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1
Wong Gonzales, Wilkinson Daniel, and Rebecca Lurie Starr. "Vowel system or vowel systems?" Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 35, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 253–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.00061.won.
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Abstract The Manila variety of Philippine Hybrid Hokkien (PHH-M) or Lánnang-uè is a contact language used by the metropolitan Manila Chinese Filipinos; it is primarily comprised of Hokkien, Tagalog/Filipino, and English elements. Approaching PHH-M as a mixed language, we investigate linguistically and socially conditioned variation in the monophthongs of PHH-M, focusing on the extent to which the vowel systems of the three source languages have converged. This analysis draws on data gathered from 34 native speakers; Pillai scores are calculated to assess the degree of merger. Contrary to certain predictions of prior work on mixed languages, PHH-M is found to have a unified, eight-vowel inventory distinct from any of its sources. Older women use more stable vowels across source languages, suggesting that they have led in the development of PHH-M as a mixed code; however, signs of change among younger women suggest either the endangerment of the code or its evolution in response to the community’s shifting identity. We contextualize our conclusions in relation to the sociohistory and language ecology of metropolitan Manila’s Chinese Filipino community.
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Lekli, Lenida. "A Comparative Analysis of the Albanian and British English Vowel System." European Journal of Language and Literature 5, no. 2 (May 31, 2019): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls-2019.v5i2-201.
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Analyzing the complexity of the articulatory process of the vowels in Albanian and English language is of crucial importance in distinguishing their unique phonetic and phonological properties. The standard Albanian vocalic system includes seven vowels, unlike the standard British English vowel system which consists of five vowels. Drawing points of similarity and differentiation between the vowel systems of the two languages requires detailed analysis regarding the degree of opening and the position of the tongue in the vowel tract. Therefore the purpose of this paper is to highlight differences and similarities of the vowel system (monophthongs) between standard Albanian language and British English. The seven Albanian vowels considerably differ from their five English counterparts, not only by their degree of opening but even by their placement concerning the horizontal movement of the tongue, which can be observed by examining the two vowel charts of both languages. The Albanian vowel system is displayed through a triangle, meanwhile the English vowel system is a schematic arrangement of vowels into a quadrilateral.Thus analyzing their properties by using a comparative approach regarding vowels articulation in both languages would help in generating a clear picture of their common and distinguishing characteristics.
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Wolff, H. Ekkehard. "Proto-Chadic reconstruction and Afroasiatic vowel system typology." Brill’s Journal of Afroasiatic Languages and Linguistics 14, no. 1 (June 23, 2022): 61–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18776930-01401004.
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Abstract The reconstruction of the Proto-Chadic (PC) vowel system has hitherto been considered impossible. Proposals covered one (*a), two (*a, *ə), three (*a, *i, *u) and four (*a, *ə, *i, *u) vowels. The one-vowel solution gains support by evidence from mainly the languages of the Central Chadic branch, together with the notion of palatalisation and labialisation prosodies, which create particular ‘colourings’ for vowels and consonants in phonetic surface realisations and have been discovered to operate in all branches of the family, but to very different extent. Based on new insights into the phonological history of Central Chadic (Wolff 2022, forthcoming), at variance with Gravina (2014), and referring back to a typology of Chadic vowel systems suggested by Schuh (2017), we can now tentatively delineate the development from a minimal vowel inventory */a/, *[ə] in PC to vowel systems of between one and 15 (short and long) phonemic vowels in modern Chadic languages. Diachronic vowel-system typology in Chadic allows a critical review of received wisdom concerning vowel systems elsewhere in Afroasiatic, potentially touching on issues pertaining to the internal sub-classification of the phylum. At least the vowel system of Tashelhiyt (Berber) corresponds in essential details to the PC minimal vowel system, a non-trivial observation that raises questions concerning genetic heritage, language contact, and/or areal innovation.
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Maddieson, Ian. "The Margi vowel system and labiocoronals." Studies in African Linguistics 18, no. 3 (December 1, 1987): 327–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v18i3.107471.
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The vowel system of Margi, described by Hoffman [1963] as containing three high vowels and one low vowel, is reinterpreted as a two-vowel system with underlying contrast only of high versus low. A pervasive contrast of secondary articulations on consonants spreads features of rounding and backness to contiguous vowels, giving rise to the different high vowel qualities recognized by Hoffman. A morphological role for the secondary articulations can be identified. Given this new understanding of the vowel system, the claim that "labio-coronal" elements in Margi are single complex segments requires reevaluation. Arguments advanced by Sagey [1986] are shown to proceed from a wrong interpretation of a syncope process and an assumed underlying contrast between high vowels. Phonetic data and the absence of phonological arguments to the contrary suggest that the labiocoronal elements are consonant sequences. 1.
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Andersen, Torben. "[ATR] reversal in Jumjum." Diachronica 23, no. 1 (June 29, 2006): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.23.1.03and.
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Jumjum, a Western Nilotic language, has an eight-vowel system divided into two sets by the feature [ATR] (Advanced Tongue Root), which is the basis of vowel harmony. A comparison with other Western Nilotic languages shows that (i) this vowel system goes back to a ten-vowel system in Proto-Western Nilotic (PWN), (ii) PWN high [−ATR] vowels have become high [+ATR] vowels in Jumjum, and (iii) conversely, PWN high [+ATR] vowels have become high [−ATR] vowels in Jumjum. The sequence of changes that resulted in this [ATR] reversal in Jumjum relative to PWN provides a historical explanation of synchronically odd, grammatically conditioned vowel-quality alternations in this language.
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Hantgan, Abie, and Stuart Davis. "Bondu-so vowel harmony: A descriptive analysis with theoretical implications." Studies in African Linguistics 41, no. 2 (June 15, 2012): 2–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v41i2.107276.
