Journal articles on the topic 'Votive offerings'

The paper deals with the evolution of votive offering as the expression of praying for health and the gratitude for a miracle cure from ancient times to the present day. The tradition of votive offerings, as the means of asking for health and receiving a miracle cure, goes for thousands of years.The article analyses the question if the votive offering tradition has been continued in Lithuanian churches and if any known facts about a miracle cure have been found in the 21st century. The aim of this research is to detect the continuation of the votive offerings in Lithuanian churches. Interviews and content analysis have been used as research methods. Information collected from interviewing 5 worshipers and 19 priests in Lithuania. Unique examples of a miracle cure have been depicted. Votive offerings have been analysed as a part of rich cultural heritage. The diversity of votive offerings has been detected and depicted in the fine arts. The tradition of votive offering is viewed as the expression of the belief in a miracle cure. The assumption has been made that the placebo effect is present in a miracle cure. The findings suggest that the tradition of votive offerings still exist and being practiced in Lithuanian churches nowadays.

Based on the analysis of written sources and results of field investigations, this article will take the custom of burning votive paper in northern Vietnam as an example to decode the motivation, origin, formation, and development of the custom of burning paper and its relationship with the economic, social, and cultural dynamics and national policies. Key words: votive paper; the custom of burning votive paper; Vietnamese; Northern Vietnam.

The collective memory of people in the post-Soviet space preserves some stereotypes, and they have a certain influence on the cognitive process. For example, the focus on interfaith conflict, as well as silencing issues of constructive interaction, was a deliberate manipulation. The author set the goal of analysing intercultural contact between different ethnic groups in the religious practice of votive offerings in Ukrainian lands. The attribution of votive offerings preserved in museums in Ukraine shows that the tradition was widespread, but waned during the Soviet era.

Abstract: In response to criticisms of my proposal to understand the term ἱλαστήριον in Rom 3,25 as “votive offering”, both theologically and lexicographically, this article tries to develop the matter a step further. Therefore, it first discusses the various problems concerning the widely held interpretation that the term refers to the “mercy seat” of Lev 16LXX and describes the death of Jesus as the establishment of a new place of atonement. Furthermore, the philological possibility of translating ἱλαστήριον as “votive offering” or, more precisely, as “propitiatory offering” is elaborated in detail. Finally, the article discusses the application of the ancient practice of propitiatory offerings to Rom 3,25, directing attention to its possible reception by the listeners and to the theological significance of this process.

AbstractGreek devotional activity from the eighth through third centuries included the accumulation of common votive types, many of which exhibited similar motifs and repetitive designs. This paper explores constructed assemblages by focusing on the dedication of objects featuring visual and iconographic “sameness.” Building on the work of D. Morgan and J. González, this paper theorizes Greek votive accumulations as larger conglomerations that impact religious experience through the artifacts’ very number and ubiquity. Evidence from Athens and Corinth suggests that an individual’s personal biography and past movements through the local landscape gave pervasive religious imagery a sense of familiarity and meaningfulness. While the appearance of ubiquitous votives may have been dictated by tradition and manufacturing realities, their use to create monumental votive deposits had phenomenological impact. Drawing on evidence from treasury records and excavated material at a number of Greek sanctuaries, this paper argues that, when they formed assemblages of repetitive religious images, worshippers created larger, dynamic monuments out of individual items. The clustered offerings participated in an “aesthetics of accumulation,” visually and physically linking individuals to a network of other worshippers.

Twice a year, the Greek Orthodox Monastery of St. George on the island of Büyükada, off the coast of Istanbul, attracts tens of thousands of Muslim pilgrims who come to make heterogenous and inventive votive offerings. Since these visitors are not Christians, their behavior is a form of exopraxis, which is the subject of the issue of Common Knowledge in which this contribution appears. Due to its scope and dynamism, this shared pilgrimage is perhaps the most important in the contemporary religious landscape of the Middle East, but it is part of a broader ecology that includes many mausoleums of Muslim saints and other Muslim holy places visited by Christians. The rationale and logic of such exopraxes is wild hope (in the Lévi-Straussian sense of wild). Pilgrims from one religious community travel to the sacred place of another not so much for communication or contact with its patron saint—the Muslim pilgrims to Büyükada pray for help to Allah, not to St. George or Jesus—as they travel to be in a place of hope at a time of personal need. This article analyzes how the proliferation of these votive exopraxes indicates both the tenuousness of the distinction between monotheist religions and their need of each other.

