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Dunlap, Sara J. "Gender consciousness and sophistication in the American electorate." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2003. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1061294081.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2003.Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains x, 139 p.; also includes graphics. Includes abstract and vita. Advisor: Herbert F. Weisberg, Dept. of Political Science. Includes bibliographical references (p. 135-139).
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Blevins, Laura Lynn Lee. "Collectively Voting One's Culture." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/92700.
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This thesis considers theoretically the institutional nature of culture and its strength as a determinant of political behavior in Southwest Virginia. Beginning with a description of the geography of Southwest Virginia and the demographics of the region's inhabitants, the thesis proceeds to outline the cultural nuances of the region that make it ripe for misunderstanding by the outside world when attempting to explain the cognitive dissonance between voting behavior and regional needs. Then the thesis explores how the culture of the region serves as its own institution that protects itself from outside forces. This phenomenon is explained through an outline of the man-made institutions which have been forged to ensure long-term political power that itself protects the institution of regional culture. Further evidence is presented through voting and demographic data that solidifies the role of culture in determining political behavior.MA
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Alexander, Kenneth Cooper. "Developing and Sustaining Political Citizenship for Poor and Marginalized People: The Evelyn T. Butts Story." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1566483543046846.
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West, Diana Burghard. "Women State Legislators and Political Culture." W&M ScholarWorks, 1997. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539626126.
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McGrath, Shelly A. "Explaining the gender gap in voting using feminist consciousness theory." Virtual Press, 2003. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1266034.
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Previous research shows that women are more likely to vote Democrat than men. Using the 2000 Middletown Area Survey this paper tests the Feminist Consciousness Theory as a possible explanation for the gender gap in voting. Results indicate that women in the study voted more Democrat than men. Those who scored higher on the NonTraditional Gender Role Ideology scale, the Support for Gender Equality Scale and who said that they were a feminist were more likely to vote Democrat. Women were more likely to support gender equality and identify as being a feminist than were men. This means that because women are more likely to have a feminist conscious they are more likely to vote Democrat.Department of Sociology
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Valdini, Melody Ellis. "Electoral institutions and information shortcuts the effect of decisive intraparty competition on the behavior of voters and party elites /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2006. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3310008.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 19 , 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.
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Walker, Nancy J. "Gender and politics : political attitudes and voting in contemporary Great Britain and the United States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.235723.
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Obeidi, Amal Suleiman Mahmoud. "Political culture in Libya : a case study of political attitudes of university students." Thesis, Durham University, 1996. http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/1577/.
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Mertens, Jennifer R. "Gender and the 1988 presidential election : a study of voting behavior in Middletown." Virtual Press, 1989. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/544130.
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This study examined gender differences in vote choice, made consequential by the recent emergence of a gender gap in support for Republican candidates. Explanations of the gender gap have included the following: 1)Self-interest explanations emphasizing women's greater dependence on social services and women's support of women's issues. 2)Socialization explanations emphasizing women's more pacifist attitudes.Data for the study came from a random sample of "Middletown." Variables in the analysis included Feminism, Social Traditionalism, the Ethic of Care, support for Child Care and support for Dukakis. In order to explore gender differences in voting behavior, analyses for vote choice were done for women and men, seperately. Path analyses of women's and men's support for Social Traditionalism, child care, and Dukakis are presented in the paper.Department of Sociology
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Coil, William Russell. "Mayoral politics and new deal political culture: James Rhodes and the African-American voting bloc in Columbus, Ohio, 1943-1951." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1399627321.
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Carroll, Heather Nicole. "Visualising elite political women in the reign of Queen Charlotte, 1761-1818." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/23380.
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This thesis examines the visual representations of elite women, who wielded and were seen to transgress, gendered political roles through their activity in the elite socio-political spheres of eighteenth-century and early nineteenth-century Britain. In analysing the portraits and satirical prints of this select breed of women, this study questions the common bifurcation of gender debates in existing secondary literature, which include, but are not limited to, the porosity of traditionally conceived public and private spheres, contested masculine and feminine identities, and the gendering of morals and vices. The study will explore how predominantly male artists represented these women alongside an examination of how elite women were able to manipulate and choreograph their own portrayal. As such, it will probe how these political women utilised portraiture as a crucial means of self-fashioning; and likewise how their satirical representation was routinely subjugated to the male gaze. In doing so, it will reveal the varieties, vagaries and subtleties of the political power held by women and how this could be iterated, celebrated, or criticised in the visual culture of late-eighteenth and early-nineteenth century Britain. Four case studies form this examination. The first, argues that three women from Rockingham-Whig social networks, Lady Elizabeth Melbourne, Georgiana, Duchess of Devonshire, and Hon. Anne Damer, used portraiture as a form of self-fashioning to both celebrate their friendship and declare their burgeoning political agency. Chapter two revisits the 1784 Westminster election, to probe the theme of rivalry in satirical prints representing female canvassers. It argues that the visual vocabulary expressed in such prints pertains to wider cultural debates concerning class and gender that crucially came to a head during this political event. The third chapter introduces the dialogues between portraiture and satirical prints through its examination of the visual media that politicised Scottish Pittite hostess, Jane, Duchess of Gordon. Whilst the duchess used painted portraiture to proclaim her adherence to culturally-inscribed gender roles, satirical prints attacked her for her perceived political access, acquired through her daughters’ marriages and through her close proximity with prominent members of the Pittite government. The thesis concludes with a study of arguably the most political woman in the period of study: Queen Charlotte, consort of George III. This chapter revisits her reputation, arguing that a close examination of visual culture reveals that the queen, long thought to be an uncontroversial figure, became deeply problematic after the king’s bout with ‘madness’. In seeking to connect the visual aspects of women’s political engagement, this thesis expands on previous work in gender, social, cultural, and art histories such as those by Elaine Chalus, Cindy McCreery, Marcia Pointon, and Kate Retford to further our understanding of women’s political activity and eighteenth-century visual culture.