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This paper provides a descriptive analysis of the [ATR] vowel harmony system of Bondu-so (Dogon, Mali), a previously undocumented language. Data come from fieldwork and have not yet been published. While Bondu-so has seven surface vowels, namely, two [+ATR, +high] vowels ([i], [u]), a [–ATR +low] vowel [a] and a [±ATR] contrast in the mid vowels with front [e]/[ɛ] and back [o]/[ɔ], there is evidence for a more abstract vowel system phonologically consisting of ten vowels with [±ATR] contrasts with all vowel heights. Further, the language shows a three-way contrast with respect to the feature [ATR] on suffixal vowels: some suffixal vowels act as [+ATR] dominant, spreading their [+ATR] feature onto the root; other suffixes act as [–ATR] dominant, spreading [–ATR] onto the root, and still other suffixes have vowels unspecified for [ATR] receiving their [±ATR] feature by rightward spreading of the [±ATR] value of the root vowel. We offer an autosegmental analysis and then discuss the theoretical implications of such an analysis. These implications include the ternary use of [ATR], the issue of phonological versus morphological harmony, the relationship between vowel inventories and [ATR] harmony systems, and the question of abstractness in phonology.
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Campos-Astorkiza, Rebeka. "Lenght contrast and contextual modifications of duration in the Lithuanian vowel system." Baltic Linguistics 3 (December 31, 2012): 9–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.32798/bl.418.
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Previous studies have shown that the system of contrasts in a given language plays a significant role in determining certain contextual modifications stemming from coarticulation or the acoustic realization of stress. They argue that a limit on coarticulation occurs in cases where a high degree of coarticulation and its corresponding acoustic consequences would decrease the saliency of the relevant contrast. The current study investigates the role of contrastive vowel length in limiting the amount of contextual modification of vowel duration. More precisely, the interaction between vowel length contrast and the stop voicing effect is analyzed. The stop voicing effect results in vowel duration differences depending on whether the following obstruent is voiced or voiceless. The hypothesis is that the presence of vowel length contrast will inhibit the voicing effect, given that contextual variability of duration might blur a contrast based on length. This prediction is tested on Lithuanian, which has an asymmetrical vowel length system: only high and low vowels are contrastive for this dimension; mid vowels are always long. The experimental results show that the voicing effect is stronger for mid vowels, supporting the hypothesis that the presence of a length contrast attenuates the contextual effects on vowel duration.
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Ritchart, Amanda, and Sharon Rose. "Moro vowel harmony: implications for transparency and representations." Phonology 34, no. 1 (May 2017): 163–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0952675717000069.
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This paper describes and analyses the vowel-harmony system of the Kordofanian language Moro. Moro has a cross-height dominant-recessive raising harmony system in which high vowels and a central mid vowel trigger harmony, while peripheral mid vowels and a central low vowel are harmony targets. Schwas can co-occur with any of the vowels, appearing inert to harmony. Yet when schwas occur alone in a morpheme, some trigger harmony and some do not. We suggest that an original ATR-harmony system shifted to a height system via merger and centralisation, producing two distinct central vowels, rather than a single schwa. One vowel patterns with the higher vowels in triggering harmony, and the other patterns with the lower vowels. We also propose that a particle-based representation offers the best characterisation of the groupings of target and trigger vowels in the language.
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Yul-Ifode, Shirley. "Vowel harmony and vowel merger in Agoi." Studies in African Linguistics 32, no. 1 (June 1, 2003): 2–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v32i1.107348.
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This paper describes the vowel harmony system and patterns of vowel merger in Agoi, an Upper Cross language. Data indicate that a once fully operative system of vowel harmony has now been generally restricted to the non-high vowels, with a few residual instances of II u/-determined harmony. The evolution of this change is described.
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Misnadin, M. "Phonetic realisations of Madurese vowels and their implications for the Madurese vowel system." Indonesian Journal of Applied Linguistics 10, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 173–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.17509/ijal.v10i1.25033.
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It has been suggested that Madurese has eight surface vowels [a, ɛ, ə, ɔ, ɤ, i, ɨ, u], but there have been disagreements with regard to the number of its vowel phonemes. The disagreements arise partly because some scholars base their analyses of Madurese vowels on phonetic grounds while others base them on certain phonological analyses. Besides, some researchers do not consider native versus non-native Madurese words in their analyses. The paper addresses these problems by incorporating both phonetic and phonological analyses in order to provide a better description of Madurese vowels. To achieve this, we investigated the acoustic realisations of the eight surface vowels by looking at the first and second formant frequencies (F1 and F2) of the high and non-high vowel pairs (i ~ ɛ, ɨ ~ ə, ɤ ~ a, u ~ ɔ). Fifteen speakers of Madurese were recorded reading Madurese words put in a carrier phrase. All segmentations were done employing Praat, and F1 and F2 values were extracted using a Praat script. The data were assessed with a linear mixed-effects model accounting for variation due to both random and fixed factors. The results showed that all high and non-high vowel pairs significantly differed in their F1 values. However, the results for F2 values showed variations; only the pair [ɨ ~ ə] showed a significant difference at vowel onset and at vowel midpoint the pairs [i ~ ɛ] and [ɨ ~ ə] were significantly different. Furthermore, we also looked at the vowels [ɤ] and [ɨ] as well as [ɤ] and [ə] to see if they differed in their F1 and F2 values. Our results confirmed that at both vowel onset and midpoint, they were significantly different. The results were discussed employing phonological analysis and vowel dispersion theory. The result of the analyses suggests that Madurese should be best described as a language with a four-vowel system and further offers a solution to the disagreements on the number of vowel phonemes in Madurese
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Ostapirat, Weera. "The Rime System of Proto-Tai." Bulletin of Chinese Linguistics 7, no. 1 (January 24, 2013): 189–227. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2405478x-90000112.
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In this paper, I propose a new system of Proto-Tai (PT) rimes. The system features six simple vowels and three diphthongs, with length contrast. Li’s PT has nine simple vowels, forty-three dipthongs, and seven triphthongs. A velarized feature is reconstructed for several correspondences that show diphthongs in the Northern Tai (NT) branch but simple vowels in the Southern Tai (ST) branch, as well as for the difference between the NT higher vowel reflexes and ST lower vowel reflexes. A labialized feature occurs in some rimes and causes certain unrounded vowels to become rounded. Eleven endings are reconstructed, including PT *-l and *-c, which are not recognized in Li’s system.
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Holliday, Nicole, and Sean Martin. "Vowel categories and allophonic lowering among Bolivian Quechua–Spanish bilinguals." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 48, no. 2 (November 23, 2017): 199–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100317000512.
