes—the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965—which insured civil and political equality for all Americans. The Acts of 1964 and 1965 were the culmination of a decade-long struggle by black Americans to secure the citizenship rights that had been denied to them f

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2

Tomaskovic-Devey, Donald, and Patricia Warren. "Explaining and Eliminating Racial Profiling." Contexts 8, no. 2 (2009): 34–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ctx.2009.8.2.34.

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The emancipation of slaves is a century-and-a-half in America's past. Many would consider it ancient history. Even the 1964 Civil Rights Act and the 1965 Voting Rights Act, which challenged the de facto racial apartheid of the post-CivilWar period, are now well over 40 years old. But even in the face of such well-established laws, racial inequalities in education, housing, employment, and law enforcement remain widespread in the United States.

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Schroedel, Jean, and Ryan Hart. "Vote Dilution and Suppression in Indian Country." Studies in American Political Development 29, no. 1 (2015): 40–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x1400011x.

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The struggle for Native American voting rights has lasted more than two centuries. Although the 1924 Indian Citizenship Act granted citizenship to indigenous peoples born within the geographic boundaries of the United States, it did not ensure the right to vote. Because the Constitution gives states the power to determine the “times, places, and manner of holding elections,” many states statutorily denied Native Americans the franchise until federal lawsuits forced them to change. Having the statutory right to vote, however, did not ensure that it could be exercised in a meaningful way. Since

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Moehling, Carolyn M., and Melissa A. Thomasson. "Votes for Women: An Economic Perspective on Women’s Enfranchisement." Journal of Economic Perspectives 34, no. 2 (2020): 3–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.34.2.3.

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The ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920 officially granted voting rights to women across the United States. However, many states extended full or partial suffrage to women before the federal amendment. In this paper, we discuss the history of women's enfranchisement using an economic lens. We examine the demand side, discussing the rise of the women's movement and its alliances with other social movements, and describe how suffragists put pressure on legislators. On the supply side, we draw from theoretical models of suffrage extension to explain why men shared the right to vote w

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Weaver, Vesla M. "Frontlash: Race and the Development of Punitive Crime Policy." Studies in American Political Development 21, no. 2 (2007): 230–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x07000211.

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Civil rights cemented its place on the national agenda with the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, fair housing legislation, federal enforcement of school integration, and the outlawing of discriminatory voting mechanisms in the Voting Rights Act of 1965. Less recognized but no less important, the Second Reconstruction also witnessed one of the most punitive interventions in United States history. The death penalty was reinstated, felon disenfranchisement statutes from the First Reconstruction were revived, and the chain gang returned. State and federal governments revised their criminal

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Bobo, Lawrence D. "Somewhere between Jim Crow & Post-Racialism: Reflections on the Racial Divide in America Today." Daedalus 140, no. 2 (2011): 11–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00091.

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In 1965, when Dædalus published two issues on “The Negro American,” civil rights in the United States had experienced a series of triumphs and setbacks. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 extended basic citizenship rights to African Americans, and there was hope for further positive change. Yet 1965 also saw violent confrontations in Selma, Alabama, and the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles that were fueled by racial tensions. Against this backdrop of progress and retreat, the contributors to the Dædalus volumes of the mid-1960s considered how socioeconomic factors

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Hattam, Victoria. "The 1964 Civil Rights Act: Narrating the Past, Authorizing the Future." Studies in American Political Development 18, no. 1 (2004): 60–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x04000045.

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Civil rights legislation of the sixties and seventies sought to end racial discrimination in the United States; doing so required that the federal government establish an official ethnoracial taxonomy in order to specify who was and was not covered by the various statutes. Specifically, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, the Voting Rights Act of 1965, the Fair Housing Act of 1968, the Equal Credit Opportunity Act of 1974, and the Home Mortgage Act of 1975 required federal agencies to identify particular groups to be monitored for evidence of discrimination. Since these statutes were enacted, schola

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8

Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.