Πρόσφατο απόκτημα του Μουσείου Μπενάκη είναι η δωρεά της συλλογής ελληνορθόδοξων ταμάτων του Μικέ Παϊδούση από τη σύζυγο του Ιωάννα (Γιόνα) Παϊδοΰση στη μνήμη του. Συγκεκριμένα, η συλλογή αποτελείται από 1.174 αντικείμενα εκ των οποίων 450 παριστάνουν ανθρώπινες μορφές και 522 μέλη σώματος. Επίσης, περιλαμβάνει 55 ζώα και 108 παραστάσεις αντικειμένων που σχετίζονται με ανθρώπινες δραστηριότητες και αγαθά (σπίτια, αυτοκίνητα, εργαλεία, στέφανα γάμου κ.λπ.). Μόνο εννέα αντικείμενα δεν έχουν τη χαρακτηριστική μορφή των ταμάτων. Τα υπόλοιπα είναι αντιπροσωπευτικά κομμάτια της τεχνικής και της εικονογραφίας του είδους τους από όλη την Ελλάδα. Τα περισσότερα είναι κατασκευασμένα από ορθογώνια λεπτά φΰλλα μετάλλου, συχνά κομμένα στο σχήμα της μορφής που απεικονίζουν, το μέγεθος των οποίων κυμαίνεται μεταξύ 3-20 εκ. ύφος και 2-27 εκ. πλάτος. Για την κατασκευή τους έχει χρησιμοποιηθεί ασήμι και χρυσός, αλλά κυρίως χαλκός, μπρούντζος, σίδερο, λαμαρίνα και οι προσμίξεις τους. Τα περισσότερα φέρουν οπή ανάρτησης στην κορυφή, απ' όπου κρέμονταν στις εικόνες με κορδέλα, σύρμα ή παραμάνα. Οι τεχνικές της κατασκευής των ταμάτων μοιάζουν με αυτές της παραδοσιακής νεοελληνικής εκκλησιαστικής και κοσμικής μεταλλοτεχνίας, αλλά η τελική μορφή και η εικονογραφία δεν απαντούν σε άλλα έργα αργυροχοΐας. Κοινά χαρακτηριστικά παρατηρούνται κυρίως στα διακοσμητικά πρότυπα (σύμβολα, σπείρες, θύσανοι και διάκοσμοι με σχήματα ανθέων). Μερικές χειροποίητες κατασκευές είναι απλές, ενώ άλλες είναι πιθανότατα προϊόντα επαγγελματικών εργαστηρίων. Η έως τώρα έρευνα αναφέρει τρεις βασικές μεθόδους κατασκευής ταμάτων: την εγχάραξη, το πρεσάρισμα και την έγχυση μετάλλου. Τα αντικείμενα της συλλογής παρουσιάζουν μορφές επεξεργασίας που οδηγούν στη διάκριση νέων κατηγοριών. Ειδικότερα, ως προς την κατασκευή, παρατηρούμε πλέον συνολικά τουλάχιστον έξι κατηγορίες: στικτά, εγχάρακτα, σκαλιστά, εμπίεστα, πρεσαριστά και χυτά τάματα. Τα στικτά τάματα κατασκευάζονταν με το χτύπημα μικρών στιγμών στην οπίσθια όψη του ελάσματος επάνω σε μαλακό υπόβαθρο. Κατά την εγχάραξη, το σχέδιο χαραζόταν στην πρόσθια όψη του τάματος με καρφί. Τα σκαλιστά τάματα χαρακτηρίζονται από πλατιά εγχάραξη με καλέμι. Τα εμπίεστα τάματα υφίσταντο επεξεργασία και από τις δυο όψεις. Συνήθως είναι σφυρήλατα ή repoussé στην οπίσθια όψη και σκαλιστά στην πρόσθια. Τα πρεσαριστά κατασκευάζονταν σε πρέσες εργαστηρίων, ενώ τα χυτά μορφοποιούνταν σε μήτρες. Η αφιερωτική πρακτική -ως μέθοδος αντιμετώπισης των δυσχερειών της ζωής— απαντά στην ελληνορθόδοξη παράδοση με πολλές μορφές, πνευματικής και υλικής προσφοράς. Τα τάματα είναι αντικείμενα που προορίζονται για αφιέρωση, μέσω των οποίων η ανθρώπινη επικοινωνία με το θείο αποκτά υλική υπόσταση. Παρά το ενδιαφέρον που παρουσιάζει η ιδιομορφία των ταμάτων, τα αντικείμενα αυτά συχνά παραβλέπονταν από τους μελετητές του νεοελληνικού πολιτισμού. Οι λόγοι που εξηγούν αυτή τη στάση είναι πολλοί: η λιτή αισθητική και τεχνική τους παρουσία σε σύγκριση με άλλες μορφές νεοελληνικής τέχνης" η αμφίσημη θέση της αφιερωτικής πρακτικής στην Ορθοδοξία που απορρέει από τον μαγικό και παγανιστικό τους χαρακτήρα* η χρήση τους έως και σήμερα, η οποία δεν τα κατατάσσει στο παραδοσιακό υλικό ως είδος προς "εξαφάνιση". Έτσι, ελάχιστες μελέτες εξετάζουν τα τάματα ως αντικείμενα θρησκευτικού χαρακτήρα ή έργα τέχνης, με αποτέλεσμα να υπάρχουν ελλιπή στοιχεία σχετικά με τις βασικές αρχές της ιστορίας της τέχνης, όπως η προέλευση, η χρονολογία, η μορφολογία, η εικονογραφία και το ύφος τους.