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This paper is an acoustic study describing the vowel spaces of bilingual Quechua–Spanish speakers in Cochabamba, Bolivia, with a particular focus on the height of mid and high vowels, in order to explore longstanding questions about the nature of Quechua vowel categories. South Bolivian Quechua is generally described as phonemically trivocalic with high-vowel lowering in presence of uvular consonants, but there has been little acoustic study of vowel formant characteristics (Cerrón-Palomino 1987, Laime Ajacopa, Cazazola & Pairumani 2007). The current study quantifies previous impressionistic observations of the vowel system and describes the acoustic properties of the Quechua vowels. Eleven bilingual speakers of South Bolivian Quechua and Spanish were recorded in a Quechua translation task and a Spanish list-reading task. Results of Bayesian models indicate that Quechua high vowels do appear to undergo systematic lowering following uvular consonants, supporting earlier descriptions. The results also demonstrate that lowering is consistent throughout the duration of the vowels, challenging a purely coarticulatory motivation for the observed lowering pattern. The allophonic mid-vowels of Quechua and the phonemic high and mid vowels of Spanish also have formant characteristics that may differ from one another, providing evidence for the hypothesis that these bilingual speakers could potentially command two separate vowel systems with different bases of articulation. These findings are also relevant for questions related to the nature of three-vowel systems, and whether or not they may contain true mid-vowel allophones.
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Aleksakhin, A. N. "THE PRINCIPLES OF PHONOLOGICAL WORD STRUCTURE COMPARISON OF RUSSIAN AND CHINESE LANGUAGES." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 3(36) (June 28, 2014): 215–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-3-36-215-223.
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The article is devoted to the phonological structure of words of Russian and Chinese languages. With phonological point of view the word as a Central significant unit of language is a sequence of consonants and vowel phonemes. A comparative study shows that the phonological structure of the Russian words prevail consonant phonemes and the phonological structure of the Chinese words prevail vowel phonemes. The phonological system of the Russian language is characterized by consonant dominant, and the phonological system of the Chinese language Mandarin is characterized by vocal dominant. In the vowel system of the Russian language there are six vowel phonemes, in the vowel system of the Chinese language Mandarin there are thirty-one vowel phonemes. The typical sound pattern of words of the Chinese language consists of vowel combinations. The strong (vowels differ in different effective modes of vocal cords) vowels are implemented in the even phonological position; the weak vowels are implemented in the left and right odd phonological positions of the syllabic matrix 0123. Consonant phonemes of the Chinese language are implemented only in the zero phonological position. The Sound variety of simple one-syllable words of the Chinese language is constructed by oppositions: twenty-five consonants in the zero position, thirty-one strong vowel phonemes in the even position, as well as three weak vowels in the left odd position and five weak vowels in the right odd position . The typical distribution of consonant and vowel phonemes is shown in the following examples of words: 0123 - guai «obedient», gudi «rotate», guài «strange». The opposition of weak vowels with a derivative phonological zero is also an effective method of making words: guai «obedient» - gai «must» - gua « blow» - ga «a dark corner». Both Russian and Chinese Synharmonia variety of sound words is supported by five derivative phonological zeros that are phonetically in Russian and Chinese are implemented by weak vowels. It is demonstrated for the first time that the Vowel harmony (Synharmonia) is a universal means for phonetic cel'nooformlennost' (phonetic unity) of words in Russian and Chinese languages.
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Langstrof, Christian. "On the role of vowel duration in the New Zealand English front vowel shift." Language Variation and Change 21, no. 3 (October 2009): 437–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394509990159.
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AbstractThis article investigates the role of vowel duration in the front vowel system of New Zealand English (NZE), drawing on data obtained from speakers born between the 1890s and the 1930s. After providing a brief overview of the history of short vowels in NZE, a comprehensive analysis of front vowel duration in conjunction with a number of earlier results from formant frequency measurements will be presented. It will be shown that the front vowel system of NZE shows interaction between vowel duration and formant frequency. A number of implications that follow from these patterns for the front vowel system of NZE will be discussed. It will be argued that it is reasonable to divide up the class of short front vowels in NZE into a short set (consisting only of one vowel) and a “not-so-short set.” In addition, it will be concluded that phonological class membership is irrelevant to making generalizations over patterns of movements in vowel change.
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Capo, Hounkpati B. "ON the high non-expanded vowels of Yoruboid." Studies in African Linguistics 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1985): 103–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v16i1.107506.
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A current debate going on among Yoruba linguists is the existence and phonological status of the high non-expanded vowels. Indeed while Igala, Isekiri and many Yoruba dialects exhibit a seven-vowel system, other Yoruba dialects exhibit a ·nine-vowel system (including i and o), both types showing however interesting vowel co-occurrence restrictions. Given this situation, some scholars argue that proto-Yoruba and proto-Yorubold had a nine-vowel system with cross-height vowel harmony, while others claim that they had a seven-vowel system. The present paper reviews both positions and suggests another alternative; in particular it shows how cross-height vowel harmony came about in Yoruboid.
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Hantgan, Abbie, and Stuart Davis. "The Abstract Nature of the Bondu Vowel System: Evidence from [ATR] Harmony." LSA Annual Meeting Extended Abstracts 3 (April 8, 2012): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/exabs.v0i0.607.
