Journal articles: 'Voting Women Political culture'

1

Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

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Anderson, Susan D. "“Latter-Day Slavery”." California History 97, no. 4 (2020): 137–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2020.97.4.137.

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My research highlights little-known aspects of African American participation in the mobilization on behalf of women’s suffrage in California, an issue of vital importance to African Americans. The history of suffrage in the United States is marked by varying degrees of denial of voting rights to African Americans. In California, African Americans were pivotal participants in three major suffrage campaigns. Based on black women’s support for the Fifteenth Amendment, which granted black men the right to vote, black men and women formed a critical political alliance, one in which black men almost universally supported black women’s suffrage. Black women began and continued their activism on behalf of male and female voting rights, not as an extension of white-led suffrage campaigns, but as an expression of African American political culture. African Americans—including black women suffragists—developed their own political culture, in part, to associate with those of similar culture and life experiences, but also because white-led suffrage organizations excluded black members. Black politics in California reflected African Americans’ confidence in black women as political actors and their faith in their own independent efforts to secure the franchise for both black men and women.

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3

Atmor, Nir, and Chen Friedberg. "Gender Gaps in the Center versus the Periphery." Israel Studies Review 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 92–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/isr.2019.340206.

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Recent evidence from industrialized countries shows that men and women tend to exhibit different voting preferences, with greater proportions of women favoring left-wing parties. This phenomenon, known as the ‘modern gender gap’, has been observed in recent Israeli elections as well. After discussing the history of the ‘traditional gender gap’, the article examines the gender gap in the 2013 and 2015 Israeli elections from a geographical and socio-economic perspective, using Israel National Election Studies (INES) data. We focus on two main hypotheses concerning these elections: first, that the gender gap in voting varies according to the geographic location of voters; second, that the modern gender gap affects voters residing in affluent localities. Our findings indicate that both hypotheses hold for the 2013 election but not for the 2015 election.

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Rupiarsieh, Rupiarsieh. "Absentia Voter in the Election of Regional Head in Situbondo Regency Year 2015." Asian Social Science 13, no. 5 (April 19, 2017): 34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v13n5p34.

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Since the downfall of the New Order regime, the regional head election is done directly. Before 2005, it was elected by the Local House of Representatives (Dewan Perwakilan Rakyat Daerah, DPRD). However, since the effectuation of Constitution No. 32 year 2004 said that the regional head was chosen directly by the people and called as Pilkada. It was held in 2010 and 2015. In the 2015 elections in Situbondo, the number of absentia voter is still a problem. It shows that the public has little or no political participation in using their right to vote freely. It is very influential on democracy and acceptance of the elected leaders. The 2015, it showed that the number of registered voters is 509,111. Voters, who using their voting rights only 378,953. The valid votes 372,555, divided to first candidate in number of 18,997 (5%), second candidate in number of 158,934 (43%), and the third candidate in number of 194 624 or 52%. Total absentia voter is 130,058 (25%). By using descriptive qualitative method, the simultaneous elections can be analyzed. The high absentee voter was more due to political factors, lack of political awareness because the majority of education level is still low, and there are patrialism in political culture is. All the leader must have the blessing from the moslem leader (Kiayi). The voters are not in accordance with the existing leader candidate, do not attend the election. The voters will attend the election by following the advice from the Kiayi. They chose their regency leader not in freely condition. If the elected regent unable to accommodate the interests of the opposing party (absentia voter) could become a powerful political opponent. A new factor affecting the absentee voter is political culture. The political culture and democracy education conducted by involving the Kiayi, and directed at women voters and beginner-voter, because the majority of voters are women and the beginner-voter are in the moslem boarding school (called: pasantren), that manage by the Kiayi.

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Ratliff, Kate A., Liz Redford, John Conway, and Colin Tucker Smith. "Engendering support: Hostile sexism predicts voting for Donald Trump over Hillary Clinton in the 2016 U.S. presidential election." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 22, no. 4 (December 29, 2017): 578–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430217741203.

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This research investigated the role of gender attitudes in the United States 2016 presidential election between Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump. The results of three studies (combined N = 2,816) showed that, as expected, Trump voters were higher in hostile and benevolent sexism than were Clinton voters. Even after controlling for political ideology and gender (Studies 1, 2, and 3) and minority group attitudes (Study 3), greater hostile sexism predicted more positive attitudes toward Trump, less positive attitudes toward Clinton, and retrospective reports of having voted for Trump over Clinton (Studies 2 and 3). Benevolent sexism did not predict additional variation in voting behavior beyond political ideology and hostile sexism. These results suggest that political behavior is based on more than political ideology; even among those with otherwise progressive views, overtly antagonistic views of women could be a liability to women—and an asset to men—running for office.

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Akirav, Osnat. "Women's Leadership in Local Government." Review of European Studies 13, no. 1 (February 18, 2021): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v13n1p77.