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This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrastin

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King, Desmond S., and Rogers M. Smith. "THE LAST STAND?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 13, no. 1 (2016): 25–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x1500017x.

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AbstractIn 2013, the United States Supreme Court decided Shelby County v. Holder, which invalidated Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965. The ruling is part of longstanding efforts to maintain American institutions that have provided wide-ranging benefits to White citizens, including disproportionate political power. Over time, such efforts are likely to fail to prevent significant increases in political gains for African Americans, Latinos, and other minority citizens. But they threaten to foster severe conflicts in American politics for years to come.

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10

Drometer, Marcus, and Johannes Rincke. "Electoral competition and endogenous barriers to entry." European Journal of Political Economy 34 (February 26, 2014): 253–62. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3895637.

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As institutions matter for political and economic outcomes, they are (at least partly) shaped by the interests of political agents acting under these limitations. However, empirical evidence documenting such endogenous change of institutions is scarce. We address the issue by examining the link between the degree of electoral competition and the design of ballot access restrictions in the United States. Exploiting exogenous variation in electoral competition at the state level induced by the federal Voting Rights Act of 1965, our main finding is that ballot access rules have been systematicall

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Khan, Aaesha I. A. "Martin Luther King Jr. 's "Our God Marches On" A Rhetorical Analysis of the Rhetoric Behind the Voting Rights Act of 1965." Journal of Social Science and Humanities 7, no. 2 (2025): 1–7. https://doi.org/10.53469/jssh.2025.7(02).01.

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The Voting Rights Act of 1965 left an ineffaceable inkblot in the history book of the United States of America, and especially that of African Americans. The signature of this historic act took shape after numerous battles against injustice. Several prominent African Americans raised their eloquent voices to lead these battles in dignity and self-respect. From these veterans, emerged Martin Luther King, Jr., a courageous and charismatic leader. No American remained indifferent to his great speeches, no matter what their religions or races. Martin Luther King, Jr., was the American moral voice

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Chrtistine, Sills. "The voting rights act in the United States." International and European Union Legal Matters (INTEULM) 1, no. 1 (2024): 151–94. https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.12745241.

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The present paper was based on the jurisprudence of the past and the dissenting opinions of the judges in order to clarify the situation of where the voting rights act is going. For doing this, it makes an analysis of the case of 9 June 2023 Docket no. 21-1086 Allen v. Milligan that was decided by the United States Supreme Court. The continuous presidential elections which are always conflicting, the jurisprudence of the past, the predominance of the racial factor in some areas and the enforcement power of the Congress are also topics of discussion in a comparative and jurisprudential way in t

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Lum, Grande. "The Community Relations Service's Work in Preventing and Responding to Unfounded Racially and Religiously Motivated Violence after 9/11." Texas A&M Journal of Property Law 5, no. 2 (2018): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/jpl.v5.i2.2.

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On the morning of September 11, 2001, New York City-based Community Relations Service (“CRS”) Regional Director Reinaldo Rivera was at a New Jersey summit on racial profiling. At 8:46 a.m., an American Airlines 767 crashed into the North Tower of New York City’s World Trade Center. Because Rivera was with the New Jersey state attorney general, he quickly learned of the attack. Rivera immediately called his staff members, who at that moment were traveling to Long Island, New York, for an unrelated case. Getting into Manhattan had already become difficult, so Rivera instructed his conciliators t

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Cascio, Elizabeth U., and Ebonya Washington. "Valuing the Vote: The Redistribution of Voting Rights and State Funds following the Voting Rights Act of 1965 *." Quarterly Journal of Economics 129, no. 1 (2013): 379–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/qje/qjt028.