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This paper argues for an abstract analysis of the vowel system of Bondu, a Dogon language of Mali. Data come from fieldwork and have not been previously published. Phonetically, Bondu has seven vowels: two [+high, +ATR] vowels ([i], [u]), a [+low, –ATR] vowel [a], and a [±ATR] contrast in the mid vowels: front ([e], [?]) and back ([o], [?]). We argue, however, that underlyingly certain high vowels are [–ATR] while some low vowels are [+ATR]; the contrast is neutralized so that high vowels surface as [+ATR] and low vowels as [–ATR]. Evidence comes from the realization of the perfective suffix /–??/ which alternates between [è] ~ [??], depending on the underlying [ATR] value of the vowel in the verb root. The data in (1) illustrate root-controlled [±ATR] harmony. (Forms show 3rd person singular). (1) a. [nòj–è] sleep c. [d???–??] leave b. [nèmbìl–è] beg d. [k???–??] cut The data in (2) are more complex. (2) a. [bìj–è] lie down c. [?ìj–??] dance b. [sù?–è] go down d. [?ù?–??] recognize While all the root vowels in (2) are phonetically [+high, +ATR], we analyze those in (2c-d) as having an underlying [–ATR] feature. Here we follow Archangelli and Pulleyblank (1994) who view the feature combination [–ATR], [+high] as antagonistic: phonetically unrealized, though phonologically present. Similarly, while there is only one surfacing [+low, –ATR] vowel in Bondu, verb roots with low vowels are divided between those that take a [+ATR] suffix (3a) and those taking [–ATR] (3b). (3) a. [bàr–è] help b. [pà?–??] tie We analyze the surface low vowel in (3a) as abstractly [+low, +ATR], (3b) as [+low, –ATR] with the underlying [ATR] feature of the root spreading to the suffix. A further argument for the abstract feature analysis comes from the complex alternations found with the imperative suffix in (4) (same roots from above). (4) a. [nój–ó] f. [dó?–á] b. [némbíl–ó] g. [ké?–á] c. [bíj–ó] h. [?íj–á] d. [sú?–ó] i. [d?ú?–á] e. [bár–á] j. [pá?–á] We analyze the realization of the imperative suffix vowel by spreading of the underlying [ATR] feature of the root vowel as in the perfective, but with an additional assimilatory process raising the underlying [+low] suffix vowel to [–low] when preceded by a vowel that is underlying [–low, +ATR]. We view this as an instance of parasitic harmony which applies in (4a-d). The unexpected realization of [+ATR] on the stem vowels in (4f-i) is analyzed as the docking of a floating [+ATR] feature that comes with the imperative suffix. We argue that our abstract feature analysis is superior to an alternative under-specification analysis since there is no consistency whether [+ATR] or [–ATR] is underspecified given the behavior of high vowel roots in (2) and (4); our analysis of the imperative is also consistent with Wolf's (2007) observation that floating autosegments avoid docking on morphemes that sponsor them. Archangeli, D. and D. Pulleyblank (1994) Grounded Phonology. MIT Press: Cambridge, MA. Wolf, M. (2007). For an Autosegmental Theory of Mutation. In L. Bateman, M. O’Keefe, E. Reilly & A. Werle (Eds.), University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics 32: Papers in Optimality Theory III (Vol. 32 pp. 315-404). Amherst: GLSA.
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Anderson, Coleen G. "ATR vowel harmony in Akposso." Studies in African Linguistics 28, no. 2 (June 15, 1999): 185–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v28i2.107372.
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This paper presents a description of the vowel harmony system of Akposso (Uwi), a Kwa language of Ghana and Togo, one of only a handful of Kwa languages with a complete ten vowel system with ATR harmony. However, the tenth vowel, hi, does not function as the harmonic counterpart of the low [-ATR] central vowel lal in affixes as it does in other ten vowel languages with crossheight vowel harmony systems. Rather, in some instances Ia! alternates with lei in [+ATR] contexts, while in other instances it surfaces invariably as lal in both [-ATR] and l +ATR] contexts. Formant measurements show the [+ATR] central vowel occupying the mid area of acoustic space, thus adding some support to the view that [+ATR] central vowels in ATR harmony systems are phonetically nonlow rather than low, the more widely-assumed position. Although vowel harmony applies to a significant number of affixes, especially in the verb morphology, there are interesting limitations on how far harmony extends.
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Ronquest, Rebecca. "Stylistic Variation in Heritage Spanish Vowel Production." Heritage Language Journal 13, no. 2 (August 31, 2016): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.46538/hlj.13.2.9.
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While recent studies of Spanish vowels produced by heritage speakers of Spanish (HSS) have revealed important differences in acoustic distribution and unstressed vowel reduction in comparison to monolingual norms (Alvord & Rogers, 2014; Boomershine, 2012; Ronquest, 2013; Willis, 2005), the influence of speech style on vowels produced by HSS remains relatively unexplored. Previous research examining stylistic variation in monolingual and bilingual varieties of Spanish report vowel space expansion in controlled speech relative to spontaneous speech (Alvord & Rogers, 2014; Harmegnies & Poch-Olivé, 1992; Poch-Olivé, Harmegnies, & Martín Butragueño, 2008) and increased vowel duration (Bradlow, 2002), although many of these studies included a small number of participants or did not examine the entire vowel system. The present investigation extends previous research by including a larger number of speakers and three novel tasks, as well as examining the effects of style on both quality and duration throughout the system as a whole. Acoustic and statistical analyses confirmed an overall vowel space expansion effect in controlled speech similar to that reported in previous studies, although not all vowels varied equally and along the same dimensions. Furthermore, vowel duration exhibited less variation than expected and was limited to the lowest vowels, suggesting that vowel quality and duration may be affected independently of one another. Combined, the general results not only reveal that speech style has a similar impact on vowels produced by HSS and other bilingual and monolingual populations, but also emphasize the importance of analyzing the entire vowel system on multiple dimensions.
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Rubach, Jerzy, and Tomasz Łuszczek. "The Vowel System of Podhale Goralian." Research in Language 17, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/1731-7533.17.2.01.
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This paper is a report on the phonological research done in the past two years investigating Podhale Goralian. The data are drawn from our informants in Dzianisz.
The paper establishes the system of surface contrasts in Goralian and identifies instances of complementary distribution. It is claimed that the renowned Podhale Archaism is no longer represented by the vowel [i]. Rather, the vowel has retracted to the central vowel [ɨ]. The original [ɨ], on the other hand, has lowered and fronted and is now best regarded as tense [e]. These transitions of vowels pose challenges for a phonological analysis. A sample of such analysis (Final Tensing) is shown in the framework of Optimality Theory.
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Rubach, Jerzy, and Tomasz Łuszczek. "The Vowel System of Podhale Goralian." Research in Language 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/rela-2019-0008.
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Abstract This paper is a report on the phonological research done in the past two years investigating Podhale Goralian. The data are drawn from our informants in Dzianisz. The paper establishes the system of surface contrasts in Goralian and identifies instances of complementary distribution. It is claimed that the renowned Podhale Archaism is no longer represented by the vowel [i]. Rather, the vowel has retracted to the central vowel [ɨ]. The original [ɨ], on the other hand, has lowered and fronted and is now best regarded as tense [e]. These transitions of vowels pose challenges for a phonological analysis. A sample of such analysis (Final Tensing) is shown in the framework of Optimality Theory.