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Gill, Kimberly Deanna Gryski Gerard S. "What you know or where you go political cultural analysis of gender stereotyping and leadership positions /." Auburn, Ala., 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10415/1693.
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Prado, Luis Antonio. "Patriarchy and machismo: Political, economic and social effects on women." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2005. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2623.
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This thesis focuses on patriarchy and machismo and the long lasting political, economic, and social effects that their practice has had on women in the United States and Latin America. It examines the role of the Catholic Church, political influences, social, cultural, economic and legal issues, historic issues (such as the Industrial Revolution), the importance of the family's preference for sons rather than daughters, and the differences in the raising of male and female children for their adult roles.
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Fry, Zachery A. "Lincoln's Divided Legion: Loyalty and the Political Culture of the Army of the Potomac, 1861-1865." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492292669458662.
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Glatte, Sarah. "Sex and the party : gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:117e7b70-e1ba-402e-acb2-59cf1b916d2b.
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This thesis explores the relationship between gender policy, gender culture, and political participation in unified Germany. It investigates the extent to which political regimes shape citizens' attitudes towards gender roles and examines the effect of such attitudes on women's participation in politics. The thesis is divided into three parts: The first part explores the differences in gender regime types between the former German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic of Germany during the Cold War period. Building on existing studies, the analysis considers how generations that were socialised in the divided Germany differ in their attitudes toward gender roles. It finds that citizens from West Germany are more socially conservative than citizens from the East. The second part of the thesis tests the effects of these traditional gender attitudes on citizens' participation, focusing on party membership. The analysis highlights that gender gaps in formal political participation in unified Germany still exist, but that these gaps are smaller in the new federal states. The investigation further shows that traditional gender attitudes exert a negative effect on women’s political engagement beyond the predictive power of socio-economic and demographic factors. The final part of this thesis casts a critical look at the political controversy in Germany over the introduction of a cash-for-care subsidy (the so-called Betreuungsgeld). It explores the normative assumptions and ideas about gender roles that have been promoted by Germany's main political parties throughout the policy negotiation process. Using a combination of qualitative and quantitative methods, the research presented in this thesis draws on, and contributes to, studies on gender, welfare states, political socialisation, and political participation.
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Seror, Avner. "Essays on Political Economy and Cultural Evolution." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PSLEH028/document.
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Cette dissertation est composée de trois articles traitant de sujets divers. Le premier développe une théorie sur la transmission de normes culturelles. Le second article traite de l'évolution des doctrines religieuses dans une économie productive. Enfin, le dernier article de cette dissertation est un travail joint avec Thierry Verdier. L'article propose une nouvelle approche des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats. Cette problématique de recherche est importante non seulement quant à sa complexité théorique, mais aussi parce qu'elle permet d'étudier relativement simplement la structure des marchés politiques.Le premier article présente une théorie sur le développement de l'enfant et les pratiques parentales. Dans le modèle, un parent cherche à transmettre des normes comportementales à son enfant en lui envoyant des signaux, que l'enfant observe de manière imparfaite. L'enfant peut cependant augmenter la qualité des signaux qu'il reçoit en investissant dans l'acquisition de compétences cognitives.Nous établissons que les styles parentaux autoritaires ou permissifs décroissent l'accumulation de compétences cognitives. De plus, puisque les interactions entre parents et enfants visent à transmettre des normes comportementales, l'enfant développe un capital d'appréciation pour le développement de compétences cognitives.Notre perspective culturelle sur la question du développement cognitif fournit une grille d'interprétation utile pour divers résultats établis dans la littérature empirique sur le développement de l'enfant.Le second article propose une théorie de la prohibition religieuse contre l'usure et l'innovation et ses conséquences sur les activités et les occupations économiques.Comme une interdiction économique provenant de la religion majoritaire est soutenue par un risque d'exclusion sociale de ce groupe culturel, elle a moins d'effets sur les minorités religieuses. Cela implique que seules les minorités religieuses choisissent des activités qui vont à l'encontre de la prohibition à l'équilibre.Dans le dernier article, nous présentons une théorie micro-fondée de la concurrence politique à plusieurs candidats prenant une perspective ``d'organisation industrielle" de la politique. Nous présentons d'abord un modèle de vote aléatoire qui utilise des distributions introduites par le mathématicien français Maurice Fréchet et qui portent son nom. Ces distributions permettent d'exprimer les parts de vote des différents candidats comme des ``contest functions'', ce qui permet d'établir un théorème d'existence et d'unicité d'un équilibre des stratégies politiques dans des élections impliquant un nombre arbitraire de candidats.Le cadre analytique s'avère suffisamment souple pour traiter plusieurs applications sur des thèmes liés à la structure endogène des marchés politiques. Nous montrons en particulier que le degré d'information des électeurs sur les plateformes ainsi que les campagnes médiatiques impliquent un degré de fragmentation politique plus faibleThe first chapter of this dissertation presents a theory of child development and parental rearingpractices. In the model, a benevolent parent seeks to transmit cultural norms to her child, whoacquires cognitive skills and develops a capital of appreciation for adopting behaviors that accordwith these norms. Our cultural perspective on the issue of cognitive development provides aninterpretation grid for various results established in the empirical literature. It also permits to identifythe parental characteristics that are conducive to various parenting styles, to child neglect and tochild maltreatment.The second chapter provides a theory of religious prohibition against usury and innovation and itsconsequences on economic activities and occupations. As an economic prohibition from themajority religion is sustained by a threat of social exclusion from that cultural group, it has lesseffects on religious minorities. It then creates an occupational pattern where only the religiousminorities choose activities that transgress the prohibition. By creating resentment against thereligious minorities, this occupational pattern strengthens the diffusion of the majority religion in thepopulation. An economic prohibition is then instigated by the clerics in the majority religion,because it allows them to consolidate their norms and to increase the scope of their control overpopular masses. This work also demonstrates that an economic prohibition lasts longer whenreligious clerics can legitimize secular rulers and when the competition on the religious market isweaker.In the last chapter, we present a microfounded theory of multi-candidate political competition takingan "industrial organization" perspective of politics. The analytical framework is shown to be exibleenough to address several applications on the topics of special interest politics, coalition formationin the legislature in proportional elections, and redistribution under alternative electoral rules
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Akita, Edward M. "Hegemony, Patriarchy and Human Rights: The Representation of Ghanaian Women in Politics." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1273265823.