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AbstractThe Voting Rights Act of 1965, called one of the most effective pieces of civil rights legislation in U.S. history, generated dramatic increases in black voter registration across the South. We ask whether the increase in black voting rights was accompanied by an increase in blacks’ share of public spending. We exploit a key provision of the act—removal of literacy tests at registration—for identification. Employing a triple-difference framework over a 20-year period, we find that counties with higher black population shares in former literacy test states saw greater increases in both

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Datta, Y. "How America Became an Economic Powerhouse on the Backs of African-American Slaves and Native Americans." Journal of Economics and Public Finance 7, no. 5 (2021): p121. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/jepf.v7n5p121.

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The objective of this paper is to make the case that the United States became an economic super-power in the nineteenth century on the backs of African-American slaves and Native Americans.It was in 1619, when Jamestown colonists bought 20-30 slaves from English pirates. The paper starts with ‘The 1619 Project’ whose objective is to place the consequences of slavery--and the contributions of black Americans--at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about who we are as a nation.Slavery was common in all thirteen colonies, and at-least twelve Presidents owned slaves. The enslaved people

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Samuels, Albert L. "The Ghosts of Calhoun: Nullifying the 15th Amendment and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 since Shelby." National Review of Black Politics 3, no. 3-4 (2022): 83–119. https://doi.org/10.1353/nrb.2022.a959474.

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Abstract: The Supreme Court’s ruling in Shelby County v. Holder (2013) that gutted a key enforcement provision of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 opened the door for a dramatic surge in laws restricting access to the right to vote that particularly targeted racial minorities. These new laws were enacted in states controlled by Republican-dominated legislatures and Republican governors, and overwhelmingly in jurisdictions formerly subject to the preclearance under the VRA. In the wake of the “Big Lie” following the 2020 presidential election, many of these same states “doubled down” on new voter

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Fraga, Luis Ricardo, Ricardo Ramírez, and Bernard L. Fraga. "American Democracy and Voter Suppression." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 708, no. 1 (2023): 227–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00027162241232825.

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We review the history, magnitude, and scope of voter suppression in the United States., showing that, when it is attempted, it targets the voting rights of a disfavored group. We argue that this is an important weakness of American democracy and that current efforts at voter suppression focus on states with major demographic shifts that are seen by some to be threatening. We then discuss the consequences of recent decisions by the Supreme Court to weaken key elements of the Voting Rights Act, arguing that a weakened Voting Rights Act has led to a resurgence of voter suppression in some states

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18

Cottrell, David, Michael C. Herron, Javier M. Rodriguez, and Daniel A. Smith. "Mortality, Incarceration, and African American Disenfranchisement in the Contemporary United States." American Politics Research 47, no. 2 (2018): 195–237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x18754555.

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On account of poor living conditions, African Americans in the United States experience disproportionately high rates of mortality and incarceration compared with Whites. This has profoundly diminished the number of voting-eligible African Americans in the country, costing, as of 2010, approximately 3.9 million African American men and women the right to vote and amounting to a national African American disenfranchisement rate of 13.2%. Although many disenfranchised African Americans have been stripped of voting rights by laws targeting felons and ex-felons, the majority are literally “missing

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Kates, Susan. "Literacy, Voting Rights, and the Citizenship Schools in the South, 1957-70." College Composition & Communication 57, no. 3 (2006): 479–502. http://dx.doi.org/10.58680/ccc20065050.

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This essay examines the history of a massive literacy campaign called the Citizenship School Program that began as a response to the racist literacy tests that disenfranchised countless African American voters throughout the Southern United States between 1945 and 1965. The Citizenship Schools prepared thousands of African Americans to pass the literacy test by using materials that critiqued white supremacism and emphasized the twentieth-century struggle for civil rights.

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Knox, Jonelle. "From 1965 to 2018." Journal of Underrepresented & Minority Progress 3, no. 1 (2019): 87–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.32674/jump.v3i1.1015.