Figurines are one of the most numerous categories of finds, coming to light in their hundreds in sacral contexts. And while other finds, such as ceramics, fall often into the category of profane, coroplastic finds are clearly always votives. They are offerings to the deity given either singly or, possibly, in groups, along with other offerings, such as edible stuffs. The importance of figurines as votive offerings in shrines has undergone a revision: up to a few decades ago, they were considered cheap, mass-produced products of little interpretive significance to the results of modern research. Their study, when from sacred assemblages, has since progressed greatly. Many independent publications bear witness to this. Their newly-appreciated importance lies not only in their being revealing finds for the practice of worship in a place but also, when there exists, say, a repetition of types for a long time, they offer valuable information about the character, qualities, and sometimes even the very identity of the worshiped deity. And while individual figurines as votive offerings to shrines may be a personal expression of the dedicator, they all reflect a collective and repetitive practice directly related to the deity worshiped. Depending on their place of manufacture, they also provide information on domestic production, influences from other regions and the commercial relations of the sanctuaries and the wider area in which they exist with other such religious centres and other ceramic traditions. But their artistic value is not necessarily negligible. Along with the handmade or mass-produced products, there are similar coroplastic examples on a larger scale, made in multiple moulds; these may far exceed 20 cm in size. Such pieces were certainly not cheap votive offerings but expensive and perhaps made to order.
 In the present study, the information that may be drawn from figurines in sanctuaries is examined. The exercise takes as a case-study all the figurines from the sanctuary of Aphaia on the island of Aegina in the Saronic Gulf, which are mainly dated due to the Archaic period. This corpus is well-suited to the task in that it gives information not limited only to the typology of the figurines and their relation to the properties of the worshiped deity, but also on their origin, which goes beyond the island itself.

This article explores the religious meaning of Archaic and Classical dedications with images of rituals (e.g. sacrificial procession, libation) and dedicatory inscriptions. I argue that these objects ought to be treated as meaningful expressions of individuals’ piety rather than as reflections of actual cult practices. I adopt a holistic approach that considers the two components of dedications—images and texts—as inextricably intertwined in the creation of meaning. The argument is exemplified through the examination of dedications to the Nymphs: the so-called Pitsá tablet, Archandros’ relief from the Athenian Asklepieion, and two reliefs from a cave at Penteli. The detailed analysis of images, inscriptions, and their juxtaposition reveals how these dedications made the devotion of named individuals perpetual at a specific site, and shaped the manner in which the sacred was to be envisioned. Art and text together marked the site of deposition as a place of worship of the Nymphs, articulated specific ideas regarding rituals, the nature of the goddesses and their companions Pan and Hermes, and the possibilities for human interaction with these divinities. In rendering individual devotion continuous, these dedications confirmed the inexistence of such visualized rituals in reality. They elided and asserted the divide between the real and the imaginary in Greek religion.

The article discusses votive gifts that are relevant to the contemporary Russian temple environment. The rapid revival and spread of the votive tradition in post–Soviet Russia is one of the most striking phenomena of religious culture in recent decades (along with practices related to the appropriative strategy and the active spread of “Orthodox nomadism”, pilgrimage tourism). The variety of gifts and related practices, discussions around that phenomenon, and different options for its moderation by clerics and church workers indicate that the tradition has turned out to be one of the most lively and in demand; it is relevant among different social groups – parishioners, pilgrims, occasional visitors to churches. The author reviews modern offerings, typologizes votive gifts (characteristic and rare, which have spread since the 1990s and have appeared in recent years), analyzes their connection with the icons being gifted. The focus of attention is also on the attitude of clerics and church workers to offerings; on the practice of distributing gifts in the church space (storage, hanging etc.). The analysis is based on interviews collected in 2018–2022s in the churches in dozens of cities in different regions of Russia

Resum: Estudiem els exvots pintats sobre taulells dels segles XVIII i XIX. A partir de les presentalles conservades al santuari del castell de Cullera i d’alguns plafons de la via pública o d’interior d’habitatges analitzem aquesta tipologia ceràmica. També identifiquem la mà d’alguns dels pintors que treballaren a les fàbriques de la ciutat de València: Mestre de Noguera, Valentí Garcés, Vicent Camarlenc, Joan Ortiz, Mestre de Santa Anna i Miquel Mollà. Paraules clau: exvots, taulells, pintura ceràmica, devoció popular, València Abstract: We study the votive offerings painted on tiles from the 18th and 19th centuries. This ceramic typology is analyzed based on the works preserved in the sanctuary of castle of Cullera and some panels on public roads or inside homes. We also identify the authorship of some the painters who worked in the factories of the city of València: Mestre de Noguera, Valentí Garcés, Vicent Camarlenc, Joan Ortiz, Mestre de Santa Anna and Miquel Mollà. Keywords: votive offering, glazed tiles, ceramic painting, popular devotion, València