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Rogan, Frances. "Social media, bedroom cultures and femininity : exploring the intersection of culture, politics and identity in the digital media practices of girls and young women in England." Thesis, University of Birmingham, 2018. http://etheses.bham.ac.uk//id/eprint/8199/.
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In recent years, the position of (post-)millennial girls and young women within the digital landscape of social media has proven to be a topic of much interest to a number of feminists, journalists and cultural commentators. On the one hand, girls’ (social) media practices are presented as a key site of concern, wherein new digital technologies are said to have produced an intensification of individualized, neoliberal and post-feminist identities. At the same time, others have championed access to social media for young people as a revolutionary political tool, wherein previously marginalised political subjects (such as girls) can access and participate within new and exciting political cultures. This thesis offers an original contribution to these debates by locating itself at the intersection of these two approaches and examining the role of social media in the production of girls’ cultural and political identities. I present my findings from focus groups carried out with girls (aged 12-18) in three urban locations in England. This data is organised around the three overriding themes of space, surveillance and visibility. Ultimately, the thesis argues that social media should be conceptualised as an important terrain upon which neoliberal and postfeminist subjectivities can be both reproduced and subverted.
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Matlawe, Isaac Mpusang. "The impact of culture on the right of women to participate in public affairs : a comparative analysis of Swazi and Buganda Kingdoms." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/1047.
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"For a long time patriarchial African societies have denied women their rightful place in public life. There are certain cultural practices within these patriarchal societies, which impede the realisation of the human rights of women. Such cultural practices have impacted on the division of power and perpetuated the stereotypical roles of women within those societies. The diminshed status of women in public life does not accord with universal human rights norms and standards. The fact that Swaziland has not ratified the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) makes it difficult for women to vindicate their rights within the United Nations (UN) structures. The right to participate in public affairs is recognised and enshrined as a fundamental human right in both universal and regional human rights instruments. The exercise of this right ensures that citizens, both men and women, have a say in the affairs of the government of their respective countries. The scope of this right includes the right to vote and to be elected at genuine periodic elections, which shall be by universal and equal suffrage held by secret ballot, guaranteeing the free expression of the will of the electors. The deeply patriarchal nature of the two kingdoms presupposes that social, legal and political power is mainly vested in men. With the exception of royal women, "commoner" women are often given inferior roles or none at all in public life. The number of women holding positions in public life in both kingdoms suggests that there is an inherent anomaly in the division of power. ... Chapter two of this study examines the legal and institutional framework regulating the right to participate in public affairs at international and regional level. It does so by identifying the international and regional human rights instrumetns governing the exercise of this rights. The chapter focuses on the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW), the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights (ACHPR) and the Protocol to the African Charter on the Rights of Women. It also discusses the role of the treaty bodies established under the ICCPR and CEDAW as well as the African Commission on Human and Peoples' Rights. The third chapter examines the provisions of the national constitutions of Uganda and Swaziland, governing the right to participate in public affairs and the enforcement mechanisms created under those constitutions. It also analyses the political set-up in Buganda and Swazi kingdoms including the traditional set-up in Swaziland. Chapter four starts by defining culture and then goes on to explore the debate over the universality of human rights and cultural relativism. Beyond this debate, the chapter proposes a way for finding a common ground between the two theories. It then turns on to focus on cultures and traditional practices impacting on the rights of women to participate in public affairs in the two kingdoms. Chapter five gives a brief exposition of the role of roqyl women in both kingdoms. Here emphasis is on the roles of the queen mothers in both kingdoms, the role of the queen sister in Buganda and the princess of the country in Swazilnad. Finally, chapter six presents the conclusion of the study. This chapter also advances recommendations, which may be useful in assisting other traditional African societies in the full realisation of the right." -- Introduction.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2003.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html
Centre for Human Rights
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Youn, Miryang. "Women in two nations and four states : a comparative study of the impact of political regimes and culture on the status of women in the two Koreas and the two Germanies, 1945-89." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1461/.