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In the last two decades the number of women involved in politics locally and nationally has increased.  Nevertheless, there is limited empirical work investigating the increase in the number of female candidates for the position of mayor. To fill this gap in the literature, we conducted interviews with 57 of the 72 female candidates for mayor in Israel before the October 2018 elections, and 37 of the 72 female candidates for mayor after the election. In addition, we interviewed 11 male candidates and men elected as mayors after the election, as well. On the individual level with regard to political ambition, we found that there are four components whose synergy results in more women being encouraged to run for mayor: mentoring, information, networking for women and training. We called this model the MINT model, which has emerged from the interviews conducted with the candidates. On the societal level, it is important to increase public awareness of the importance of gender representation and hence, voting for women to be mayors.

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7

Stukuls, Daina. "Body of the Nation: Mothering, Prostitution, and Women's Place in Postcommunist Latvia." Slavic Review 58, no. 3 (1999): 537–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2697567.

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Among the guiding preoccupations of postcommunist Latvia and its east European neighbors is the desire to be “normal.” A unifying notion in the period of opposition to Soviet communism, “normality” became a site of political contestation after the restoration of independence in Latvia. The fields of political and social life have been dominated by two competing narratives of normality: temporal normality, a restorationist narrative that elevates the experiences and institutions of independent interwar Latvia as a model for postcommunist change, and spatial normality, which takes the western (European) road of capitalist modernity as a map for the future. Although frequently at odds with one another in the field of political life, the temporal and spatial narratives share a nation-centered orientation that both reinforces and, arguably, expands women's subjugated status in society and submerges the “woman question” beneath the "national question." That is to say that although women as members of the body of the citizenry share in the benefits that accrue to this group in the forms of free speech, voting rights, and the right to own property, women as women have not benefited and, in fact, have suffered the consequences of the dual trends of commodification and domestication that have accompanied, respectively, the push toward economic modernity and the elevation of tradition in social life.

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Chassen-López, Francie R. "A Patron of Progress: Juana Catarina Romero, the Nineteenth-Century Cacica of Tehuantepec." Hispanic American Historical Review 88, no. 3 (August 1, 2008): 393–426. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2008-330.

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Abstract Despite the fact that women were barred from voting and holding public office, by 1895 Juana Catarina Romero (1837–1915) had emerged as the major textile importer, sugar refiner, and “modernizing” political boss (cacica) of the city of Tehuantepec in southern Mexico. This article traces Romero’s breathtaking transformation from humble cigarette vendor to culturally assimilated entrepreneur and behind-the-scenes politician, which paralleled and intertwined with three crucial periods of Mexican history: the Liberal Reform, the Porfiriato, and the Revolution. Her life illuminates the many ways in which women participated directly and indirectly in the construction of the nation-state and a capitalist economy, revealing how they negotiated elite efforts at gender, ethnic, and class containment in a provincial setting. The article attributes Romero’s success to her political acumen and tenacious accumulation of economic and social influence and not to a supposed early love affair with Mexican dictator Porfirio Díaz, as previous historians have suggested. Once in power and aligned with Díaz’s goals of “order and progress” and the ideals of social Catholicism, Romero sought to regulate and discipline Tehuantepec, hoping to create a more orderly, productive, and beautiful urban space. Through her influence on Tehuano dress and local fiestas, she attempted to bring local customs into line with the ideals of Porfirian modernization and mestizo identity. Her attention to education, hygiene, health, and urban reforms evidenced her role in the diffusion of national culture and the ideological reproduction of the authoritarian brand of liberalism that dominated Mexico during the Porfiriato.

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9

Black, Amy, and Stephen Brooke. "The Labour Party, Women, and the Problem of Gender, 1951–1966." Journal of British Studies 36, no. 4 (October 1997): 419–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386144.

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Following the 1966 General Election, the Labour Party's Home Policy Committee observed that the party had, “for the first time, obtained a majority of the female vote” and remarked, “it would be very satisfactory if we could retain it.” Two years later, the Report of the Committee of Enquiry into Party Organisation emphasized the “imperative that the Party concerns itself with how to win much more support among women.” These comments not only betrayed a serious weakness in Labour's electoral support between 1951 and 1966 but also acknowledged an important lacuna in its broader political outlook.Given the party's electoral difficulties in the period after 1951, the first concern was particularly apposite. Beatrix Campbell, Nicky Hart, and Ina Zweiniger-Bargielowska have underlined the importance of this gender gap favoring the Conservatives after 1950 (see fig. 1). In the elections of 1951 and 1955, for example, Labour's vote among women lagged twelve and thirteen percentage points behind that of the Conservatives. Only in two elections between 1945 and 1970 did Labour enjoy leads among female voters, and these were much less substantial than those held by the Conservatives in 1951, 1955, 1959, and 1964. In rough numerical terms, this difference was potentially very significant. In 1951, for instance, women made up approximately 51.9 percent of the population of England, Scotland, and Wales and roughly 53.8 percent of those of voting age. With an electorate of 28.5 million, this meant a possible political advantage for the Conservatives of 1.2 million votes in an electoral contest where there were only .2 million votes between the two parties.