AbstractThis article presents the discovery of two fragmentary inscriptions which demonstrate the existence of an unknown naos of Zeus Sarnendenos in the northern part of the Choria Considiana, an extensive imperial estate in northeastern Phrygia. It also presents a votive offering to Zeus Sarnendenos and five new votive inscriptions to Zeus Akreinenos found in the village of Kozlu near İkizafer (ancient Akreina?), which was apparently part of another estate, belonging to the Roman senatorial family of the Plancii, situated to the east of the Choria Considiana. These inscriptions were found during the course of an epigraphic survey carried out in 2015 in Mihalıççık, a region located 90km to the northeast of Eskişehir in modern Turkey. The article consists of three main parts. It begins with an introduction to the historical and geographical backgrounds of the survey area; this is followed by a catalogue of inscriptions and, finally, an analysis of the sanctuary of Zeus Sarnendenos and the new votive offerings to Zeus Akreinenos, with reference to other evidence for the cult of Zeus in Phrygia and neighbouring regions. The inscriptions discovered in this area provide new information about the location and dispersal of the cult of Zeus in northeastern Phrygia.

Two museums in the city of Liverpool have material from the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia, Sparta: the Garstang Museum of Archaeology in the Department of Archaeology, Classics and Egyptology at the University of Liverpool, and World Museum, part of National Museums Liverpool.The artefacts from the Artemis Orthia sanctuary which are now in the collections in Liverpool represent all periods of the use of the sanctuary, between the eighth century bc and the third century ad. They comprise lead figurines and miniature vessels, both characteristic of Laconian sites, as well as other types of pottery and terracotta figurines. Large and more extravagant offerings, such as items made from ivory or bronze, are not represented. However, the range of artefacts, particularly lead figurines, is impressive, and complements the material from the sanctuary which has already been published, primarily in the volume edited by Dawkins and published in 1929. In addition, the collections include a few objects of exceptional interest, mentioned in the article with further details in the Appendix. A full listing of votive offerings from the Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in Liverpool collections complements the article.

New edition and philological commentary of a long and complex votive inscription from the time of Commodus consisting of a poem in Latin (written in dactylic hexameters) followed, as a complement and amplification, by a Greek text in prose with a certain poetic color. The inscription is dedicated to the Nymph of a thermal sanctuary, mentioned by what appears to be a name or local epithet, and consists both of the commemoration of the fulfillment of a vow and in the narration of the annual festivals that the military unit (numerus) commanded by the dedicator celebrated, through votive offerings and sacrifices, both in honor of the Nymph of the place and of Asclepius, Panacea, Artemis and Hypnos. It is also narrated, in the Greek text, a sanatio and the corresponding offerings of thanksgiving. The use of Greek in this epigraph seems to have to be explained for a reason of cultural prestige

The Polish version of the article was published in Roczniki Humanistyczne vol. 62, issue 4 (2014).
 In a wealth of votive gifts, the wax ones undoubtedly deserve special attention. They were common as early as in the Middle Ages, and they were used until the 20th century. There was a variety of such votive offerings, starting with candles, through lumps of wax, and ending with full-scale wax figures that started being used as a votive gesture at the break of the 13th and 14th centuries in the north of Europe. In the 15th and 16th centuries this custom became popular among the wealthy German, Austrian and Italian noblemen. Making wax votive figures took a lot of skill so they were made by specially qualified artists (in Italy wax figures called Boti were produced by sculptors called Cerajuoli or Fallimagini). Religious orders collaborated with the artists-artisans, undertaking to supply wax, whereas the artisans prepared wooden frames, natural hair, glass eyes, paints, textiles and brocade. In the following centuries, the production of wax figures developed ever more dynamically, especially in the north of Europe, with less skilled wax modellers, artisans and gingerbread makers often being their producers. The latter ones mainly made smaller wax figures, cast or squeezed from two-part concave models (this type of items in their form and type reminded of figures made of gingerbread).
 Wax votive figures (especially of children aged three to 12) funded in the area of Upper and Lower Franconia (the Bamberg and Würzburg dioceses) from the mid-19th to the mid-20th century are a separate and rather unusual phenomenon. Popularity of this votive offering became stable about 1880, in the years 1900–1910 it reached its climax; and in the 1950s it came to an end. Franconian offerings were always constructed in a similar way: they had wax faces and hands (more rarely feet), and the other members were made of wood, metal and some other padding materials. Dolls were a dominating model for the production of these votes, and that is why, like dolls, they had wigs made of natural hair on their heads, glass eyes and open mouths. A very important role was played by clothing, in which figures were willingly dressed; they were children’s natural, real clothes (girls were often dressed in the First Communion dresses); moreover, the effigies had complete clothing, which means they had genuine underwear, tights, leather shoes. The figures were supplied with rosaries and bouquets held in their hands, and on the heads of girls there were garlands. The figures were put in cabinets and glass cases, sometimes with wallpaper on the back wall, and they had a longer text on the front glass with the name of the child, or possibly of its parents, and the time when the figure was offered.
 Despite the many features making the Franconian offering deposits different from votive figures from other regions, all these items are joined by a timeless and universal idea, in which—to quote H. Belting—“an artificial body has assumed the religious representation of a living body…”

A ‘heritage manager’ who wishes a quiet and an orderly life may hope their heritage place is culturally dead; whatever meaning it once had, now it is an archaeological site, an ancient monument, a tourist attraction. But many sites are not dead. Chaco Canyon, the celebrated complex in the desert of the US Southwest, is of continuing value to Native Americans of its region; and the place has become a focus for New Age ceremony — itself in part inspired by Native American knowledge.