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In 1965, there were a number of major events occurring in the United States, including the U.S. soldiers fighting in the Vietnam War; the historic march that took place in Selma, Alabama, led by Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.; the murder of Malcom X in Harlem, New York; and the signing of The Voters Rights Act by President Lyndon B. Johnson. It was a time that Black families were moving in a positive direction in the areas of housing, employment, and education. Since 1965, Black men in the United States have not made the same progress as their White and Hispanic counterparts. This article explore

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Grossman, Perry. "The Case For State Attorney General Enforcement of the Voting Rights Act Against Local Governments." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 50.3 (2017): 565. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.50.3.case.

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The summer of 2016 showed that racial discrimination in voting is alive and well, as federal courts across the country struck down state statutes that disproportionately disenfranchise minority voters, including voter ID laws, restrictions on early voting, and racially gerrymandered legislative districts. However, at the local level, discriminatory practices in the nation’s approximately 89,000 political subdivisions have gone largely uninvestigated and challenged. Recent conflicts between communities of color and law enforcement have highlighted the failure of local governments in places like

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Rush, Mark E. "Maximization, Whatever the Cost: Race, Redistricting, and the Department of Justice. By Maurice T. Cunningham. Westport, CT: Praeger, 2001. 192p. $62.50." American Political Science Review 96, no. 1 (2002): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402254325.

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With the Supreme Court decision in Easley v. Cromartie, the 1990s round of redistricting litigation came to an end just in time for the new decade's round to commence. Looking back upon the Court decisions from the 1990s as well as the extensive scholarly commentary on them, anyone new to the field of voting rights in the United States might wonder how the Voting Rights Act, which was a straightforward attempt to remedy indisputably unjust political practices, could have given rise to the I-85 district in North Carolina.

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Samuels, Albert L. "The Ghosts of Calhoun." National Review of Black Politics 3, no. 3-4 (2022): 83–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2022.3.3-4.83.

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The Supreme Court’s ruling in Shelby County v. Holder (2013) that gutted a key enforcement provision of the Voting Rights Act of 1965 opened the door for a dramatic surge in laws restricting access to the right to vote that particularly targeted racial minorities. These new laws were enacted in states controlled by Republican-dominated legislatures and Republican governors, and overwhelmingly in jurisdictions formerly subject to the preclearance under the VRA. In the wake of the “Big Lie” following the 2020 presidential election, many of these same states “doubled down” on new voter suppressio

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Turner, William B. "Lesbian/Gay Rights and Immigration Policy: Lobbying to End the Medical Model." Journal of Policy History 7, no. 2 (1995): 208–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004243.

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On 3 June 1977, the United States Immigration and Naturalization Service (INS) denied an immigrant visa to a Filipino woman, Zenaida Porte Rebultan, when she acknowledged that she was a lesbian. Rebultan qualified as a second-preference alien for purposes of immigration because every other member of her immediate family had already moved permanently to the United States. The INS declared her excludable, however, under section 212(a)(4) of the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965, according to which “aliens afflicted with psychopathic personality, or sexual deviation, or a mental defect” wer

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Jennings, Austin, and Jim Thatcher. "Distance Matters: a more than euclidean approach to visualizing gerrymandering." Abstracts of the ICA 1 (July 15, 2019): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.5194/ica-abs-1-146-2019.

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<p><strong>Abstract.</strong> Gerrymandering is the practice of deliberately drawing electoral districts in a way that provides unfair advantage to one group over another, typically with respect to political parties or particular social or ethnic groups (Bunge 1966; Horn 1999). The term itself was coined in 1812, after a Massachusetts Governor, Elbridge Gerry, signed into law a political reapportionment bill with long, sinuous districts that one political cartoonist aptly compared to a winged salamander (Morrill 1973). While this practice was by no means new, the particularly

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MEIER, KENNETH J., and AMANDA RUTHERFORD. "Partisanship, Structure, and Representation: The Puzzle of African American Education Politics." American Political Science Review 108, no. 2 (2014): 265–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000148.