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10

Achterberg, Peter. "Class Voting in the New Political Culture." International Sociology 21, no. 2 (March 2006): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0268580906061378.

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11

Stambough, Stephen J., and Valerie R. O'Regan. "Cue Voting: Which Women Vote for Women Senate Candidates?" Politics & Policy 31, no. 2 (June 2003): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1346.2003.tb00146.x.

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12

Wauters, Bram, and Robin Devroe. "Forced to vote, but not for women. The effect of compulsory voting on voting for women." Acta Politica 53, no. 3 (November 1, 2017): 469–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41269-017-0065-x.

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13

Daněk, Petr. "Does exist a political culture of the Czech borderland?" Geografie 105, no. 1 (2000): 50–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.37040/geografie2000105010050.

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The article analyses the differences in voting behaviour of the population in borderland and "inland" of the Czech Republic as spatial units sharply differing in their migration history in the 1940's: the borderland being a target region of a large-scale resettlement following the expulsion of Germans in 1945-46, while the inland was source region of the migrations. The results of the 1992, 1996 and 1998 parliamentary elections were analysed on two hierarchical levels by ANOVA models to test the hypothesis that the borderland and the inland are significantly different from the point of view of voting behaviour of the population. Four out of eight variables describing voting behaviour have distinct values for the borderland and the inland, even after setting apart the impact of differences in the population structure by incorporation of covariates into the model. It suggests that the pre-war ethnic boundary within the Czech Lands is a significant contextual factor standing behind the variability of electoral results still in the 1990's.

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14

Montoya, Celeste. "Intersectionality and Voting Rights." PS: Political Science & Politics 53, no. 3 (July 2020): 484–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104909652000030x.

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One hundred years after ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment, the ability of women to effectively exercise the right to vote is far from guaranteed. Although 1920 may mark the historical moment when women’s suffrage was added to the Constitution, the past century has been rife with obstacles preventing many women, particularly women of color, from exercising their right to vote. Scholars have noted that for these women, the Voting Rights Act (VRA) of 1965 was pivotal in more fully securing the right to vote (Hewitt 2010; Junn and Brown 2008; Montoya 2018; Smooth 2006). With a resurgence in voter-suppression efforts and a US Supreme Court ruling that weakened the VRA, voting rights again are imperiled. Although the role of race and class justifiably have been placed at the center of analysis, little attention has been given to the potential gendered considerations. This article argues that gender is still a salient part of the story, and intersectional analysis is necessary for a more thorough understanding of the impact that restrictive laws might have in order to counter them.

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15

Kaplan, T. "Unruly Women and Political Culture." Radical History Review 1995, no. 63 (October 1, 1995): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1995-63-145.

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Moisés, José Alvaro. "Elections, Political Parties and Political Culture in Brazil: Changes and Continuities." Journal of Latin American Studies 25, no. 3 (October 1993): 575–611. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00006672.

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The 1989 presidential elections confirmed the thesis that Brazilian voters use their ballots as weapons to express their dissatisfaction with the performance of their governments and, in particular, with the incumbents' ability to cope with the serious economic difficulties that have plagued Brazil in recent decades. Nearly thirty years after the last free presidential elections, the ballots cast across Brazil and in all segments of the society reflected a heightened plebiscitary tendency, especially in the most developed regions of the nation, that is, in modern Brazil. Looking at recent political history, we can observe that this trend became generalised in the 1970s, with the crisis of the authoritarian regime. Faced with a two-party system (Arena and MDB) imposed by the ruling military, the electorate voiced its protest by voting against authoritarianism and, in principle, in favour of democracy. Now that the authoritarian regime is no longer there, democracy seeks its consolidation – but the voters continue voting against; that is, they continue to use their ballots to reject incumbent governments (the 1986 elections being the only exception). The big change, however, is that now, in addition to reproving administrations which they deem inadequate, the voters are also protesting against the backwardness and vices of traditional Brazilian politics and, more specifically, against the practices of corruption, favouritism, and privatism.

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Erikson, Robert S., John P. McIver, and Gerald C. Wright. "State Political Culture and Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 81, no. 3 (September 1987): 797–813. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962677.

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Do the states of the United States matter (or are they of no political consequence)? Using a data set with over 50 thousand respondents, we demonstrate the influence of state political culture on partisanship and ideology. For individuals, we find that the state of residence is an important predictor of partisan and ideological identification, independent of their demographic characteristics. At the aggregate level, state culture dominates state demography as a source of state-to-state differences in opinion. In general, geographic location may be a more important source of opinion than previously thought. One indication of the importance of state culture is that state effects on partisanship and ideology account for about half of the variance in state voting in recent presidential elections.

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Hays, Sharon, Ruth Behar, and Deborah A. Gordon. "Women Writing Culture." Contemporary Sociology 26, no. 1 (January 1997): 116. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076645.

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Pang, Xiaopeng, Junxia Zeng, and Scott Rozelle. "Does Women's Knowledge of Voting Rights Affect their Voting Behaviour in Village Elections? Evidence from a Randomized Controlled Trial in China." China Quarterly 213 (February 1, 2013): 39–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741012001531.