Finds of metalwork always raise the question of why they were deposited: a smith's collection, a concealed hoard or a votive offering? Findspots in water suggest offerings, since they would be awkward to retrieve. But understanding the context of deposition means knowing the prehistoric environment. The Fenland area of England has many Bronze Age sites, and deposits of metalwork and a well-mapped ancient environment too. Putting all three together the authors begin to assemble a grammar of deposition: swords and rapiers in rivers, some mixed collections placed in still water and others on once-dry land with burnt mounds.

This paper combines archaeology and written sources to examine the ways in which marble was used in the churches of the southern Levant in Late Antiquity. In particular, by analyzing the displays of these offerings within the church, and the types of texts engraved on them, it focuses on how, and to what extent, marble donations reflected social position, patronage, and identity. Most of the objects considered here bear inscriptions expressing devotion to saints, martyrs, and prophets, as well as a few quotations from Scripture, but overall, most reflect prayers and invocations by community members. The study therefore attempts to identify the genre of these texts and the objects they adorn to establish the relationship between donation and donor and to provide an analysis of the distribution of these objects within the church proper in the broader regional context of the Late Antique Levant.

Summary: It is generally assumed that the religiosity of sailors in ancient Rome was nourished by an atavistic fear of the sea. This paper suggests that individual motivations varied. In the concrete case of vessel owners, shippers and traders, astrology and votive offerings were cultural dispositives to reduce risk perception and to stimulate merchant activity complementary to the fiscal stimuli to protect the costs of wreck in case of „force majeure“.

Votive offerings may be our main source of knowledge concerning the religion of the Iron Age before the Vikings. An important question is the connection between two kinds of sacrificial finds, i.e. horse sacrifices and burial offerings. They are contemporary and they share the same background. They can both be traced back to the Huns. This means that in all probability religious ideas occurred in southern Scandinavia during the fourth to the sixth century which were strongly influenced by the Huns, who were powerful in Central Europe at that time. The explanation of this is probably that some Scandinavians, for instance by serving as mercenaries, had come in contact with the Huns and, at least to some extent, assimilated their ways of thinking and their religious ideas.

Music obviously played a strong role in ancient Greek ways of healing the human body. However, although scholars have studied some aspects, there still is no comprehensive enquiry on the relationships between music and sounds in Asclepios’ sanctuaries. The purpose of this paper is first to combine all the sources on the soundscape of famous and minor sanctuaries, and secondly to give some new perspectives on the specificity of Asclepian soundscapes. Is there any relationship between environmental sounds, anthropic sounds and cultic music, especially paeans? We may find some clues in the texts related to the cult of Asclepios but also in the archaeological evidence, because some votive offerings have been unearthed, like votive ears and musical instruments. By examining the soundscape of Asclepian sanctuaries, I would like eventually to ask especially whether the link between the musical performances and sounds could be understood as apotropaic.

Roman painting is full of items associated with religious practice. Garlands, in particular, are found represented in Roman frescoes, often draped over different panels to enliven the painted surface with the semblance of abundant fresh flowers. There are indications, however, that in Roman domestic spaces, latrines, and streets, physical garlands were actually attached to the frescoes as votive offerings that mimic the painted garlands behind them. This paper considers how Roman paintings worked in tandem with garlands and other physical objects, and how Pompeiians engaged in mimetic acts. The two-dimensional painted surface depicting “mimetic votives” should be viewed within a three-dimensional space inhabited by people and objects. The mimetic act of hanging a garland was part of ancient lived religion, and, as such, enables us to examine past religious experiences, focusing on the individual and communication with the divine. The relationship between these various visual media would have created unique experiences in the daily lives of ancient Romans that are rarely considered today.

This article explores the miracles and ex-votos (votive offerings) associated with the Ta' Pinu shrine on Gozo, Malta's northernmost island. Drawing from ethnographic data, analysis of various personal accounts, and observations of people's interactions with the bricolage of Ta' Pinu ex-votos, I seek to show that Gozitans perform a highly personal yet ritualised form of empathy in the context of miracle worship. The miracles associated with Ta' Pinu are thus seemingly 'contagious' and meaningful, because they elicit existential connections and reflections on the nature of supplication and Gozitan social relations.

The article introduces a votive bronze hand with a cross from the collection of Archimandrite Antonin Kapustin, as well as a small catalog of similar items known to the author, which are kept in various museums and private collections. The study of the collection presented in the paper makes it possible to support the assumptions made by the researchers earlier: first, the objects in question were votive offerings to the temple; this is indicated by bracelets and rings on some of them, as well as inscriptions and images on crosses; second, their use as votives was borrowed by Christians from pagan cults associated with various Middle Eastern deities, however, in a Christian context, they meant not only a plea for help and protection, but also symbolized the victory of Christianity over paganism, which was especially important during fierce struggle between receding religions and Christianity; third, items were mounted either on special stands, to which they were fixed with nails or rods, or on a shaft; fourth, the area of such hands is most likely confined to the Middle East, where they were produced, although it is possible that some objects were taken by pilgrims to other regions; fifth, their existence does not go beyond the early Byzantine period, until the Arab conquest of the beginning of the 7th century AD; it is impossible to compile a staged chronology due to the complete lack of information about the circumstances of finding currently known items (the only exception is the hand from the Second Cypriot hoard).