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Communist regimes have claimed that communism is the vehicle for women's emancipation. They maintain that sexual inequality can only be abolished as part of the broader socialist transformation through pulling women into the paid labour force. If the communist claim is true, women in communist regimes should be equal regardless of their cultural tradition, while women's position in communist regimes should be higher than in capitalist regimes. However, women's experiences in communist regimes revealed that their position varies from country to country and region to region, revealing the influence of culture in a variety of guises. In this respect, the former two Germanies and the two Koreas provide a rare chance of a cross-regime and cross-cultural comparative study. Germany and Korea have maintained distinct cultures different from their neighbours. The traditions of the two nations ran into revolutionary changes and discontinuities in the wake of their division into communist and capitalist regimes. The communist regimes of Germany and Korea advocated women's emancipation through making women part of the working class. Their achievements and failures compared with their severed national halves constituted a laboratory situation for the test of the communist claim. In this thesis, the communist claim is tested through the comparison of women's positions in the four countries, in all aspects of social life: under the law, in the education system, at work, in the family and in politics. The novel contribution of the thesis is its cross-cultural and cross-regime analysis, measuring the impact of the state on women's emancipation, taking into account different cultural impediments. It contributes to the development of feminist analyses of the state and culture, adding empirical evidence to theoretic arguments.
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McCurdy, Marian Lea. "Women Murder Women: Case Studies in Theatre and Film." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Theatre and Film Studies, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/1938.
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This thesis looks at two cases of women who murdered women - the Papin sisters (Le Mans, 1933) and Parker-Hulme (Christchurch, 1954) - and considers their diverse representations in theatre and film, paying particular attention to Jean Genet’s play The Maids (1947), Peter Jackson’s film Heavenly Creatures (1994) and Peter Falkenberg’s film Remake (2007), in which I played a part. What happens when two women (sisters, girl friends) commit violent acts together - not against a man, or a child, but against another woman, a mother or (as in the case of the Papin sisters) against women symbolically standing in place of the mother? How are these two cases - the Papin sisters and Parker-Hulme - presented in historical documents, reinterpreted in political, psychoanalytic and feminist theories, and represented in theatre and film? How might these works of theatre and film, in particular, be seen to explain - or exploit - these cases for an audience? How is the relationship between prurience - the peeping at women doing something bad - and the use of these cases to produce social commentary and/or art, better understood by looking at these objects of fascination ourselves? My thesis explores how these cases continue to interest and inspire artists and intellectuals, as well as the general public - both because they can be seen to violate fundamental social taboos against mother-murder and incest, and because of the challenge they pose for representation in theatre or film.
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Sommer, Heather J. "Of Crimes and Calamities: Marie Antoinette in American Political Discourse." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1532967916465092.
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Sray, Karen L. "Accessing the power within the challenge of gender and cultural identity to post-conflict reconstruction in Iraq /." Quantico, VA : Marine Corps Command and Staff College, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA490818.
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Ellis, Emily Melissa. "Global taxes and a more equitable global political economy : a feminist analysis." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/49977.
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Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Feminist international relations theories stress that global solutions to environmental, social and economic dilemmas will not be accurately diagnosed nor corrected until hierarchal social relations, including gender relations, intrinsic to the global economic and political framework are recognized and altered. How does a feminist interpretation of international relations aid in the adoption of global taxes to benefit women? This study explores the ways a mechanism such as global taxation could be utilized to create a more equitable global political economy. The study is exploratory making use of a qualitative methodology employing secondary data from industries such as tourism, toy production, and textiles. Feminist perspectives on environmental, social, and economic security, rational actor behavior and collectivism facilitate the dialogue which is essential for global tax implementation. The adoption of global taxes has the capability to better the lived experiences of women globally by minimizing poverty and strengthening the working conditions of women worldwide. Proposed carbon taxes and global commons taxes work to redefine environmental security by placing appropriate price indicators on the use of globally used resources. Proposed email taxes, world trade taxes, and currency exchange fee taxes grant the fiscal resources necessary to create greater economic and social security. Chapter One is an analysis of the global political economy. Chapter Two explains the controversial and progressive idea of a global tax administered by the United Nations to deal with the inequity of globalization. Chapter Three focuses on the linkages between the introduction of a global tax and the feminist perspective on the global political economy. Chapter Four summarizes the structural inadequacies of the current economic framework to address the economic and social grievances that global taxes combat.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Feministiese teorieë oor internasionale verhoudinge benadruk die feit dat wêreldwye oplossings vir omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese probleme nóg akkuraat gediagnoseer nóg reggestel kan word tensy hiërargiese sosiale verhoudinge (waaronder genderverhoudinge), wat onlosmaaklik deel van die wêreldwye ekonomiese en politieke raamwerk is, as sulks erken en verander word. Hoe dra die feministiese interpretasie van internasionale verhoudinge by tot die instelling van wêreldwye belasting wat vroue tot voordeel strek? Hierdie studie ondersoek maniere waarop 'n meganisme soos wêreldwye belasting benut kan word om 'n billiker wêreldwye politieke ekonomie daar te stel. Die studie is ondersoekend van aard en maak gebruik van kwalitatiewe metodes wat sekondêre data uit bedrywe soos toerisme, speelgoedproduksie en die tekstielbedryf gebruik. Feministiese standpunte oor omgewings-, maatskaplike en ekonomiese sekuriteit, rasionele optrede en kollektivisme dra by tot dialoog wat noodsaaklik is vir die instelling van wêreldwye belasting. Danksy die instelling van wêreldwye belasting kan die lewenservaring van vroue wêreldwyd verbeter word deur armoede te beperk en werkstoestande van vroue wêreldwyd te verbeter. Die voorgestelde koolstofbelasting en wêreldmeent-belasting sal bydra tot 'n nuwe benadering in omgewingsbeveiliging deurdat toepaslike prysaanwysers aan die gebruik van wêreldwyd benutte hulpbronne gekoppel word. Die voorgestelde e-posbelasting, wêreldhandelbelasting en belasting op valutagelde sal nodige fiskale middele bied vir die daarstelling van beter ekonomiese en maatskaplike sekuriteit. Hoofstuk 1 is 'n analise van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 2 is 'n uiteensetting wêreldwye belasting as kontroversiële en progressiewe konsep, wat deur die Verenigde Nasies geadministreer sou word om die wanbalans in globalisasie die hoof te bied. Hoofstuk 3 handel oor die raakpunte tussen die instelling van 'n wêreldwye belasting en die feministiese beskouing van die wêreldwye politieke ekonomie. Hoofstuk 4 bied 'n oorsig oor die strukturele ontoereikendheid van die huidige ekonomiese raamwerk met betrekking tot die ekonomiese en maatskaplike griewe wat wêreldwye belasting sou bekamp.