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AbstractOfficials in China claim that voting rates in rural village elections are high. However, the true voting rate is lower, especially for women. We postulate that women are less likely to vote owing to insufficient knowledge about their rights. The objective of this paper is to test whether the knowledge levels of women and village leaders about women's voting rights can affect women's voting behaviour. We report on the results of a randomized controlled trial (RCT) involving 700 women in China's Fujian and Liaoning provinces. Villages were randomly assigned to either a control group or one of three intervention groups. One intervention provided voting training to women only, another provided training to both women and village leaders, and the third provided training to village leaders only. After women received training, their scores on a test of voting knowledge increased, and they more fully exercised their voting rights. When only village leaders were trained, test scores and voting behaviour were not statistically different from the control villages.

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Agushi, Muaz. "The voting rights and political culture in North Macedonia and Albania." Przegląd Europejski, no. 4-2020 (December 14, 2020): 97–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.31338/1641-2478pe.4.20.7.

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Political culture is a set of attitudes and practices of people that shape their political behaviour. It includes moral judgments, political myths, beliefs, and ideas about what makes a good society while language of politics is the way of using language and words in the political arena. Words are the “currency” of power in elections. Voter turnout is an indicator of the level of interest and civic participation in political decision making, competitive party offerings, and civic trust in political actors. Extensive participation, when it comes to a competitive system, significantly increases the responsibility of political actors for civic demands and concerns. The aim of the article is to analyze the political culture and electoral behaviour in North Macedonia and Albania. The author makes conclusion based on the analysis presented in the article, that the process of applying democracy in these countries would face extraordinary challenges, caused by the lack of democratic traditions, as well as by established values and attitudes unfavorable for the democracy development. Important aspects of the political culture includes mutual respect, contra voting, the constant and productive political dialogue, political and parliamentary collaboration, stable institutions instead of strong leaders, high level of participation in elections, and expanding the political decision-making area. All of these aspects are considered to be a fragile occurrence in all countries of Southeastern Europe and especially in Albania and North Macedonia.

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Henderson, Ailsa. "Northern political culture?: Political behaviour in Nunavut." Études/Inuit/Studies 28, no. 1 (March 24, 2006): 133–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/012643ar.

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Abstract The realities of political life in Nunavut suggest that levels of political engagement would be lower than that found in southern Canada. The absence of political parties affects both the method of political campaigning and the operation of the legislature while the existence of Inuit birthright organizations provide a parallel system of governance and several more opportunities to vote and to stand for election. Levels of turnout are lower than average for federal elections and lower still for the birthright organizations. For territorial elections, however, turnout levels are much higher. An analysis of predictors of voting demonstrates that age, income and education have a positive impact on turnout. Inuit, and those with positive evaluations of the land claim and Nunavut, are also more likely to vote. In its investigation of political office, the paper also demonstrates that there are elected positions for 1% of the population in Nunavut, compared with .0075% in a typical Canadian community. The paper is the first to examine political behaviour in the North from a quantitative perspective and carefully points out methodological issues affecting the treatment of data. It ends by arguing that southern models of political behaviour should be treated with caution in Nunavut.

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KATZ, RICHARD S. "Preference Voting in Italy." Comparative Political Studies 18, no. 2 (July 1985): 229–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414085018002005.

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Intraparty preference voting is a potentially important possibility for voters in many proportional representation systems, especially the Italian system. Three hypotheses—that preference voting is an indicator of traditionalism or the voto di scambio, sophistication or the voto d'opinione, and mobilization or the voto d'appartenenza—are considered using survey data and logistic regression models. All three hypotheses are supported by the data. Although the support for the individual-level traditionalism account is weakest, the data suggest that traditional political culture may contribute to the contextual prerequisites for sophistication or mobilization to lead to preference voting. Overall, it is suggested that the three explanations are complementary rather than contradictory, and that contextual effects must be considered in a full account of preference voting.

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Marien, Sofie, Anke Schouteden, and Bram Wauters. "Voting for Women in Belgium's Flexible List System." Politics & Gender 13, no. 02 (August 12, 2016): 305–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000404.

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Proportional electoral systems tend to be more beneficial for women's descriptive representation than majority systems. However, within proportional systems the gender equality of election outcomes differs, highlighting the importance of studying the actual use of electoral provisions in proportional representation (PR) systems. Therefore, we investigate the determinants of voting for female candidates in Belgium's local elections. This case is particularly interesting given the equal number of men and women on the candidate lists due to quota regulations, the possibility to cast multiple preference votes (lowering competition), and the high visibility of these local elections and its candidates. At the individual level, we find that women are more likely than men to vote for several women, yet same-sex voting is more common among men. Politically sophisticated respondents vote more often for candidates of both sexes. Against our expectations, a left-wing orientation does not increase the likelihood of voting for women. At the electoral district level, a larger supply of women at the top list position increases the chance to vote for this top woman, but there is no spillover effect to women lower on the list. District magnitude affects the number of preference votes but, against expectations, not the likelihood of voting for women.