The article discusses the metapoetic import of Idyll 15. The tapestries and the Adonis song evidence a metapoetic significance, as well as the votive offerings described in this song. In addition, throughout the poem, the association of cloths and poetry is encouraged. The poem functions as a “metapoetic manifesto” designed to indicate the poetic qualities defended by Theocritus. At the same time, it promotes itself as an example of the refined literature and art promoted by the Ptolemaic court and by Arsinoe, and introduces a recognition and appraisal of Arsinoe as responsible for the patronage and promotion of these forms of art.

The prayerstone hypothesis, grounded in Southern Paiute oral history, holds that selected incised stone artifacts were votive offerings deliberately emplaced where spiritual power (puha) was known to reside, accompanying prayers for personal power and expressing thanks for prayers answered. Proposing significant and long-term linkages between Great Basin incised stones and overarching Shoshonean cosmology, this article explores the prayerstone hypothesis in the context of the 3,500 incised stones documented from the Intermountain West, an assemblage spanning seven states and seven millennia. Employing object itinerary perspectives, it becomes possible to develop ritualized cartographies capable of matching oral Shoshonean traditions with specific geographic indicators. The results demonstrate that many (but not all) such incised stones are consistent with the votive emplacement of prayerstones. Multiple constellations of prayerstone practice operated across the Great Basin for more than 5,000 years and carried forward, without perceptible break, among several (but not all) Numic-speaking populations of the ethnohistoric interval. The diversity and antiquity implied by the prayerstone hypothesis suggest dramatically more complex cultural trajectories than those of Lamb's (1958) widely accepted model of a single, late, and simultaneous Numic spread across the Great Basin.

This paper constitutes a survey of Swedish scholarship during the period 1986-90 dealing with Greece and the Aegean area from the archaeological viewpoint. A large portion of the work done concerns the Aegean Bronze Age, e.g. aspects of the Minoan palaces, various kinds of pottery, different types of cult, and funerary practices. Scholarship focussed on the Greek Iron Age also shows an inclination towards religious topics, such as the deposition and use of votive offerings in Greek religion and the role of ritual dining, but studies dealing with architecture and pottery may be found as well. The fieldwork and the publication of material from Swedish excavations and surveys are also covered.

Abstract The four goblets from Vicarello, which show copies of a Roman itinerary from Gades to Rome engraved on their outside (CIL XI 3281–3284), are usually interpreted as souvenirs brought to Vicarello by Spaniards as votive offerings after a long journey. In this article it is argued that these itineraries (just like the one in Metrodorus’ poem, Anth. Pal. XIV 121) are representing the legendary Via Herculis; they are to be understood as a Roman attempt to grasp the immense mythical distance by means of exact measurement. The goblets should be dated to the 4th century AD (goblet IV being the oldest, from the very beginning of the century), not to Augustan or Trajan times.

In this relatively short essay, the author discusses the historical and religious background of the 4th c. BC Attic dedicatory offerings, their archaeological and artistic contexts, and their inscriptions. In particular she addresses the cult of Athena according to the epithets attested for the Goddess in that period (= Athena Ergane, i.e.) and the health deities, among whom are Asklepios and Amynos.

The production of millions of artificially mummified animals by the ancient Egyptians is an extraordinary expression of religious piety. Millions of creatures of numerous species were preserved, wrapped in linen and deposited as votive offerings; a means by which the Egyptians communicated with their gods. The treatment of animals in this manner resulted in a wealth of material culture; the excavation and distribution of which formed a widely dispersed collection of artefacts in museum and private collections around the world. Due to ad hoc collection methods and the poorly recorded distribution of animal mummies, many artefacts have unknown or uncertain provenance. Researchers at the University of Manchester identified a group of eight mummies positively attributed to the 1913–1914 excavation season at Abydos, now held in the collections of the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston, Massachusetts. This paper presents the investigation of this discreet group of provenanced mummies through stylistic evaluation of the exterior, and the assessment of the contents and construction techniques employed using clinical radiography. Dating of one mummy places the artefact—and likely that of the whole assemblage—within the Late Period (c.664–332BC). Considering these data enables the mummies to be interpreted as the Egyptians intended; as votive artefacts produced within the sacred landscape at Abydos.