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The 1982 amendments to the Voting Rights Act targeted electoral structures as significant determinants of minority representation. The research regarding electoral structures and representation of constituents, however, has produced conflicting results, and the continued application of some of the provisions set forth in the Voting Rights Act is in doubt. This article addresses the impact of at-large elections on African American representation and reveals a striking and unanticipated finding: African Americans are now overrepresented on school boards that have at-large elections when African

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Bullock, Charles S., Ronald Keith Gaddie, and Ben Smith. "White Voters, Black Representatives, and Candidates of Choice." American Review of Politics 26 (November 1, 2005): 267–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.2005.26.0.267-289.

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The challenge of minority representation is an important area of public policy that relies heavily on the work of political scientists. Minority voting rights in the United States encompasses not just access to the ballot, but also guarantees that the ballot has meaning in areas with historic discrimination. In this paper we explore the nomination and election of African-American congressional representatives, with an emphasis on the unsuccessful primary re-nomination fight of Cynthia McKinney. Relying on both precinct level racial participation data and also unique, voter-level information on

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LOZANO, ROSINA. "Vote Aquí Hoy: The 1975 Extension of the Voting Rights Act and the Creation of Language Minorities." Journal of Policy History 35, no. 1 (2022): 68–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030622000367.

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AbstractThe year 1975 marked a watershed year for Spanish-surnamed people in the United States and their relationship with the federal government. In that year Congress extended the Voting Rights Act to include a “language minority” category, requiring federal election officials to translate election materials under certain conditions. By validating language rights for language minorities, Congress expanded federal voting protections far beyond African Americans. Advocates for Spanish speakers took up the cause before Congress, which created a new federally protected category based on the long

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Townsend, Sarah L. "Undocumented Irish Need Apply." Radical History Review 2022, no. 143 (2022): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-9566146.

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Abstract In the late 1980s, amid immigration reform in the United States, legislators and lobbyists secured generous visa allotments for Irish immigrants, whose path to legal residency in the United States narrowed after the 1965 Hart-Celler Act abolished the national origins quota system. Claiming that the new law discriminated against Europeans, Irish advocates framed their campaign as an effort to diversify the post-1965 immigrant pool, which was predominantly Asian and Latin American. By examining the rhetoric deployed in congressional hearings and media appearances, this article considers

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KIM, JINHEUM. "The Factors of Lowering the Voting Age of the Constitutional Assembly Election Act and the Influence of the North Korean Election Act." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 85 (February 28, 2023): 75–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2023.85.75.

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The North Korean Election Act had a great influence on the process of deciding the Constitutional National Assembly Election Act. In 1948, the United Nations Temporary Commission on Korea on Korea compared and studied North Korea's election law with the election law enacted by South Korean Interim Legislative Assembly, and had a meeting to listen to the opinions of major domestic figures on the age of North Korea's right to vote. In the interview, the age issue of voting rights was mentioned first, and in North Korea's election regulations, it was also mentioned that the age of voting rights w

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Mendible, Myra. "Cultural Disenfranchisement and the Politics of Stigma." Ethnic Studies Review 42, no. 1 (2019): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2019.421002.

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This article focuses attention on the pivotal role that stigmatization processes play on both legal and discursive fronts, that is, in justifying restrictive policies affecting ethnic minorities and in framing reactionary discourses in support of such measures. It argues that racial stigmatization is the key component in ongoing efforts to exclude Black and Latino citizens from full cultural citizenship in the United States, setting the groundwork for punitive and exclusionary policies aimed at disenfranchising and undermining their political agency. While legal documents record the rights and

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Varona, Francisco. "Save Your Rights: How Florida and Other States Have Targeted Voting Access Following the 2020 Election." FIU Law Review 17, no. 4 (2023): 887–911. http://dx.doi.org/10.25148/lawrev.17.4.13.