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Dolan, Kathleen. "Voting for Women in the "Year of the Woman"." American Journal of Political Science 42, no. 1 (January 1998): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2991756.

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Hays, Samuel P. "Environmental Political Culture and Environmental Political Development: An Analysis of Legislative Voting, 1971–1989." Environmental History Review 16, no. 2 (1992): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3984926.

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Dolan, Kathleen. "Gender Stereotypes, Candidate Evaluations, and Voting for Women Candidates." Political Research Quarterly 67, no. 1 (May 17, 2013): 96–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912913487949.

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Dassonneville, Ruth, Mary K. Nugent, Marc Hooghe, and Richard Lau. "Do Women Vote Less Correctly? The Effect of Gender on Ideological Proximity Voting and Correct Voting." Journal of Politics 82, no. 3 (July 2020): 1156–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/707525.

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Wan, Ching, Kim-Pong Tam, and Chi-Yue Chiu. "Intersubjective cultural representations predicting behaviour: The case of political culture and voting." Asian Journal of Social Psychology 13, no. 4 (July 20, 2010): 260–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-839x.2010.01318.x.

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Carpenter, Daniel, Zachary Popp, Tobias Resch, Benjamin Schneer, and Nicole Topich. "Suffrage Petitioning as Formative Practice: American Women Presage and Prepare for the Vote, 1840–1940." Studies in American Political Development 32, no. 1 (April 2018): 24–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x18000032.

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The American woman suffrage movement remade the U.S. Constitution and effected the broadest expansion of voting eligibility in the nation's history. Yet it did more than change laws and citizenship. It also plausibly shaped participatory patterns before and after the winning of voting rights for women. Drawing upon the idea of formative practice and reporting on a range of historical materials—including an original data set of 2,157 petitions sent to the U.S. Congress from 1874 to 1920 concerning women's voting rights—we focus on woman suffrage petitioning as both presaging the practice of voting and, in a sense, preparing tens of thousands of women for that activity. Our analyses reveal that, before 1920, suffrage petitioning activity was heightened in general and midterm election years (especially among Republican-leaning constituencies), suffrage petitioning both enabled and reflected organization in critical western states, and that post-suffrage women's turnout was immediately and significantly higher in states with greater pre-suffrage petitioning (controlling for a range of political, organizational, and demographic variables). In its claims, symbolism, habits, and temporality, suffrage petitioning differed from other petitioning in American political development and marked a formative practice for women on their way to voting.

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Badshah, Lal, Ashfaq U. Rehman, and Niaz Muhammad. "Political Determinants of Voting Behaviour in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 2, no. 1 (June 30, 2018): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/2.1.1.

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The aim of this study is to find the political determinants of voting behaviour in the selected districts of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan. It is a quantitative study and aims at knowing the political factors of voting behaviour in the earlier three general elections i.e., 2002, 2008 and 2013. Its major purpose is to see the changing trend of the voters in the above-mentioned elections. It has investigated 292 respondents who had cast vote in any of the target elections. The researchers asked questions through Likert scale designed questionnaire under the purposive sampling technique. The study finds a significant association of political factors such as candidate’s affiliation, political party affiliation, party leadership affiliation and party ideology with the voting behaviour. The results of the data show changing scenario as the importance of numerous factors is replaced by others. The study recommends that local political leadership as well as the Election Commission of Pakistan should come forward to actively launch an awareness movement for women participation in elections. It should focus on the importance of vote towards increasing the ratio of participation in voting process, especially women’s voting.

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Saha, Lawrence J. "Do Private Schools in Australia Produce More Active Citizens?" Educational Practice and Theory 43, no. 1 (May 1, 2021): 5–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.7459/ept/43.1.02.

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The focus of this paper is whether type of Australian school attended makes a difference in student engagement in political and civic culture. Recently private schools have been said to “undermine cohesion” in Australian society. Similarly, it was argued over two decade ago that Australian private schools have skimmed the elite students from the government sector and now “impart to their pupils values and preferences of the culture from which they are drawn”, namely the dominant culture. Using data from the Youth Electoral Study (YES) survey, this analysis examines whether Australian students in government, Catholic and Independent schools differ in six political domains: voting commitment, positive attitude toward voting, political knowledge, political activism, political trust and civic volunteer behaviour. At the bivariate level, students in private schools generally show higher levels of political engagement compared to students in government schools in all domains. However, when family and school variables are controlled, the differences between these students in voting commitment, political knowledge and volunteer behaviour disappear. However students in Catholic schools show significantly higher levels in positive attitude toward voting and political activism. The effects of Independent schools disappear for five political domains but a significantly high level of political trust remains. Explanations for these patterns of outcomes are put forward, and directions for future research are explored.

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HE, BAOGANG. "A Survey Study of Voting Behavior and Political Participation in Zhejiang." Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 3 (October 26, 2006): 225–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109906002349.