ABSTRACT This article reviews the possible cause for the underwater deposition of a series of Phoenician bronze figurines dated between the eighth and seventh centuries BC and discovered on the southwestern coast of the Iberian Peninsula, around the Islet of Sancti Petri (Cadiz) and on the coast near the city of Huelva. These figurines have been interpreted as votive offerings thrown into the waters near the ports of Cadiz and Huelva by Phoenician seafarers and merchants at the end of their voyages as an expression of gratitude to the god Melqart. Instead, I propose that these objects may have been thrown into the waters as part of religious rituals intended to appease the waters of the ocean following the occurrence of catastrophic marine floods, such as those that apparently affected the seaboard of the Gulf of Cadiz in the middle of the first millennium BC.

The grave offerings and the traces of ritual actions should prove a valuable source for speculation about views on death in antiquity. In the Classical necropolis of Medma the main features of grave’s goods reflect socio-religious believes about death and after death not completely explained yet. In this research suggestions could derive from the analysis of the vegetal charred offers discovered in some burials; they’re figs, olive stones, grapes, almond and, pheraphs, nuts laid inside the tombs, in most cases primary cremations, or in isolated cases above them. Their presence also in religious contexts like sanctuaries suggests ritual and votive actions more than luxury demonstrating, conclusion drawn from the analysis of the terracotta offers too. In Greek tradition the fruits considered are related to the meanings of civilisation, prosperity, wealth and nature renovation and for this holy to nether deities associated to burial rituals.

Two inscribed bases of votive offerings to Zeus Larasios from Tralleis (Aydin), dating from the late second or early third century AD, have been repeatedly discussed ever since the first of them was published in the 19th century. The starting point of the discussion has been the fact that the women who dedicated the offerings identify themselves as pallakai (concubines), a sacred function that was hereditary and could be held only once (or in exceptional cases twice) in a lifetime. There is no agreement among scholars on the duties performed by the pallakai every four years, on the occasion of the penteteric festival of Zeus Larasios. The hypothesis that they were sacred prostitutes, put forward by W. Ramsey in 1883, has been abandoned. The proposal of K. Latte to recognize the pallakai as prophetesses (on the model of the Pythia) is also problematic. The explanation of the term pallake or pallakis by ancient lexicographers as a young girl at the beginning of puberty suggests that the pallakai of Zeus Larasios performed a ritual signaling the transition from childhood to reproductive age. Strabo records a ritual of this kind in Egyptian Thebes.