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Following the 2020 general election, Florida’s Republican led legislature introduced Senate Bill 90 (“S.B. 90”), which seeks to put many restrictions on various aspects of the voting process. S.B. 90 limits ballot drop-off boxes, restricts mail-in voting, proscribes “line-warming,” increases registration difficulty, and expands identification requirements. Despite lauding Florida’s election as a gold standard for the rest of the country, Governor Ron DeSantis approved this bill in May of 2021, explaining that Florida should not become complacent despite its success. The Republican Governor app

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Sasaki, Christen T. "Emerging Nations, Emerging Empires." Pacific Historical Review 90, no. 1 (2021): 28–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2021.90.1.28.

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This article covers the controversy that followed the March 16, 1893 escape of prisoner Yosaku Imada to the Japanese warship, the Naniwa, which was docked in Honolulu. Imada’s act of seeking refuge onboard the ship occurred at a time when the provisional government of Hawai‘i had no extradition treaty with Japan. This created a diplomatic event that entangled leaders from Japan, the provisional government, and the United States. To further complicate matters, Issei and Meiji government officials were also pressing for franchise in the Islands, a right that a majority of the community did not h

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Chakraborty, Parama. "Identity as a Legal Concept & Economic Identity." Inverge Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 2 (2023): 134–45. https://doi.org/10.63544/ijss.v2i2.33.

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Identity is a multifaceted concept with various meanings and interpretations. In a legal context, identity refers to the characteristics and attributes that define an individual or entity, which are recognized and regulated by law. Identity is a crucial legal concept because it determines an individual's rights, privileges, and obligations under the law. Legal identity is created through the process of identification, which involves providing evidence of one's personal attributes, such as name, age, and nationality, to establish legal recognition. Identity documents, such as passports and birt

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Luna, Alden Reuben. "Distorting boundaries, amalgamating perspectives: A proposed integration of international law on protection of refugees and stateless persons in higher education curricula." Bedan Research Journal 7, no. 1 (2022): 278–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.58870/berj.v7i1.41.

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The United Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR) proclaims that “all human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights, are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood (Article 1),” and are “entitled to all the rights and freedoms outlined in (said) Declaration, without distinction of any kind, such as race, color, sex, language, religion, political or other opinions, national or social origin, property, birth or another status. (Article 2)” This formal declaration is supposed to be a simple institutionalization of a generally recogniz

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Goto, Gen. "Legally "Strong" Shareholders of Japan." Michigan Business & Entrepreneurial Law Review, no. 3.2 (2014): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.36639/mbelr.3.2.legally.

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Foreign investors often criticize Japanese corporations for not paying enough attention to the interests of their shareholders. It might surprise these critics, then, to learn that shareholders’ legal rights under the Japanese Companies Act are actually quite strong. Indeed, many of the rights that shareholders’ rights advocates often support, including shareholders’ power to alter a corporate charter without board consent, shareholders’ power to control dividend payments, majority voting for board elections, shareholders’ power to replace the board of directors, and shareholder access to a co

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Darby, Derrick, and Richard Levy. "Postracial Remedies." University of Michigan Journal of Law Reform, no. 50.2 (2017): 387. http://dx.doi.org/10.36646/mjlr.50.2.postracial.

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The Supreme Court’s equal protection jurisprudence is decidedly postracial. The Court has restricted the Equal Protection Clause to intentional discrimination by the government, concluding that the Constitution does not prohibit private acts of discrimination and rejecting challenges based on disparate impact, even when rigorous statistical analysis indicates that race is likely a factor. It has held that remedying the effects of past societal discrimination is an insufficient basis for race-specific remedies such as affirmative action. It has also ended remedies of this sort designed to comba

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Tushnet, Mark. "Legal Conventionalism in the U.S. Constitutional Law of Privacy." Social Philosophy and Policy 17, no. 2 (2000): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500002144.

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Drawing on themes important in moral and political philosophy, much of the scholarship on the constitutional law of privacy in the United States distinguishes between privacy understood as a person's control over information and privacy understood as a person's ability to make autonomous decisions. For example, Katz v. United States (1967) established the framework for analyzing whether police activity constituted a “search” subject to the Fourth Amendment's requirement that the police either obtain a warrant before conducting a search or otherwise act reasonably. The defendant was a professio

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Potočný, Miroslav. "Deklarace zásad mírového soužití." AUC IURIDICA MONOGRAPHIA 1972, no. 17 (2024): 3–97. https://doi.org/10.14712/30297958.2025.18.

