Academic literature on the topic 'Vowel-glides'

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Journal articles on the topic "Vowel-glides"

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Kurabe, Keita. "The reflexes of the Proto-Jingpho glides in modern Jingpho dialects." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 37, no. 2 (2014): 181–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.37.2.02kur.

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The aim of this paper is two-fold: (i) to investigate the reflexes of the Proto-Jingpho initial glides in modern Jingpho dialects based on sound correspondences between them; and (ii) to discuss vowel developments conditioned by proto-glides. The main findings of this paper can be summarized as follows: (a) the proto-initial *w- has developed into y- in Standard Jingpho and Nkhum before proto-front vowels; (b) the proto-initial *ʔw- before proto-front vowels became ʔy- in Standard Jingpho, Nkhum and Gauri, but disappeared in Duleng, Dingga, Numphuk and Turung; (c) the proto-initial *ʔw- and *ʔ
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Rosenthall, Sam. "Glide Distribution in Classical Arabic Verb Stems." Linguistic Inquiry 37, no. 3 (2006): 405–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2006.37.3.405.

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The seemingly idiosyncratic distribution of glides in the weak verb stems of Classical Arabic is given a coherent analysis as the consequence of constraint interaction, as defined by Optimality Theory. At the core of the analysis are two constraint rankings that determine the vowels of the verb stem. One ranking, which ensures harmonic parsing of a low vowel over high vowels, is based on input/output faithfulness; the other ranking, which ensures harmonic parsing of high vowels over a low vowel, is based on intercandidate faithfulness, as defined by Sympathy Theory. These constraint rankings i
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Hansen, Benjamin B., and Scott Myers. "The consonant length contrast in Persian: Production and perception." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 47, no. 2 (2016): 183–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100316000244.

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Across languages, there is a tendency to avoid length contrasts in the most vowel-like consonant classes, such as glides or laryngeals. Such gaps could arise from the difficulty of determining where the boundary between vowel and consonant lies when the transition between them is gradual. This claim is tested in Persian (Farsi), which has length contrasts in all classes of consonants, including glides and laryngeals. Persian geminates were compared to singletons in three different speaking rates and seven different consonant classes. Geminates were found to have longer constriction intervals t
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Chacha, Chacha Nyaigotti, and David Odden. "The phonology of vocalic height in Kikuria." Studies in African Linguistics 27, no. 2 (1998): 129–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v27i2.107382.

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Vowel height harmony is common in Bantu languages, but the language Kikuria has a particularly rich system of vowel height alternations, which are described in this paper. Included in the height-related phonology of the language are three regressive height harmonies and one progressive harmony. Certain of these processes are triggered by glides and palatal consonants, while for other processes these consonants are transparent, and stem-initial vowels behave exceptionally for some, but not all, of these processes.
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Echternach, Matthias, Christian T. Herbst, Marie Köberlein, Brad Story, Michael Döllinger, and Donata Gellrich. "Are source-filter interactions detectable in classical singing during vowel glides?" Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 149, no. 6 (2021): 4565–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/10.0005432.

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Hogoboom, Anya. "Realizations of [j] vs. hiatus in different vocalic contexts." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 9, no. 1 (2024): 5709. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v9i1.5709.

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Glide-like formants can arise either through articulation of a glide or through articulation of hiatus, which often results in similar formant movements (e.g. she yachts, she ought). Davidson & Erker (2014) established that the glide-like formant movements are measurably different from actual, phonological glides. The current study compares a wider range of vowel environments to investigate the different realizations of [j]. Analysis of modal V#(j)V sequences finds significant differences in intensity change and duration in most vowel environments examined, and additionally finds significa
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Czerwonka-Wajda, Zuzanna. "De invoeging van de glijklanken [j] en [w] als poging tot spanningimitatie bij de uitspraak van de Nederlandse klinkers [e], [y] en [o] door Poolstalige leerders." Roczniki Humanistyczne 68, no. 5 Zeszyt specjalny (2020): 155–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh20685sp-11.