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Two existing models are used to conceptualize the constrained and limited participation in the communist system. The mobilization model suggests that participation was so mobilized by the party/state that it was largely meaningless, while the disengagement model supports the idea that many communist citizens adopted non-participatory behaviors such as non-voting as a means of protest. This paper attempts to demonstrate the importance of a third model – the emergent democratic culture model. The survey results show that the participation index is in proportion to the number of elections in which a villager is involved; and a growing number of voters in Zhejiang are developing citizen-initiated participation, with rights consciousness.This research finds that the level of participation is influenced by three major factors: the perceived worth of the election itself, regularity of electoral procedures, and the fairness of electoral procedures. It also finds that parochial political culture and political apathy still exist, and the emergent democratic consciousness falls short of an ideal democratic standard. While a highly democratic culture helps to develop village democracy, the apathetic attitude continues to support the authoritarian leadership and structure in many villages. The paper also gives an account of survey research in rural China and offers a thoughtful critique of the use of voting and non-voting as the sole indicator of political participation.

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Ibrahim, Muhammad, and Razia Mussarat. "The Significance of Political Participation inPolitical Development: A Case Study of Pakistan." Journal of Public Administration and Governance 4, no. 4 (March 5, 2015): 186. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/jpag.v4i4.7189.

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The shared and common interweaved concept of public participation for democratization needed accentuate relationship between public and decision makers in democratic institutions. The complex and interwoven issues required more informed citizen. Then it got weighed with debate and discussion for potential decisions. The purpose of the study is to enhance the rate of mobilization high and equality of participation for political development. It also differentiated between modernization and political development. Fast escalations in mobilization and participation, the primary political aspects of modernization, undermine political institutions. The literature that provide is deliberative method for developing principles for public participation. It is art of making people civilized and becoming associated together. It improves the ration and quality of participation in democratization. It is a potential problem to discuss about voting and non-voting. The voting behavior depends upon the techniques of election campaign of political parties. The relation of democracy is linked with political culture has been emphasized. Many authors ponders that democracy rests on a civic culture. The western social scientists as Huntington and Fukuyama connected the religious culture to democratic progression. It is productive for perfection of organization which fortifies democratic institutions for democratization. Public participation decisions are popular decisions. The paper will focus for political development emphasizes on social mobilization and political participation that cause for growth of institutions. That leads to political development of political system of Pakistan.

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Kirkley, Evelyn A. "‘This Work is God's Cause’: Religion in the Southern Woman Suffrage Movement, 1880–1920." Church History 59, no. 4 (December 1990): 507–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169146.

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As I began researching religion and woman suffrage in the South I asked a prominent historian of southern religion if he knew of any sources. I had assumed that religion and woman suffrage had an intimate relationship in the South, since historians have amply documented the close connection between southern religion and culture. After scraching his head for a moment, however, he commented dryly, “There really aren't any sources. That will be a short paper.” He went on to explain that religious arguments were seldom used in the struggle for woman suffrage, that natural rights ideology and the social benefits of moral women voting were more common defenses than ones based on Scripture. Even antisuffragists relied on the threat of black women voting and the superfluity of women voting when they were represented by their husbands at the ballot box more often than explicitly religious arguments.

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Dolan, Kathleen. "Electoral context, issues, and voting for women in the 1990s." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 23, no. 1 (2001): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2001.9970955.

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Dolan, Kathleen. "Electoral Context, Issues, and Voting for Women in the 1990s." Women & Politics 23, no. 1-2 (May 1, 2001): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v23n01_03.

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Edie, Carlene J. "Retrospective in Commemoration of Carl Stone: Jamaican Pioneer of Political Culture." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 39, no. 2 (1997): 135–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166513.

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The late Professor Carl Stone was perhaps best known in the academic community as a political behavioralist who pioneered the systematic study of voting behavior in Jamaica, using the Michigan model of opinion research. In the Caribbean, he was famous for his "hitting the nail on the head" election predictions, correctly predicting, in terms of the victorious party, the outcome of all national elections held in Jamaica between 1976 and 1993 and, in several instances, in terms of constituency seats and percentage of votes received.

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Lane, Shannon, Katharine Hill, Jason Ostrander, Jenna Powers, Tanya Rhodes Smith, and Mary E. Hylton. "Creating a Culture of Voting in Direct and Generalist Practice." Advances in Social Work 19, no. 1 (January 22, 2020): 86–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/22614.

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Social workers have an ethical responsibility to be engaged in policy change, regardless of their practice area or specialization. Voter engagement and the importance of political power through voting is often overlooked in the literature as a valid and important component of social work practice. Creating a culture of nonpartisan voter engagement in practice settings can help empower individuals who have been historically and intentionally disenfranchised from our electoral system. Training for field instructors, faculty, and field staff is a key aspect of voter engagement in social work education. Unfortunately, social work education is unlikely to include substantive content on voter engagement or its connection to social work practice and impact. This article presents one component of a model for integrating voter engagement into social work education: the provision of training for field instructors on nonpartisan voter engagement at two universities over two years. Evaluation findings suggest that pre-existing levels of political efficacy affect the reaction of field instructors to nonpartisan voter engagement training. Furthermore, findings indicate that field instructors who receive voter engagement training are more likely to serve as resources for their students and to consider voter engagement as part of their own practice. We offer evidence on the important role field educators can play in the success of the larger national effort to integrate voter engagement in social work education. Increasing awareness of what social workers, nonprofit, and public agencies are allowed--or even required--to do is a critical first step.