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Ertmer, David J. "Emergence of a Vowel System in a Young Cochlear Implant Recipient." Journal of Speech, Language, and Hearing Research 44, no. 4 (August 2001): 803–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/1092-4388(2001/063).
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This report chronicles changes in vowel production by a congenitally deaf child who received a multichannel cochlear implant at 19 months. The emergence of Hannah’s vowel system was monitored by transcribing vocalic segments from spontaneous utterances produced during two 30-minute recording sessions before implant surgery and 12 monthly recording sessions after her implant was activated. Vowel types were included in her inventory whenever transcribers independently agreed that a vocalization contained an allophone of a given vowel type. Hannah exhibited three vowel types before implantation. A total of nine different vowel types were observed during her first year of implant experience, and a full range of place and height categories was represented. Acoustic analyses revealed that Hannah's vowel space was near normal in size and that the formant structures of /i/ and /u/ were distinctive from other point vowels. Formant regions for /æ/ and /α/ showed some overlap. Taken together with a previous report of her vocal development (D. J. Ertmer & J. A. Mellon, 2001), Hannah appears to have made substantial progress in speech development during her first year of implant use.
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Yuwanda, Yati. "THE PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM OF SASAK DIALECT SPOKEN IN MATARAM; A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY." International Journal of Language and Literature 1, no. 1 (February 28, 2017): 65. http://dx.doi.org/10.23887/ijll.v1i1.9619.
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The research aimed to describe vowels and consonants in Sasak dialect. This research is descriptive qualitative research. The object of this research is the phological system of Sasak dialect about vowel and consonant while the object of this research is people in Mataram city especially in rembige village, Nusa Tenggara Barat. The subject took from the observation technique. They are selected from the characteristics of fluent Sasak dialect. The data collected from three different domains. The domain are family domain, friendship domain and neighborhood domain. The theory to analyze the data was from Miler and Huberman (1984). Instrument collected from observation and recording technique, the result of this research shows that the type of vowels in Sasak dialect are /ʌ/, /ɪ/, /u/, /e/, /o/ and /ə/. The vowel / i / had two allophones namely [ ɪ ] and [ i ]. the vowel / e / had two allophones namely [e] and [ə], the vowel /o/ had one allophone namely [o] and the vowel / u / also had one allophones [ u ]. There were 18 consonants found in Sasak Dialect, those were: /b/, /c/, /d/, /g/, /h/, /j/, /k/, /l/, /m/, /n/, /p/, /q/, /r/, /s/, /t/, /w/, /y/, /ŋ/, and /ñ/.
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Zajdó, Kristina. "Vowel Acquisition in Hungarian: A First Look at Developmental Data." Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society 28, no. 1 (August 14, 2002): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/bls.v28i1.3851.
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Vowel acquisition in children is a poorly researched area of speech development. Studies of phonological acquisition and theories of phonological development assumed that vowels develop early. Until recently, vowels were no more than the "poor relations of consonants" (Ball and Gibbon 2002:xi). Phonological assessments of children with typical and atypical speech development routinely ignored to mention the status of vowel production. However, recent investigations have revealed that the path from the emergence of quasi-vowels in babbling to more adult-like vowel production capabilities of older children requires an awareness of the underlying vowel system of the target language as well as articulatory learning. While the age at which vowels are fully acquired is unknown, data suggest that the major steps of vowel development occur during the first six years of life.
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Nadeu, Marianna. "Phonetic and phonological vowel reduction in Central Catalan." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 46, no. 1 (December 7, 2015): 33–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002510031500016x.
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In Central Catalan, phonological vowel reduction causes the stressed seven-vowel system to reduce in number in unstressed position, where only the three reduced vowels [iəu] can occur. Exceptionally, full vowels (typically expected in a stressed syllable only) can appear in unstressed syllables in certain contexts. This study explores the acoustic characteristics of phonologically unreduced vowels found exceptionally in unstressed position in Central Catalan and compares them to stressed full vowels and corresponding unstressed (phonologically reduced) vowels. Results show that, contrary to traditional descriptions, presumably phonologically unreduced vowels in verb + noun compounds sporadically undergo phonological vowel reduction. When they do not, they are shorter than stressed vowels and more centralized in the F1*F2 vowel space. In addition, stressed full vowels do not differ in accented vs. unaccented contexts in duration or vowel quality, indicating that vowels are hyperarticulated under lexical stress, but not when they receive intonational pitch accent. The findings contribute to a body of cross-linguistic research dealing with the influence of prosody at the segmental level.
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Lipski, John M. "Colliding vowel systems in Andean Spanish." Linguistic Approaches to Bilingualism 5, no. 1 (May 1, 2015): 91–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/lab.5.1.04lip.
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The acquisition of the Spanish 5-vowel system by speakers of the 3-vowel language Quechua (/I/-/a/-/ʊ/) seldom results in accurate approximation to Spanish vowel spaces when learning takes place informally in post-adolescence. The present study offers data from a minimal immersion environment in northern Ecuador. In a context in which few cues point to the existence of mid-high vocalic oppositions in Spanish (e.g. no literacy, no corrective feedback, almost no viable minimal pairs), these speakers reliably distinguish only three Spanish vowels in production. These Quechua-dominant bilinguals have amorphous front and back vowel spaces considerably broader than those defining Quechua /I/ and /ʊ/, but with no bimodal clustering. Left relatively unfettered, the hybrid system may contribute to an understanding of the relationship between vowel inventory and vowel space topology.
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S.K. Adhikari. "Effect of Aspiration on Vowel Duration for Voice and Voiceless Unaspirated (Garhwali Hindi) Consonants." BMC Journal of Scientific Research 2, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/bmcjsr.v2i1.42725.
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In this paper, an attempt has been made to study of Vowel durations for voice and voiceless unaspirated consonant. An experiment is described to study vowel duration of 10 vowels (Garhwali Hindi) with different unaspirated consonants. Ten Garhwali vowels word in /CVC/ syllables as spoken three times by ten males and ten females Garhwali speakers were recorded in system in the free field of partially acoustically treated room. SFS/PRRAT software is used to digitize and analyze the data. Linear predictive coding (LPC) spectra were obtained for each of vowels and vowel duration was measured. Then we found that vowel duration of voice unaspirated consonant is greater than voiceless unaspirated consonants.