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The paper addresses the problem of the pronunciation of [e], [o] and [y] by Polish learners of Dutch. Next to a simple substitution of the three tense Dutch vowels by (lax) Polish vowels it can frequently be noted that an extra glide [j] or [w] is being added after the Polish vowel. The detailed analysis reveals that frequency of the vowel+glide combination differs and that the epenthesis of glides is correlated with learners’ level of Dutch (it starts around the A2 level). Adding the glide may therefore be seen as an attempt to imitate tension (as tension is not a distinctive feature in Polis
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Simonović, Marko, Stefan Milosavljević, and Boban Arsenijević. "Serbo-Croatian secondary imperfectivisers consist of theme vowels." Journal of Slavic Linguistics 31, no. 3 (2024): 1–27. https://doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2024.a951679.

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abstract: Building on the proposal in Marković (2018: p.77) that Serbo-Croatian secondary imperfectivisers, such as iVa and aVa, are in fact bimorphemic, we develop an autosegmental analysis of these morphemes and their allomorphs, showing that they consist of two theme vowels, i-a and a-a , respectively. We show that both [υ] and [j] in these affixes behave as glides and that [υ] in iυa and aυa is the exponent of floating features affiliated with the theme vowel a , whose underlying representation is /υa/. The theme vowel i is shown to consist solely of the feature [+high]. These autosegmenta
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Lundergan, Sean. "Leveling of /o/ in Raleigh." Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 153, no. 3_supplement (2023): A371. http://dx.doi.org/10.1121/10.0019209.

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Beginning in the late 1950s, Raleigh, North Carolina, experienced high levels of in-migration from areas outside of the South. The resulting dialect contact led to leveling of many Southern features, including the Southern Vowel Shift. Change in the front vowel system of Raleigh has been the subject of many studies, but back vowels get less attention. Back vowel fronting is a widespread phenomenon in American English, but whereas back vowels in other regions are back-gliding, much of the South also fronted glides. This study investigates the change in /o/ (GOAT) in Raleigh during the 20th cent
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T., Opoola Bolanle, and Olaide Oladimeji. "Vowel Elision in Ikhin, an Edoid Language in South-south Nigeria." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 3 (2021): 352–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1203.04.

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In this paper, attention is on the basic factors that come into force in determining whether or not vowel will elide and which of the V1 and V2 in a sequence should disappear in any environment. This paper also examines the phonological, morphological and syntactic reasons behind vowel elision as a syllable structure process in Ikhin language. As in the case of related African languages that have been previously described by various scholars, this paper presents how vowel elision works in Ikhin and the problems arising from its analysis. In this study, the focus is on the explanation and analy
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Books on the topic "Vowel-glides"

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Hout, Katherine. Exceptions to Hiatus Resolution in Mushunguli (Somali Chizigula). Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190256340.003.0017.

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Mushunguli (Somali Chizigula, Kizigua; ISO [xma]) is an endangered, under-described Bantu language spoken in the Lower Jubba River area of Somalia and in U.S. diaspora communities. This chapter presents a set of exceptions to hiatus resolution in Mushunguli. Hiatus is usually resolved in one of three ways: glide formation, whereby prevocalic high vowels i,u become glides j,w; fusion, whereby the low central vowel a fuses with the following vowel; and deletion, whereby sequences of identical vowels are reduced to a single short vowel. A set of high vowel-initial stems resolve hiatus normally in
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Book chapters on the topic "Vowel-glides"

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"3. Vowels and Vowel Glides." In English Pronunciation for Speakers of Spanish. De Gruyter Mouton, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781501510977-009.

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L.Sihler, Andrew. "Glides." In New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195083453.003.0035.

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Abstract Sievers’ IAW. The PIE glides are “y and “w. They occur as such adjacent to a syllabic (usually a full grade vowel), and via ablaut interchange with “i and “u respectively, as discussed in 110-29. In Greek, Latin, Germanic, and Inda-Iranian there is evidence for a different kind of alternation-between”iy and “y, and perhaps between *uw and *w. Unlike ablaut alternations, whose conditions are unrecoverable, the distribution of these alternants is transparent: PIE “iy occurred after a heavy syllable, namely a syllable containing a diphthong, a long vowel, or ending in two or more consona
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Duanmu, San. "Combinations and Variation." In The Phonology of Standard Chinese. Oxford University PressOxford, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199215782.003.0003.