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Gumus, Ozlem Dirilen, Talha Yalcinkaya, and Alper Kayaalp. "Psychology of Turkish University Students as Electorate: The Mediating Role of Political Trust." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 6, no. 1 (June 23, 2019): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/180.

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Turkey has been ruled by a secular and democratic government since 1923 under the name of ‘the Republic of Turkey’. In this rarely examined culture, we tested the effects of political trust(PT), social values(SV), system justification(SJ) and social dominance orientation(SDO) on university students’ intention of voting before the June 2015 election. Depending on the theory of planned behavior and the cognitive hierarchy model of human behavior, it is conceptualized that SV, SJ and SDO are placed higher in cognitive structure than PT, therefore PT would mediate the relations between those cognitions and the intention of voting. About 300 university students completed the following questionnaires: PVQ-R, Political Trust, Social Dominance Orientation, and System Justification Scales, in addition to intention of voting, and demographics. Results show that conservation and social dominance orientation was positively related to the intention of voting for MHP and openness to change and system justification was positively related to intention of voting for AKP. When we tested the role of mediation for PT; we have found extensive evidence that, the relationships between SV (i.e. openness to change), SJ, and SDO and intention of voting for AKP and MHP were significantly mediated by PT. Ideological differences between and within left and right wing parties in Turkey were discussed to explain the results.

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Turkan İpek, Işıl Zeynep. "Political Socialisation Patterns of Turkish High Skilled Migrants." Migration Letters 16, no. 4 (September 30, 2019): 575–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.33182/ml.v16i4.589.

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Political socialisation has been studied from different perspectives, such as voting behaviour, the impact of social networks, socialisation types and political culture on voting as well as engagement in political life. This article examines the political socialisation patterns and participation of high-skilled Turkish migrants living in different parts of the world. The main purpose is to shed light on the ways in which these migrants participate in Turkish politics; how much they are engaged or interested in Turkish politics; and how their socialisation patterns are formed. The results show that Turkish high-skilled migrants have a strong interest in Turkish politics; however, their political socialisation and engagement, except for voting, is low. In this article, it is pointed out that there is a strong relationship between the level of education and political participation as well as interest in politics. The data (N=350) were collected by an online survey conducted among Turkish migrants, who had at least a university degree and were living abroad at the time of the survey.

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Ahmad, Akhlaq, Qaisar Khalid Mahmood, Muhammad Saud, and Siti Mas'udah. "Women in Democracy: The political participation of women." Masyarakat, Kebudayaan dan Politik 32, no. 2 (June 28, 2019): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/mkp.v32i22019.114-122.

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Political participation of women has improved significantly in many western democracy settings; in Asian countries however, women are still left behind in terms of political participation. This article explores political participation of women in a gender-segregated society where women have disproportionate social status in a strongly patriarchal culture and political system. Femininity, political socialization, political interest, political efficacy, and patriarchal political culture were taken as predictors to assess the political participation of women. Structured interview schedules were administrated to 414 women voters from two randomly selected Tehsils, i.e. Jhang and Gujar Khan, of the Punjab Province in Pakistan. Data from the interviews were processed using Stepwise Multiple Linear Regression. The results revealed that predictors explained 58.3% of the variance in the political participation of women voters in Punjab. However, two constructs of femininity: morality and loyalty were not loaded in the model. The dominant, socially designed attributes that women should possess in Pakistani society are childbearing and rearing, love and care for parents/husband, homemaking, submissiveness, passivity, and dependence. The home/private sphere becomes the ideal, normative space for women to operate. On the other hand, men are characterized by decision making, production, independence, assertiveness, violence, and wider interaction. Thus, men are associated with the public and the public sphere. These feminine & masculine ideals are the basis of social practices and social relations in Pakistani society. These are internalized, taken for granted, and embedded into the culture, social structure, and social organization of Pakistani society.

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Coffé, Hilde. "Gender, gendered personality traits and radical right populist voting." Politics 39, no. 2 (January 19, 2018): 170–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263395717745476.

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Most previous research on radical right populist voting has revealed that men are substantially more likely to favour radical right parties than women. This article explores the interplay between gender, gendered personality traits – as measured by Bem’s Sex Role Inventory – and radical right populist voting. To do so, it makes use of the Dutch Longitudinal Internet Studies for the Social Sciences (LISS) Household Panel (2012 and 2013; N = 4328). The Logit regression analyses reveal no noticeable effect of feminine personality traits, but a significant and positive effect of masculine personality traits on supporting the Dutch radical right party, PVV. Women are significantly less likely to support the PVV, even once gendered personality traits are controlled for, and the effects of gendered personality traits are similar among women and men.