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Fahey, Joseph Francis. "Americanized Delsarte Culture as physical and political expression : how American women shaped Francois Delsarte's system of applied aesthetics into a progressive force for social reform, performance, and professionalism /." The Ohio State University, 2000. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282920980.
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Hamdah, Butheina. "Liberalism and the Impact on Religious Identity: Hijab Culture in the American Muslim Context." University of Toledo / OhioLINK, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=toledo151335793140375.
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Jolly, Michelle E. "Inventing the city : gender and the politics of everyday life in gold-rush San Francisco, 1848-1869 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9915066.
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Artino, Serene. "To Further the Cause of Empire: Professional Women and the Negotiation of Gender Roles in French Third Republic Colonial Algeria, 1870-1900." Kent State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=kent1342622253.
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Schütze, Stephanie. "Die andere Seite der Demokratisierung : die Veränderungen politischer Kultur aus der Perspektive der sozialen Bewegung der Siedlerinnen von Santo Domingo, Mexiko-Stadt /." Berlin : Ed. tranvía, 2005. http://www.tranvia.de/buecher/92586795.htm.
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Cegatti, Amanda Carolina. "Violência de gênero contra as mulheres e cultura política no Brasil e na Argentina." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/175314.
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A violência de gênero contra as mulheres foi considerada uma violação dos direitos humanos somente na década de 1990. A chegada a esse patamar demandou mobilizações feministas que exigiram políticas estatais voltadas a erradicação deste fenômeno. Para tal, diversas ações governamentais foram implementadas a âmbito nacional, regional e internacional. Embora essenciais para institucionalizar os direitos humanos das mulheres, essas medidas mostraram-se insuficientes para confrontar a violência, especialmente em regiões marcadas por desigualdade sociais, como é o caso da América Latina. Este artigo aborda a realidade do Brasil e da Argentina no tocante à violência de gênero contra as mulheres, desde os anos 1980, e busca compreender as diferentes dinâmicas da violência e dos homicídios de mulheres nos dois países. Para tal, elabora-se um estudo comparativo que combina a análise bibliográfica e documental ao exame de dados quantitativos. O artigo é situado no âmbito dos estudos feministas e da cultura política, e advoga que uma cultura política democrática é condição necessária para a plena efetivação dos direitos humanos das mulheres. O estudo permitiu identificar variações significativas entre os dois países no tocante à institucionalização das demandas feministas, além de problemas comuns entre ambos, como a falta de articulação entre as políticas públicas voltadas à violência e a baixa cobertura destas políticas.Gender violence against women was only considered a violation of human rights in the 1990’s. The arrival at this level required feminist mobilizations that demanded state policies which aimed the eradication of this phenomenon. To this end, several governmental actions have been implemented at the national, regional and international levels. Although essential to institutionalizing women's human rights, these measures have proved insufficient to confront violence, especially in regions marked by social inequality, such as Latin America. This paper approaches the reality of Brazil and Argentina in relation to gender violence against women, since the 1980’s, and seeks to understand the different dynamics of violence and female homicide in the two countries. For this, a comparative study that combines bibliographical and documentary analisys to the examination of quantitative data is elaborated. The article is situated within the framework of feminist studies and political culture, and advocates that a democratic political culture is a necessary condition for the full realization of the women’s human rights. The study identified significant variations between the two countries in relation to the institucionalization of feminist demands, as well as common problems between the two, such as the lack of articulation and the low coverage of public policies aimed at violence.
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Sarsilmaz, Defne. ""I am a Teacher, a Woman's Activist, and a Mother": Political Consciousness and Embodied Resistance in Antakya's Arab Alawite Community." FIU Digital Commons, 2017. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3542.
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Often pointed to as the region’s model secular state, Turkey provides an instructive case study in how nationalism, in the name of conjuring ‘unity’, often produces the opposite effect. Indeed, the production of nationalism can create fractures amongst, as well as politicize, certain segments of a population, such as minority groups and women. This dissertation examines the long-term and present-day impacts on nationalist unity of a largely understudied event, the annexation of the border-city of Antakya from Syria in 1939, and its implications on the Arab Alawite population. In doing so, it deconstructs the dominant Turkish narrative on the annexation, rewrites the narrative drawing on oral history from the ground, and it shows how nation-building is a masculinist project that relies on powerfully gendered language through studying the national archives. The heart of the project, however, remains the investigation of the political, social, and religious subjectivity of Arab Alawite women, with an emphasis on resistance to the structures and practices sustained by the state and patriarchy.