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Gates, Jesse P., and Won Ho Kim. "Vowel harmony in Stau." Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 41, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 263–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.17016.gat.
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Abstract In this paper, we propose that in Stau (Rgyalrongic, Sino-Tibetan) there is a system of four vowel pairs (/i/-/ə/, /e/-/ɛ/, /æ/-/ɑ/, /u/-/o/) that undergo regressive vowel harmony. This system of vowel harmony produces root morpheme forms such as [æCæ] and [ɑCɑ], whereas forms like [æCɑ] or [ɑCæ] are remarkably absent. Vowel harmony is also observed when combining morphemes to create complex words. Unambiguous cases show that the vowel of the first morpheme assimilates to the vowel of the second (e.g. /æCɑ/ → [ɑCɑ]), if the vowels of the two morphemes belong to the same vowel pair set (e.g. /æ/-/ɑ/). At the same time, there are several situations where vowel harmony is consistently not observed. Notable among these blocking mechanisms are lexemes that contain semantically-heavy first syllables. In this situation, we observe the interplay of semantics and phonology. Analysis of the vowel harmony system in Stau yields a way to measure the distance between morphemes.
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Evans, Jonathan P., and Chenglong Huang. "A Bottom-Up Approach to Vowel Systems: The Case of Yadu Qiang*." Cahiers de Linguistique Asie Orientale 36, no. 2 (2007): 147–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19606028-90000169.
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Examining vowel harmony processes at work in Yadu Qiang reveals the smallest set of features needed to account for vowel oppositions, hence vowel structure. Arguments are evaluated for binarity/unarity of features, and the roles of marginal and disappearing contrasts. A minimal set of features that accounts for vowel processes predicts the existence of abstract vowels, which are shown to be active in the vowel system. The required binary features are Front, A TR, and Low, while Round and Rhotic are unary features. The study draws paralleis with Hyman's (2003) analysis of Kalong, in which all vowel features are shown to be unary.
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Pulleyblank, Douglas. "Underspecification and low vowel harmony in Okpe." Studies in African Linguistics 17, no. 2 (August 1, 1986): 119–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v17i2.107490.
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This paper examines the effect of [ATR] vowel harmony on low vowels in Okpe, an Edoid language of Nigeria. The relevant facts can be summarized as follows: Low vowel stems condition [-ATR] forms on affixes. Low vowel affixes surface as [+low] in [-ATR] contexts and as [-low] when in [+ATR] contexts. Of particular interest is the additional fact that an underlyingly low vowel surfaces as [-low], [-ATR] in certain [+ATR] environments. To explain these alternations, it will be argued that low vowels are underlyingly unspecified for vocalic features. Redundancy rules, supplied for the most part by Universal Grammar, interact with the vowel harmony system and rules of syllabification to derive the non-low variants of under1yingly low vowels. By positing underspecified forms, it will be shown that no ad hoc rules need to be stipulated.
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Scarborough, Rebecca, Georgia Zellou, Armik Mirzayan, and David S. Rood. "Phonetic and phonological patterns of nasality in Lakota vowels." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 45, no. 3 (December 2015): 289–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100315000171.
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Lakota (Siouan) has both contrastive and coarticulatory vowel nasality, and both nasal and oral vowels can occur before or after a nasal consonant. This study examines the timing and degree patterns of acoustic vowel nasality across contrastive and coarticulatory contexts in Lakota, based on data from six Lakota native speakers. There is clear evidence of both anticipatory and carryover nasal coarticulation across oral and nasal vowels, with a greater degree of carryover than anticipatory nasalization. Nasality in carryover contexts is nonetheless restricted: the oral–nasal contrast is neutralized for high back vowels in this context and realized for three of the six speakers in low vowels. In the absence of nasal consonant context, contrastive vowel nasalization is generally greatest late in the vowel. Low nasal vowels in carryover contexts parallel this pattern (despite the location of the nasal consonantbeforethe vowel), and low nasal vowels in anticipatory contexts are most nasal at the start of the vowel. We relate the synchronic patterns of coarticulation in Lakota to both its system of contrast and diachronic processes in the evolution of nasality in Lakota. These data reflect that coarticulatory patterns, as well as contrastive patterns, are grammatical and controlled by speakers.
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Bostoen, Koen, and Joseph Koni Muluwa. "Vowel split in Hungan (Bantu H42, Kwilu, DRC)." Journal of Historical Linguistics 1, no. 2 (December 31, 2011): 247–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jhl.1.2.04bos.
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This paper examines the diachronic origin of a vowel split in the Bantu language Hungan. It is shown that the inherited Proto-Bantu seven-vowel (7V) system was first reduced to a classical five-vowel (5V) system before the Kipuka variety of Hungan developed a new kind of 7V system. Such a 7V>5V>7V cycle has never before been described in Bantu. The new 7V system is thus the end product of a vowel merger and a vowel split which succeeded each other, but it could be mistaken for the outcome of a chain shift. The vowel split itself started out as an internally-motivated allophonic variation between tense and lax mid vowels that subsequently became phonologized through an externally-motivated loss of the conditioning environment. It can therefore be considered as a contact-induced language-internal change.
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Aziza, Rose O. "Neutralization of contrast in the vowel system of Urhobo." Studies in African Linguistics 37, no. 1 (June 1, 2008): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v37i1.107297.
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Urhobo, a South Western Edoid language of the Niger-Congo family, is spoken in Delta State, Nigeria. In the synchronic phonology of the language, there are seven surface vowels: [i, e, E, a, J, 0, u], but the behavior of some vowels, especially e, 0, G, is sometimes at variance with their expected vowel behavior, indicating that there may be abstract underlying vowels */r, v, ;)1 which have merged with Ie, 0, EI. The result, when compared with sister languages such as Degema and Isoko, is that the Urhobo system appears quite complex. The focus of this paper is showing that abstract underlying */r, v, ;)1, which are Proto Edoid vowels, still have an effect in the synchronic phonology: thus, Ir, el become [e], lv, 01 become [0], and I;), EI become [E] and possibly [ a]. When we account for the 'awkward' behavior of apparent Ie, 0, E/, the Urhobo vowel system is clear and straightforward.
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Walker, James A., and Miriam Meyerhoff. "Pivots of the Caribbean? Low-back vowels in eastern Caribbean English." Linguistics 58, no. 1 (February 25, 2020): 109–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2019-0037.