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Abstract A puzzling fact about SC is that the majority of expected syllables are missing, a fact that has rarely caught the attention of Chinese scholars. For example, H. Wang (1999: 283) says that Chinese does not have many gaps in its syllable inventory. To appreciate the enormity of the number of syllables that are missing, consider two ways of counting them. First, let us assume that there is no restriction on consonant–vowel combinations. Ignoring syllabic consonants, a full SC syllable can be made of up to four sounds CGVX, where C is a consonant, G a glide, V a vowel, and X a glide or a
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Adams, David. "An Introduction to Individual Sounds." In A Handbook of Diction for Singers, 3rd ed. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197639504.003.0001.

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Abstract This chapter presents the phonetic symbols used in the book and descriptions of how each sound is made, with reference to the positioning of the articulators (tongue, jaw, lips, glottis) for each sound. Sample words from each language, including English, are given as examples of the sounds and comparison of sounds from one language to another. A brief history of the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA) is provided. The sequence of the presentation is as follows: vowel sounds, glides, and consonants. Additional symbols are presented and explained, such as those for vowel length, sylla
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Adams, David. "German Diction." In A Handbook of Diction for Singers, 3rd ed. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197639504.003.0003.

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Abstract This chapter presents the sounds of German: vowels, consonants, diphthongs, and glides, along with the relevant phonetic symbols, and explains diacritical marks (umlaut), vowel length, basic word structure, and word stress. More detail about word structure is presented later in the chapter, specifically information about prefixes and suffixes and how they affect words stress and vowel quality. It presents and discusses words of non-Germanic origin, which function quite differently from words of Germanic origin, and presents monosyllabic words and polysyllabic words that are exceptions
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Adams, David. "French Diction." In A Handbook of Diction for Singers, 3rd ed. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197639504.003.0004.

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Abstract This chapter presents the sounds of French: vowels, consonants, and glides, along with the relevant phonetic symbols. It explains diacritical marks, vowel length, and word stress. Owing to its complexity, French syllabification is deferred to the end of the chapter. The section on consonant sounds and letters gives extensive information concerning when consonant letters are sounded or silent. It discusses enchaînement, elision, and liaison, along with mute e and its various musical settings, as well as e moyen and vocalic harmonization. There are extensive examples of words with trans
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Adams, David. "Italian Diction." In A Handbook of Diction for Singers, 3rd ed. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197639504.003.0002.

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Abstract This chapter presents the sounds of Italian: vowels, consonants, and glides, along with the relevant phonetic symbols. It explains diacritical marks, vowel length, syllabification, word stress, and apocopation. There is extensive discussion of diphthongs and triphthongs, both within words and across words boundaries (phrasal diphthongs). Double consonants and phrasal doubling across word boundaries are presented in detail. There are examples of words with translations and phonetic transcriptions, as well as musical examples. Problems specific to singing are discussed, such as proper v
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Rubach, Jerzy. "Syllable Structure." In The Lexical Phonology of Slovak. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198240006.003.0007.

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Abstract In this chapter we look at Slovak syllable structure. A general outline is presented in 7.1. We then proceed to investigate the properties of the Syllable Structure Algorithm. Specifically, we address the questions of whether it applies cyclically and whether it is continuous (sections 7.2 and 7.3). In 7.4 we look at the domain of syllabification and conclude that prefixes as well as constituents of compounds constitute separate domains. Glides are discussed in 7.5. We then pursue the problem of how extra-syllabic consonants are treated in various components of phonology. We conclude
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L.Sihler, Andrew. "Liquids, Nasals, and Glides." In New Comparative Grammar of Greek and Latin. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195083453.003.0033.

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Abstract Greek. The loss of PIE and ‘w between vowels in G leaves few traces. However, because the loss of y was earlier than the loss of ‘w, there are differences in the details of the contraction of the resulting vowel sequences, as set forth in 86. When immediately following a consonant, y precipitated wholesale palatalizations, in the course of which the glide as such disappeared (195-207). 2. LATIN. In L, PIE y and w survive initially, and w (‘consonantal u’, herein anachronistically written v) remained a glide, phonetically, until early in the Romance period. L orthography obscures the f
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Conference papers on the topic "Vowel-glides"

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Peeters, W. J. M. "Acoustic structure and perceptual relevance of 'steady states' and 'glides' within formant trajectories of diphthongs, complex vowels, and vowel clusters." In European Conference on Speech Technology. ISCA, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.21437/ecst.1987-15.

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