The Arab Alawites, once numerically dominant in the Antakya region, are now an ethno-religious minority group within the Turkish/Sunni-dominated state structure. Although Antakya was the last territory to join Turkey in 1939, ever since that time many of its Alawites have resisted assimilation through covert, yet peaceful, methods. Through this research, I show that a multiplicity of forces have increased the politicization of the Antiochian Alawite community and broadened their demands upon the Turkish state. My research highlights Alawite women’s leadership as a key driver of this process, thanks to the large-scale out migration of Alawite men, the increased socio-economic independence of Alawite women, and the perception of more progressive gender ideals being held by the members of this Muslim sect, when compared to those of nearby Sunni Turkish women.
This dissertation relies on a postcolonial and feminist geopolitical analysis of the Turkish nationalist project to examine how the Turkish state has historically viewed Antakya and the Arab Alawites and how, in return, the experience and collective social and political memory of Alawites was formed. By utilizing innovative methodologies, this research shows how Alawite women are resisting/rewriting/reconfiguring political and social structures through everyday actions that shift the discourse on minorities and women on local and national scales.
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Abdulrahim, Safaa. "Between empire and diaspora : identity poetics in contemporary Arab-American women's poetry." Thesis, University of Stirling, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1893/19525.
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This dissertation aims to contribute to the burgeoning field of Arab-American feminist critique through an exploration of the work of four contemporary Arab-American women poets: Etel Adnan (1925-), a poet and a visual artist and a writer, Naomi Shihab Nye (1952-), poet, a song writer, and a novelist, Mohja Kahf (1967-), a poet, an Islamic feminist critic and author, and Suheir Hammad (1973-), a hip-hop poet and political activist. The study traverses the intersections of stereotypical racial and Orientalist discourses with which these women contend, and which have been further complicated by being shaped against the backdrop of the “War on Terror” and hostility against Arabs, Muslims and Arab-Americans in the post-September 11 era. Hence, the study attempts to examine their poetry as a tool for resistance, and as a space for conciliating the complexities of their hyphenated identities. The last two decades of the twentieth-century saw the rise of a rich body of Arab-American women writing which has elicited increasing academic and critical interest. However, extensive scholarly and critical attention was mainly drawn to novels and non-fiction prose produced by Arab-American women writers as reflected in the huge array of anthologies, journal articles, book reviews and academic studies. Although such efforts aim to research and examine the racial politics that have impacted the community and how it relates to feminist discourses in the United States, they have rarely addressed or researched how the ramifications of these racialised politics and discourses are articulated in Arab-American women’s poetry per se. Informed by a wide range of postcolonial and United States ethnic theory and criticism, feminist discourses of women of colour such Gloria Anzaldúa's borderland theory, and Lisa Lowe's discussions of ethnic cultural formations in addition to transnational feminism, this study seeks to lay the groundwork for a complex analysis of Arab-American feminist poetics, based on both national and transnational literary approaches. The dissertation addresses the following questions: how does the genre of poetry negotiate identity politics and affiliations of belonging in the current polarized and historical moment? How do these women poets challenge the troubling oppressed/exoticised representations of Arab/Muslim women prevalent in the United States mainstream culture? How does each of these poets express their vision of social and political transformation? Emphasising the varying ethnic, religious, national, political, and cultural backgrounds and affiliations of these four poets, this dissertation attempts to defy any notion of the monolithic experience of Arab-American women, and argues for a nuanced understanding of specificity and diversity of Arab-American feminist experiences and articulations. To achieve its aim, the study depicts the historical evolution of Arab women’s poetry in the United States throughout four generations in order to examine the deriving issues and formative elements that contributed to the development of this genre, and also to pinpoint the defining characteristics marking Arab-American women poetry as a cultural production of American women of Arab descent. Through close readings and critical analyses of texts, the dissertation offers an investigation of some of the major themes and issues handled by these Arab-American women to highlight the most persistent tropes that mark this developing literary genre. Eventually, this study shows how literature, and specifically poetry becomes a conduit to investigate Arab-American cultural and sociopolitical conditions. It also offers productive explorations of identities and representations that transcend the rigid essential totalising categorisation of identity, while attempting to forge a new space for cultural translation and social transformation.
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Connor, Jutterstedt Emelie. "Özz Nûjens ståuppkomik som diskursiv praktik: Humor, PK och självmotsägelser." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Genusvetenskap, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-152109.
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Humour has for a long time been regarded as something unproblematic that in general shouldn’t be taken seriously, and humour research has mainly focused its positive functions and effects. However, humour is indeed a social and discursive practise that, just like others, have social implications. The aim of this essay is, informed by an intersectional perspective, to problematize and critically examine stand-up comedy as discursive practise and to make visible how humour build upon dominating discourses in society. The aim is also to examine the self-contradictory dimension of the jokes. In a critical discourse analysis of Özz Nûjen’s show Dålig stämning (2013), using PC (political correctness) as an overall analytical framework, the analytical categories ‘women’ as well as ‘ethnicity and culture’ are focused. My conclusion is that in all cases of Nûjen’s prerogative of interpretation, ‘stupidity’, as the lowest common denominator, sticks to symbols, bodies and phenomenon that are associated with something deviant or negative. By what is not expressed, a white, normative Swedish PC-identity is constructed as the abstract, preferable subject. Nûjen’s stand-up comedy, i.a. in expressions of self-contradiction, proves to mainly reinforce social norms. Consequently, negative preconceptions and biased representations of reality are cemented. Though Nûjen does contribute to sociocultural change to some extent, the elaborations of the jokes in most cases prove to sustain the social order. A renegotiation of identities is therefore made strictly limited. However, in one case, Nûjen does challenge the notion of identities as fixed and essential, when renegotiating the master status and construction of “The ethnical Other woman”.