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AbstractResolving the convergence of low-back vowels in English constitutes a pivot with repercussions for the rest of the vowel system. We consider how speakers on an eastern Caribbean island co-opt the inherent variability of vowel systems to differentiate themselves. Examining the vowels of Bequia English (St. Vincent and the Grenadines) shows the main source of variation to lie in the position and duration of four low back vowels (cloth, lot, palm, thought), which do not act as the same pivot point for realignment of the vowel space as in North American English. The crucial distinction between transmission and diffusion lies at the heart of our findings: principles of language change derived from varieties characterized by transmission may differ from principles associated with histories of diffusion central to many contact and creole varieties.
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Timkin, T. V. "Surgut Khanty vowel system based on electromagnetic articulography data." Languages and Folklore of Indigenous Peoples of Siberia, no. 42 (2021): 9–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2312-6337-2021-2-9-24.
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The paper deals with the quality features of Surgut Khanty vowels obtained by an electromagnetic articulography experiment with one native speaker of the dialect. During the experiment, coordinates of the sensors placed on the speaker’s tongue and lips were tracked with an electromagnetic field. In total, approximately 350 isolated phonetic words were recorded. The coordinates of the tongue sensor placed on the dorsum and the interlabial distance calculated from the data of two sensors on the lower and upper lips were used for the analysis. The articulography data confirm some observations made earlier with audition and acoustic techniques: there are mid-row vowels (/ɨː/ and some allophones of /ʉ/, /ɘ/, /ʊː/), mid-closed vowels (/ɘ/, /o/, /oː/), and mid-open vowels (/ɛ/, /ɔ/, /ɔː/) in the dialect. It has been shown that when using the proposed sensor displacement, the horizontal coordinate is informative for the vowel row, the vertical coordinate correlates with the vowel openness, and the interlabial distance corresponds to the openness and the rounding. At the same time, the displacement used was found to be not always indicative for distinguishing the low and low-open vowels and pharyngeal features.
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Fridland, Valerie. "The Southern Shift in Memphis, Tennessee." Language Variation and Change 11, no. 3 (October 1999): 267–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0954394599113024.
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This article investigates the Southern Vowel Shift—a possibly interrelated series of rotations in vowel space currently affecting the dialects of southern speakers—in terms of examining its classification as a chain-shift process and, more generally, providing a descriptive account of the phonetic character of the changes in each individual vowel class. Based on the work of Labov (1991, 1994) and Feagin (1986), it has been suggested that the Southern Shift involves changes in both the front vowels and the back vowels, with the tense and lax front vowel nuclei essentially switching places and the back vowels moving forward. The relationship of these changes in the front vowels and those in the back vowels has not been firmly established, but they appear to be driven by different social and linguistic forces. What is happening to the low front, the mid, and the low back vowel classes in the Southern Shift has only been superficially explored. A detailed instrumental analysis of the vowel systems of 25 native Memphians of selected ages, socioeconomic classes, and genders is presented, revealing the movement of vowel classes which seem to be playing an important role in the instigation or perpetuation of the Southern Shift. This analysis points out discrepancies about how previously cited vocalic changes are embedded in mid-southern speech and provides a picture of how these changes are affecting other changes in the system. The results suggest that, while many of the changes cited in the literature are indeed present in the sample, the interrelatedness of these changes and their prognosis to move to completion are not so clear.
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Denning, Keith, and Job Malou. "Dinka Vowel System." Language 65, no. 4 (December 1989): 901. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/414981.
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Hoffmann, Thomas. "The Black Kenyan English vowel system." English World-Wide 32, no. 2 (July 5, 2011): 147–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.32.2.02hof.
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While acoustic phonetic studies have been carried out on all types of Englishes around the world, the second language variety spoken in Kenya has so far not been investigated acoustically. The present paper closes this gap by presenting an acoustic phonetic analysis of acrolectal Kenyan English. The data presented here consist of nine male speakers of acrolectal Kenyan English reading the “The North Wind and the Sun”-passage and were analysed using PRAAT (Boersma 2001; Boersma and Weenink 2008). As I will show, a careful visual and statistical analysis of the data unearthes several features of the Kenyan English vowel system that so far have gone unnoticed (e.g. a trend towards a seven vowel system with two front and two back mid vowels). Furthermore I will argue that some of these features can be traced back to the local L1 feature pool.
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Dessiar, Achmad Rio. "A Contrastive Study on Korean and Cia-Cia Language Vowels Based on an Acoustic Experiment." Jurnal Humaniora 33, no. 3 (October 27, 2021): 182. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/jh.68044.
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The Cia-Cia language, which is spoken by around 79.000 people in the Bau-Bau area of Buton Island, does not have its own writing system. In 2009, the Korean alphabet, Hangeul, was approved by the Bau-Bau city government for transcribing Cia-Cia, owing to the similarity of phonemes in Korean to those in Cia-Cia. This research aimed to compare the acoustics of monophthongs in the Korean and Cia-Cia languages with an experimental phonetic approach and to discuss writing system problems in Cia-Cia when adopting the Korean writing system. Based on the classification, the Cia-Cia vowels /i, e, a, u, and o/ are equivalent to the Korean vowels /이 ([i]), 에 ([e]), 아 ([a]), 우 ([u]), 오 ([o])/. However, there are two Korean vowels that have no Cia-Cia equivalents namely, /으/ ([ɨ]) and /어/ ([ə]). In general, the vowel equivalents between the two languages have significant differences in terms of their acoustic characteristics. Nonetheless, unlike other vowel equivalents, the Cia-Cia vowel /u/ and Korean vowel /우/ ([u]) when pronounced show similar phonetic features in terms of position and oral cavity opening level. In contrast, the Cia-Cia vowel /a/ and Korean vowel /아/ ([a]) when pronounced is shown to have the same oral cavity opening level, but different tongue positions. The use of the vowel /으/ ([ɨ]) in Hangeul's writing in transcribing particular Cia-Cia words is a unique feature of Korean grammar. This renders some transcriptions different from the pronunciation of the source Cia-Cia word. This is because of the limitations of Korean syllables, which, unlike Cia-Cia words, are not able to be written as double consonants.