A gift to VeledaThe large finds of military equipment in Southern Scandinavian bogs (the so-called war booty sacrifices) have long comprised a central aspect of research into the Iron Age. During recent decades, research has focused on the chronology and origin of these find assemblages, the hierarchical structure of Iron Age armies and their military strategic organisation and logistics. Comparably little attention has, on the other hand, been paid to the finds in their primary sense, i.e. as votive offerings and, accordingly, expressions of ritual acts with ideological and religious connotations. Our knowledge concerning the character of the acts performed before and during the actual depositions, and the religious background for these acts, is very limited. An historical account of which there has, until now, been little awareness in this respect, is the history of Veleda. According to Tacitus’ Historiae, Veleda was a prophetess of the German tribes north of the Lower Rhine. Tacitus’ account may serve as a source of inspiration towards a better understanding of these war booty offerings. The aim of this article is to draw attention to the ritual and sacral dimension of the Southern Scandinavian war-booty sacrifices and to paint a picture of the possible background and religious connotations for these finds.About the South Scandinavian war booty sacrificesThe Southern Scandinavian war booty sacrifices typically contain various types of weapons and elements of the personal equipment of individual warriors, as well as tools and other elements belonging to an army’s logistical apparatus. The find sites are concentrated geographically relative to the eastern coast of Jutland and on the island of Funen. The majority dates from the Late Roman Iron Age and the beginning of the Migration Period. It is generally accepted that the war booty offerings represent the equipment belonging to defeated armies, deposited by the victors of the conflicts. Recent debate has focussed on the question of whether the sites mirror offensive or defensive military actions. With regard to the ritual background and religious connotations of the sites, discussions have traditionally been based on descriptions by Classical writers of the sacrificial rituals of Celtic or Germanic tribes. These traditionally form the explanatory framework for the interpretation of the sites as representing votive offerings of a victorious army to some war god or other.The sacrificial sites as a ritual sceneCommon features of the war booty offerings are their location in a wetland environment, originally a lake or bog, and the intensive destruction of the artefacts previous to their deposition. Analyses indicate that this destruction was conducted very intentionally and according to a firmly structured pattern of ritual behaviour. The sacrifices thus represent considerable organisational and logistical investment(s), involving the participation of large groups of people. Through an association with high steep moraine hillsides, the topography of some of the offering sites resembles that of a natural amphitheatre. The localities seem to have been intentionally chosen to allow a large audience to witness the performance of the offering. The offerings can thus be seen as highly performative and dramatic spectacles, which, drawing on both additive and visual effects, can be expected to have left a lasting impression in the memories both of individuals and of the community.Tacitus’ account of VeledaTacitus’ account of Veleda forms part of his report in books IV and V of Historiae, on the revolt of the tribes of the Batavi and the Bructeri against Roman administration, which took place around 70 AD in the province of Germania Inferior. The prophetess is introduced in the context of the siege and destruction of Castra Vetera, near modern Xanten, in 69/70 AD. According to Tacitus, she had foretold the victory of the alliance of Germanic tribes; one of the legionaries of the defeated legions was sent to her along with other gifts. She is described as a woman of the tribe of the Bructeri. Furthermore she is told to have had enormous authority, due to her prophetical and even divine power. Shortly after the siege of Castra Vetera, the Germans are reported to have succeeded in capturing the flagship of the Roman Rhine fleet, which again was brought as a present to Veleda.Veleda and her giftsVeleda is described more elaborately as being one of many prophetesses worshipped by the Germanic tribes, and who even may have achieved divine status. She was said to dwell in a tall tower of some kind, and direct contact with her was prohibited. Against the background of Veleda’s divine status, and her role as a mediator between gods and humans, the gifts which were brought to her after the Germans’ two victories can be seen as offerings. The Roman legate, said to have been killed on his way to Veleda, corresponds to the presentation and execution of the enemy commander in the context of the Roman triumph, or the killing of the Roman officers in the aftermath of the Battle of Teutoburg Forest. The trireme, the largest type of contemporary military vessel, cannot be expected to have been intended for military use but as an obvious expression of Roman military power, and hence clear proof for the Germans’ triumph.From Castra Vetera to IllerupThe range of gifts which, according to Tacitus, were brought to Veleda, correlates with some of the elements of the war booty offerings. With regard to the Roman officer, it was especially weapons and personal equipment, presumably those of the leading commanders of the defeated armies, that were deposited at several sites. These probably received special attention during preparation of the offerings. Tacitus’ account on the captured trireme is reminiscent of the finds of either complete or parts of what can be assumed to have been specialised military vessels seen in a number of war booty offerings. The similarities between the example of Veleda and the war booty offerings are not limited to the respective gifts/offerings. In both cases, the giving of gifts/offerings is in the context of a military campaign. The vessels, in particular, can be characterised as very spectacular items, and in both cases the victor of the military conflict was responsible for the giving of gifts/offerings.Veleda and her sisters in the NorthTacitus’ description of Veleda, and other references to Germanic prophetesses in Classical writings, shows parallels to the description of the Völva in much later Old Norse written sources from the medieval period. Fulfilling a role as a mediator between the gods and humans, these female prophetesses seem not only to have been part of actual society, but also an element of contemporary mythology. The Völva can be perceived as being associated with the mythological concept of the Norns, which again relate to other mythological figures, such as the Valkyries, Disir and a number of minor deities. Like Veleda, these religious specialists and mythological beings all relate to the general concept of fate, and in particular to warriors and war. Several mythological beings and female deities that appear in the Old Norse written sources, presumably representing an old stratum within the mythological narrative, show close links to a wetland environment, in the form of lakes, wells or bogs.The goddess in the lakeEven though both the various historical sources and the archaeological evidence are characterised by considerable variation in terms of space and time they nevertheless open up far-reaching perspectives and can be used as source of inspiration for a better understanding of war booty offerings. This applies not least to the question of whether these phenomena result from unsuccessful invasions or successful raids abroad. The latter hypothesis has been promoted more recently with reference to the Roman Triumph. The example of Veleda shows that the tribe of the Bructeri celebrated a version of the Triumph, indicating a similar practice in a Germanic context. This supports the above hypothesis that at least some of the war booty offerings may result from the showing off to the native community of war booty acquired abroad. The story of Veleda is of particular interest with reference to the nature of the ritual and religious dimension of the finds. Tacitus’ account of Veleda resembles the Southern Scandinavian war booty offerings on several counts. Additionally, there are obvious parallels between Veleda and the other Germanic prophetesses, on the one hand, and a large number of female characters in Old Norse written sources on Pre-Christian mythology, on the other. These similarities may be rooted in a shared conceptualisation of the influence of the divine powers on the outcome of a battle, of the predictability of the will of these powers and how appreciation could be expressed to such powers or to the ones who had communicated their will. The example of Veleda can be seen, like the later written accounts of Vølvas, Norns, Valkyries and other mythological beings, as a distant echo of this concept; it presumably belongs to the oldest strata of Pre- Christian cosmology reflected in our written sources. The historical sources can be seen as mirroring a past cognitive reality and religious world view; according to which female beings, both as religious specialists and as mythological characters, fulfilled a crucial role in the context of coercion, war and death. Against this background, one may ask whether the war booty offerings can be interpreted as reflecting votive offerings relating to religious specialists who were incorporated into preparation of the military campaign. Additionally, one may ask whether the nameless war god, to whom the war booty offerings are traditionally thought to have been dedicated, may also be sought among the various female beings mentioned in Classical and later Old Norse sources. These sources mirror a mythological conceptualisation of wells, lakes and bogs as not merely transitional zones or entrances to the supernatural, but as the very dwelling place of various mythological beings. Against this background, the changing context of votive activities in Scandinavia, practised in both wetland environments and in the context of settlements, may have been rooted in the dualism of a female and masculine sphere in religious and military practice.Andres Sieg fried DobatMoesgård Museum/Aarhus Universitet