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The study is concerned with the Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Cooperation among States’ in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, which was unaninously adopted by the XXVth session of the United Nations General Assembly on October 24, 1970. In the first part of this study the author describes the process of the progressive development and codification of the principles of friendly relations and co-operation among states in the General Assembly and its special committee for the codification of these principles in the period 1962 to

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Մանասյան, Ալեքսանդր. "Ինչո՞ւ Ազգերի լիգան 1920 թ. չի վիճարկել Արևելահայաստանում Հայաստանի Հանրապետության տիտղոսը և օրինական չի ճանաչել Ադրբեջանական Դեմոկրատական Հանրապետության տարածքային հավակնությունները". Bulletin of Yerevan University C: Jurisprudence 15, № 2 (41) (2024): 53–69. https://doi.org/10.46991/bysu.c/2024.15.2.053.

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The article substantiates the thesis that none of the republics that appeared in the 20th century in Transcaucasia under the name Azerbaijan were established by an act of self-determination and did not have legally established borders. The first of them - the Azerbaijan Democratic Republic (ADR) - was created in 1918 by Ottoman troops invading Transcaucasia. The League of Nations refused the ADR's request to join its ranks, recognizing its territorial claims as unfounded either historically or demographically and noting the impossibility of defining its territories (and therefore its borders).

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EUBANK, NICHOLAS, and ADRIANE FRESH. "Enfranchisement and Incarceration after the 1965 Voting Rights Act." American Political Science Review, January 20, 2022, 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055421001337.

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The 1965 Voting Rights Act (VRA) fundamentally changed the distribution of electoral power in the US South. We examine the consequences of this mass enfranchisement of Black people for the use of the carceral state—police, the courts, and the prison system. We study the extent to which white communities in the US South responded to the end of Jim Crow by increasing the incarceration of Black people. We test this with new historical data on state and county prison intake data by race (~1940–1985) in a series of difference-in-differences designs. We find that states covered by Section 5 of the V

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Acuff, Christopher. "An Empirical Examination of Representational Equity in Consolidated Governments, 1965–2002." Urban Affairs Review, October 23, 2021, 107808742110410. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/10780874211041043.

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Research on the impacts of city–county consolidation often focuses on issues relating to efficiency, effectiveness, and economic development; yet, relatively few studies have addressed the issue of racial and ethnic minority representation. Although existing research is limited, findings indicate that consolidating city and county governments dilutes minority voting strength and has a disparate impact on minority representation. However, it is not clear if this is a nationwide trend, particularly in preclearance states previously covered by the Voting Rights Act. Thus, the question becomes, do

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Benson, Jocelyn. "Preparing for 2007: Legal and Legislative Issues Surrounding the Reauthorization of Section 5 of the Voting Rights Act." University of Pittsburgh Law Review 67, no. 1 (2005). http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/lawreview.2005.71.

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Forty years ago, civil rights activists across the country rejoiced in the passing of the Voting Rights Act1 (“VRA” or “the Act”). The Act was a crowning achievement of the classical civil rights movement and the culmination of a bloody series of events seeking political empowerment for African-Americans in the United States.

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Balci, Ali. "Do Gladiators Fight for Their Masters? Voting Behavior of the US-Promoted United Nations Security Council Members in the Early Cold War." PS: Political Science & Politics, August 11, 2022, 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096522001019.

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ABSTRACT The United States took an active role in promoting some countries for a United Nations Security Council seat as part of its struggle with the Soviet Union during the early Cold War. Did these US-backed countries act in the interests of their promoter when they voted in the Council? Were these efforts of the United States advantageous? By studying the voting behavior of the US-backed countries between 1946 and 1965, this article answers the question of whether promoting some states to international institutions is beneficial for the great powers.