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Welch, Susan, and Donley T. Studlar. "The Effects of Candidate Gender on Voting for Local Office in England." British Journal of Political Science 18, no. 2 (April 1988): 273–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005093.

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There has been considerable controversy over the reasons why women hold less than 20 per cent of all local council offices in England. Using a simple model of the votes a candidate might be expected to receive, this Note uses data from the 1985 English non-metropolitan county council elections to shed light on the paucity of women in local elected office. Our analysis evaluates the following alternative explanations for the low proportions of women in local office:1. Relatively few women are selected by parties to run for local office;2. Parties tend to nominate their women candidates for unwinnable races;3. Voters disproportionately vote against women candidates.

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Lefkofridi, Zoe, Nathalie Giger, and Anne Maria Holli. "When All Parties Nominate Women: The Role of Political Gender Stereotypes in Voters’ Choices." Politics & Gender 15, no. 4 (November 28, 2018): 746–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x18000454.

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AbstractDo political gender stereotypes exist in egalitarian settings in which all parties nominate women? Do they matter for candidate selection in systems of proportional representation with multiparty competition and preferential voting? To date, these questions remain unanswered because related research is limited to the U.S. case. Our pioneering study examines political stereotypes in one of the “least likely” cases, Finland—a global forerunner in gender equality. We find, first, that stereotypes persist even in egalitarian paradises. Second, when testing across settings of candidate choice, we find that the effect varies greatly: political gender stereotypes are powerful in hypothetical choices, but they work neither in favor of nor against female candidates when many “real,” viable, experienced, and incumbent female candidates are competing. Although in open-list systems with preferential voting, gender stereotypes can directly affect female candidates’ electoral success, in Finland, their actual impact in real legislative elections appears marginal.

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Garrett, John C., and Charles I. Brooks. "Effect of Ballot Color, Sex of Candidate, and Sex of College Students of Voting Age on Their Voting Behavior." Psychological Reports 60, no. 1 (February 1987): 39–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1987.60.1.39.

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College students were asked to vote for one of two hypothetical candidates for political office. Three studies examined the influence of color of ballot (pink or green), sex of candidate, and sex of voter. Men generally preferred a green ballot and women preferred pink. Also, men tended to vote for men, and women tended to vote for women. Color of ballot interacted with candidate's sex in an unexpected way. For both male and female voters, the highest preference shown for a candidate was when the candidate was the same sex as the voter but whose platform was printed on the less favorable color.

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Malmberg, Fredrik G., and Henrik Serup Christensen. "Voting Women, Protesting Men: A Multilevel Analysis of Corruption, Gender, and Political Participation." Politics & Policy 49, no. 1 (January 27, 2021): 126–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/polp.12393.

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McAllister, Ian, and Toni Makkai. "The decline and rise of class voting? From occupation to culture in Australia." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 3 (October 29, 2018): 426–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318805155.

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Conventional wisdom has long held that class is declining as an influence on voting. More recently, new conceptions of class, focusing on the ownership of economic assets and the possession of social and cultural capital, have challenged this view. This article evaluates these arguments in two ways. First, we examine trends in the impact of traditional measures of class on the vote in Australia from the 1960s to the present day. Second, using a 2015 national survey that measures different aspects of class voting, we assess for the first time the relative effects on the vote of occupation, assets, and social and cultural capital. The results show that while occupation has declined and is now unimportant, the ownership of both assets and cultural capital are major influences on the vote. We argue that the impact of class on the vote has not declined, but rather transformed itself in new and different ways, which has important long-term implications for party support.

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STEEL, GILL. "Gender and Voting Preferences in Japanese Lower House Elections." Japanese Journal of Political Science 4, no. 1 (May 2003): 1–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109903001038.

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This paper analyzes voter choice in selected House of Representatives elections during the past 30 years. I estimate multinomial probit models using data from the Akarui Senkyo Suishin Kyokai (Society for the Promotion of Clean Elections) surveys and use qualitative data gathered in focus groups. I argue that no gender gap exists in the votes garnered by the main parties because, first, influential people are not simply able to ‘deliver’ votes from their networks — most accounts of voter choice fail to discuss gender, an oversight considering that most networks are gender-based — and, second, ‘women's issues’ have no special relevance to women in their vote choice. Instead, women and men vote for the Liberal Democratic Party because they associate the Party with stability and increased standards of living, including substantial social provisions.

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Hill, Lisa, and Kate Alport. "Voting Attitudes and Behaviour Among Aboriginal Peoples: Reports from Anangu Women*." Australian Journal of Politics & History 56, no. 2 (June 2010): 242–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.2010.01552.x.

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Mochtar, Hilmy. "Public Participation and Political Culture: A Case Study of Voting Behavior in Jombang Regency." Open Journal of Political Science 04, no. 04 (2014): 244–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/ojps.2014.44026.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Voting Women Political culture'

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