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GABALDON, NANCY IRENE, and 蓋南希. "Cultural Differences of Women in Politics: Gender Stereotypes, Candidate Evaluations, and Voting for Women Candidates." Thesis, 2017. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/79585575506829831601.
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碩士輔仁大學
國際創業與經營管理學程碩士在職專班
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In this paper, significant advances will be made to address and track the history and cultural differences of women in politics. As a corrective, I will research to promote and create awareness of the necessary changes needed to overcome these gender stigmas. Emphasis will be specifically placed on the different practices rather than directly on statistics of voters. Primarily, the study is of descriptive in nature and qualitative research was used in data gathering. Data used in this paper is mainly primary but to some extent secondary data as well, quantitative and qualitative types was incorporated. To date, most women in leadership research has been Western- or US- based, and little rigorous empirical, multi-level research has been done across countries. The importance of cross-cultural studies on women in leadership stems from the potential to better understand why some countries have more women in positions of both business and political leadership; and the factors that affect women is involvement in such positions in different countries. Results indicate that the factors that affect women’s participation in leadership in countries with fewer women leaders are different from the factors that affect women’s participation in countries with high levels of participation. This thesis proposes that initiatives to increase participation of women in leadership need to considered and relevant factors that significantly affect countries at certain levels of women’s participation in politics and the characteristics seen within those leaders.
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Torrey, Angela Beth. "Hollywood to Hilltop Does celebrity status act as a peripheral cue in voting decisions /." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/10106/940.
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Zerilli, Linda Marie. "Images of women in political theory agents of culture and chaos /." 1986. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/21752730.html.
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Diaz, Maria-Elena D. "Asian embeddedness and political participation an examination of social integration, Asian heterogeneity, ethnic organization, and Asian voting behavior /." 2009. http://etd.nd.edu/ETD-db/theses/available/etd-10272009-154759/.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Notre Dame, 2009.Thesis directed by Rory McVeigh and William Carbonaro for the Department of Sociology. "October 2009." Includes bibliographical references (leaves 200-210).
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Pikkov, Deanna. "The Practice of Voting: Immigrant Turnout, the Persistence of Origin Effects, and the Nature, Formation and Transmission of Political Habit." Thesis, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/31900.
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This dissertation is a multi-layered examination of the practice of voting, with a focus on the electoral turnout of immigrants. Chapter Two’s statistical analyses show that pre-migration cultural familiarity with democracy, formalized as levels of democratization in source countries, strongly shapes the likelihood of post-migration voting among Canadian immigrants. These origin effects, comparable in size to the best predictors of turnout that we have, exert a persistent influence – affecting turnout not only among the foreign-born, but also among the native-born second generation. Multilevel models demonstrate that the shifting source country composition of immigrant period-of-arrival cohorts provides an alternate explanation for what have previously been identified as generational, racial, and length of residence or ‘exposure’ effects among immigrant voters. This provides further evidence that voting is in most cases habitual, and raises questions about the acquisition, transmission, and reproduction of a voting practice. Chapter Three’s narratives of political development, gathered through in-depth, semi-structured interviews, confirm the importance of parental influence, and suggest that the ‘stickiness’ of practical capacities like voting may be the result of powerful processes of observational social learning. Providing a new twist on dominant models of political socialization, observation of parental voting appears to be the pivotal event in a path-dependent process of political learning, with acquisition of values and beliefs playing a supporting, rather than a leading role. Chapter Four reviews recent efforts among sociologists to amend action theory to make more room for habit, and these efforts are discussed in reference to contemporary research on turnout. I argue that these theoretical revisions still retain too sharp a focus on the cognitive aspects of practice. There is a lack of appreciation for the ways that action itself – our own previous actions and the actions of those close to us – can directly structure outcomes. Evidence from cognitive neuroscience is used to more precisely delineate habitual behaviour and thought. Where the intergenerational transmission of voting behaviour is concerned, culture is often coded directly into embodied practice. Efforts to encourage electoral participation should be built on a better understanding of voting’s substantial behavioural aspects.
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Zigira, Christopher Amherst Byuma. "Religion, culture and gender : a study of women's search for gender equality in Swaziland." Thesis, 2000. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17875.
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Although Swazi women's contribution to national development has been phenomenal, they like
any other women in patriarchal societies confront an overbearing situation in which they have
been regarded and treated as minors, both in the family and most spheres of public life. This has
largely been due to the social construction of gender. Traditional gender-based attitudes, deeply
ingrained in the people's mind set, not infrequently, have limited women's access to and control
of various aspects of public life, and impinge on their rights, most especially the rights to selfdetermination
and equal participation in the decision making process. Coupled with religion
which influences "the deepest level of what it means to be human" (King, 1994:4) and zealous
cultural conservatism, the Swazi women, with a few notable exceptions, experience an asymmetry
of power due to the pervasive nature of gender. Nonetheless, the history of Swaziland bears testimony, however muted, to a legacy ofwomen's struggles to overcome gendered conditions
imposed upon them either by taking full advantage of their spiritual endowment and charisma to
overcome attitudinal barriers or by organising themselves into groups to work for the social
transformation of their conditions and status.