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Samuels, Brandon. "A Restoration of Voting Rights & Humanity." Brandeis University Law Journal 10, no. 2 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.26812/bulj.v10i2.726.

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    As a nation that has always touted its democratic principles, the United States of America restricts citizens’ right to vote. Voter disenfranchisement laws particularly silence the voices of formerly incarcerated individuals. These laws often restrict or make it harder for formerly incarcerated Americans to vote in federal and state elections. Individuals who have fully completed their sentence continue to face voting obstacles beyond prison that non-incarcerated Americans do not encounter. These laws hamper individuals who have completed their sentences and discrim

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Ghatak, Atreya. "The House of Representatives Needs to Expand." Undergraduate Law Review at UC San Diego 2, no. 1 (2024). http://dx.doi.org/10.5070/lr3.21256.

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In 1929, the United States limited the number of congressional districts for the House of Representatives to 435 seats through the Permanent Apportionment Act. At the time, the average number of people within a congressional district stood at around 280,000 persons. In the 2020 census, this number has risen to 761,000 people per district. As a result, the voting power of citizens has been diminished. Representatives also face issues including logistical challenges in providing aid and information to constituents due to large populations. Importantly, the 435-seat limit dilutes the voting power

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Clayton, Dewey M., and Mya Todd. "Voter Suppression Laws and the Racial Turnout Gap in America." Journal of Black Studies, July 12, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1177/00219347251346186.

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After Black men gained the right to vote with passage of the 15th Amendment in 1870, many US Southern states began implementing literacy tests, grandfather clauses, poll taxes, and other devices that made it difficult, if not impossible, for Blacks to vote. These devices kept many Southern Blacks from voting throughout the first half of the 20th century. In the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960s, Congress passed the Voting Rights Act of 1965. It suspended literacy tests and placed provisions for voting under federal supervision for seven southern states with a history of voter discrimination.

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Wright, Gavin. "Voting Rights, Deindustrialization, and Republican Ascendancy in the South." Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, September 1, 2020, 1–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp135.

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The Voting Rights Act of 1965 revolutionized politics in the American South. These changes also had economic consequences, generating gains for white as well as Black southerners. Contrary to the widespread belief that the region turned Republican in direct response to the Civil Rights Revolution, expanded voting rights led to twenty-five years of competitive two-party politics, featuring strong biracial coalitions in the Democratic Party. These coalitions remained competitive in most states until the Republican Revolution of the 1990s. This abrupt rightward shift had many causes, but critical

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De Rienzo, Salvatore M. "Shelby County v. Holder and Changes in Voting Behavior." American Economist, May 16, 2022, 056943452211011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/05694345221101133.

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In Shelby County v. Holder (2013), the U.S. Supreme Court declared unconstitutional Section 4(b) of the Voting Rights Act of 1965, which required jurisdictions with histories of voter disenfranchisement to receive federal preclearance before altering voting laws. Since Shelby, 1688 polling sites across 13 states have closed. Utilizing a sample of eligible voters from the Current Population Survey, I first predict the likelihood of voting. Then, I analyze how Shelby has influenced the likelihood of ballot box access issues among non-voters. Overall voter turnout is 0.9pp lower in post- Shelby e

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"Micula and Others v. Romania." International Law Reports 196 (2021): 629–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ilr.2021.68.

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629Arbitration — Arbitration award — International Centre for Settlement of Investment Disputes (“ICSID”) — ICSID Convention, 1965 — Article 54 — Enforcement proceedings — Arbitration (International Investment Disputes) Act 1966 implementing ICSID Convention in domestic lawRelationship of international law and municipal law — Treaties — ICSID Convention, 1965 — Obligations of the State under ICSID Convention — European Union law — Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union — Article 351 — Duty of sincere co-operation — Whether obligations of the State under EU law interfering with enforce

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