This study examines the Swazi women's search for gender equality. It discusses the social and
cultural context of gender in Swaziland, the various moments in the Swazi women's quest for
equality and its manifestations, and the push and pull effect of religion and culture. Particular
attention is given to four organisations, namely Lutsango lwakaNgwane (loosely referred to as
women's regiments), the Council of Swaziland Churches, the Women's Resource Centre (Umtapo
waBomake) and Swaziland Action Group Against Abuse (SWAGAA). The study shows that
Swazi women have, across a passage of time, adopted different strategies, including ritual,
economic empowerment and creation of new knowledge through promotion of gender awareness
and social advocacy either in a womanist approach that accepts women's embeddedness in Swazi
culture or in the liberal feminist tradition that espouses women's individual rights. However, the
study shows that the women's movement has yet to reach the critical mass level so as to influence
public policy and come to terms with the deconstruction of the dominant gender ideology.Religious Studies and Arabic
D. Litt. et Phil. (Religious Studies)
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Young-Jahangeer, Miranda. "Gender dynamics and the role of participatory/development theatre in a post-apartheid South Africa: the example of DramAidE." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10413/3152.
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Participatory education (Friere 1972) and by extension participatory drama/theatre (Boal 1979, Mda 1993) has been regarded as particularly appropriate for oppressed communities, since participatory theatre for development - which involves the active participation of both spectator and actor - encourages disempowered communities and individuals to view change as possible (Mda 1993). However, taking DramAidE (Drama in AIDS Education) as a case study this dissertation argues that in a post- apartheid South Africa the tendency with development/ participatory theatre has been to marginalise questions of gender in the focus on race without an awareness that it is the interconnections between race/ class and gender oppressions which characterise a society (Davis 1984). This coupled with the fact that theatre for development has a tendency, if not effectively facilitated, to allow for the reinforcement of dominant [patriarchal] values (Kerr 1995) makes an awareness of gender dynamics in participatory theatre projects particularly relevant.Thesis (M.Soc.Sc.)-University of Natal, Durban, 1997.
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Kalvaitis, Jennifer M. "Indianapolis women working for the right to vote : the forgotten drama of 1917." Thesis, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/1805/3747.
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Indiana University-Purdue University Indianapolis (IUPUI)In the fall of 1917, between 30,000 and 40,000 Indianapolis women registered to vote. The passage of the Maston-McKinley partial suffrage bill earlier that year gave women a significantly amplified voice in the public realm. This victory was achieved by a conservative group of Hoosier suffragists and reformers. However, the women lost their right to vote in the fall of 1917 due to two Indiana Supreme Court rulings.
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Friesen, Sandra A. "The rise and fall of Seigneur Dildoe: the figure of the dildo in restoration literature and culture." Thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1828/7750.
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Seigneur Dildoe, as this dissertation will contend, was a fixture in Restoration literature and culture (1660-1700). But what was his provenance, by what means did he travel, and why did he come? This dissertation provides a literary history of the fascinating and highly irreverent dildo satire tradition, tracing the dildo satire’s long and winding progress from antiquity to Restoration England, where the tradition reached its early modern zenith. Adding breadth, context, and texture to existing treatments of the trope’s political and sexual potency, this dissertation investigates the dildo satire’s roots in both Greek comedy (Aristophanes, Herodas) and Latin invective (Martial, Juvenal), its influential association in early modern Italy with Catholicism and monastic life (Aretino), and its introduction in early modern England (Nashe), where it cropped up in the works of a surprising number of literary giants (Shakespeare, Jonson, Donne, Marvell). In Restoration England, we find in the satiric dildos of Butler, Rochester, and the contextually rich “Seigneur Dildoe” articulations of a dildo gone viral: the mock-heroic Seigneur deployed as a politically central motif symptomatic of its society’s acute patriarchal fissures. Throughout I argue that the dildo satire’s longevity is due not to a uniformity of purpose or signification (misogynist, anti-Catholic, emasculating, or otherwise), but to its innate versatility and ambiguity as a fugitive sexual and political figure. I also argue that what does in fact unite the satiric dildo’s variety of contingent ends, against what has been assumed in the scholarship, is its status as a markedly anti-Phallic figure.Graduate
2018-01-09
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missmenno.sf@gmail.com
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Kokai, Jennifer Anne. "Even in their dresses the females seem to bid us defiance : Boston women and performance 1762-1823." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/14843.
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This dissertation constructs a cultural history of women's performances in Boston from 1762-1823, using materialist feminism and ethnohistory. I look at how "woman" was historically understood at that time, and how women used those discourses to their advantage when constructing performances that allowed them to intervene in political culture. I examine a broad range of performance activities from white, black, and Native American women of all classes. Chapter two discusses three of Boston's elite female intellectuals: Mercy Otis Warren, Judith Sargent Murray, and Sarah Wentworth Apthorp Morton. Though each woman's writings have been examined individually, I examine them as a community. With the connections and public recognition they built, they helped found the Federal Street Theatre where they could have a ventrioloquized embodied performance for their ideas on women's rights, abolition, and political parties. Chapter three looks at the construction of three solo performances: Phillis Wheatley performing her poetry in 1772; the 1802 theatre tour of Deborah Sampson Gannett, who fought as a man in the revolution; and the monologues and wax effigy creations of Patience Lovell Wright circa 1772. These women depended on their performances for sustenance, and in Wheatley's case, to secure her freedom from bondage. I look at the way these women created a mythology about themselves and crafted a marketable image, both on and off the stage. In particular, I examine the ways each grappled with a charged discourse surrounding their bodies. In chapter four I look at fashion as performance. I explore homespun dresses as political propaganda, Native American and black women's use of clothing to express cultural pride that white Anglo society had attempted to erase, and the way that women used mourning costumes to perform and create nationalism at the mock funerals held for Washington after he died in 1799. In my conclusion I contrast the 2008 miniseries John Adams with a solo performance of Phillis Wheatley. I briefly trace the trajectory of the history of women during this time. I argue that focusing on performance identifies and legitimizes other sources of evidence and locates examples of women's agency in shaping popular culture.text