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Archangeli, Diana B., and Jonathan Yip. "Assamese vowels and vowel harmony." Journal of South Asian Languages and Linguistics 6, no. 2 (February 25, 2020): 151–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jsall-2019-2010.
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AbstractBased on impressionistic and acoustic data, Assamese is described as having a phonological tongue root harmony system, with blocking by certain phonological configurations and over-application in certain morphological contexts. This study explores physical properties of the patterns using ultrasonic imaging to determine whether the impressionistic descriptions match what speakers actually do. Principal components analysis (PCA) determines that most participants produce a contrast in tongue root position in the appropriate contexts, though there is less of an impact on tongue root with greater distance from the triggering vowel. Analysis uses the root mean squared distance (RMSD) calculation to determine whether both blocking and over-application take effect. The blocking results conform to the impressionistic descriptions. With over-application, [e] and [o] are expected; while some speakers clearly produce these vowels, others articulate a vowel that is indeterminant between the expected [e]/[o] and an unexpected [ɛ]/[ɔ]. No speaker consistently showed the expected tongue root position in all contexts, and some speakers appeared to have lost the contrast entirely, yet all are considered to be speakers of the same dialect of Assamese. Whether this (apparent) loss is a consequence of crude research methodologies or accurately reflects what is happening within the language community remains an open question.
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Abiodun, Michael. "Vowel harmony in Igede." Studies in African Linguistics 22, no. 2 (April 15, 1991): 157–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.32473/sal.v22i2.107422.
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Igede is a language that operates a nine vowel system. It displays harmony system constraint by pharyngeal constriction. Vowels fall into two harmonic sets of [+ATR] and [-ATR] with no overlap. Where we have disharmonic morphemes, our analysis shows that the harmony constraint remains unviolated.
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Finger, Julianne. "Teaching Pronunciation with the Vowel Colour Chart." TESL Canada Journal 2, no. 2 (June 26, 1985): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.18806/tesl.v2i2.461.
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The Vowel Colour Chart is a system for teaching Canadian English vowels in which each sound is represented by a colour, the colour-word being the key word for that vowel sound. This article explains the composition of the Vowel Colour Chart, and suggests practical examples of its use with ESL learners of all ages. Comparisons with other pedagogical and aesthetic approaches to colour and sound are given. As a teaching aid, the Vowel Colour Chart offers a wider approach for individual participation in learning pronunciation.
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Gong, Xun. "How many vowels are there in Lhasa Tibetan?" Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area 43, no. 2 (December 31, 2020): 225–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/ltba.19004.gon.
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Abstract Lhasa Tibetan is described in a number of independent research traditions which give different accounts of its phonology. To what extent do these discrepancies reflect real dialectal or idiolectal differences? To what extent do they reflect different analyses of the same system? In this paper, we examine one aspect of Lhasa Tibetan phonology on which different descriptions show substantial discrepancies: vowels. Different descriptions of Lhasa Tibetan transcribe from 8 to more than 16 vowel qualities, ascribing to them different degrees of phonemicity. A detailed comparison of the transcription systems shows that all reflect the same underlying system of 12 vowel sounds, which agrees with the transcription conventions of the Seattle Tibetanists. The discrepancies among the systems mostly concern four vowels, namely ɔ, ə, ɪ and ʊ. These vowels, which started as allophonic variants of other vowels, later appear in a set of words which cannot be explained as allophony, and hence are unambiguous phonemes in contemporary Lhasa Tibetan.
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Toosarvandani, Maziar Doustdar. "Vowel Length in Modern Farsi." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society 14, no. 3 (November 2004): 241–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186304004079.
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Modern Farsi historically possessed an underlying opposition of vowel length that has since largely disappeared in all but open, non-final syllables. At the same time, qualitative differences have arisen between the once identical short and long vowels. Two opposing analyses have been proposed to account for these facts. The “quantity only” analysis posits an underlying opposition of length and derives the qualitative differences by rule, while the “quality only” analysis removes length from the underlying representation but includes the differences in quality. In this paper, it is argued that neither analysis is able to describe the vowel system both concretely and with maximal generalisation. A synthetic analysis is proposed that integrates quantity and quality in the underlying vowel system and is able to account adequately for the observed phenomena. It moreover sheds light on the modern Farsi vowel system as a transition state between the historical “quantity only” system and the system of a future Farsi possessing an opposition of quality alone.
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Abad Peraza, Viviana, José Manuel Ferrández Vicente, and Ernesto Arturo Martínez Rams. "Bioinspired Auditory Model for Vowel Recognition." Electronics 10, no. 18 (September 18, 2021): 2304. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/electronics10182304.
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In this work, a bioinspired or neuromorphic model to replicate the vowel recognition process for an auditory system is presented. A bioinspired peripheral and central auditory system model is implemented and a neuromorphic higher auditory system model based on artificial neuronal nets for vowel recognition is proposed. For their verification, ten Hispanic Spanish language-speaking adults (five males and five females) were used. With the proposed bioinspired model based on artificial neuronal nets it is possible to recognize with high levels of accuracy and sensibility the vowels phonemes of speech signals and the assessment of cochlear implant stimulation strategies in terms of vowel recognition.
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Candra, Haryono, and Yusup Gumilar Sukma. "Comparative Analysis of Chinese and Indonesian Vowel Systems." Humanus 19, no. 1 (March 31, 2020): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.24036/humanus.v19i1.108017.
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In Chinese and Indonesian languages, a syllable is composed of consonants and vowels. Many researchers have focused on studying consonants and paid less attention to vowels. However, vowels play an essential role in a syllable, which is in fact the most pronounced part of a syllable. It is because of vowels that people can perceive language and communicate with each other. This article takes the Chinese and Indonesian vowels as the research object and makes a comparative analysis of the Chinese and Indonesian vowel systems to reveal the similarities and differences between the two at the level of monophthongs, compound vowels, and allophones. Hopefully, it can make contributions to the development of the Chinese-Indonesian comparative phonology discipline. This paper mainly adopts qualitative research method, that is, combining literature integration method, description method, contrast method and analysis method. It reaches several conclusions: First, the Chinese monophthongs, compound vowels, and allophones are more developed than those of Indonesian; Second, there is contrast between rounded and unrounded lip sounds in the Chinese monophthong system, which does not exist in the Indonesian system; Third, there exists some cases in Chinese compound vowels system that the spelling is inconsistent with the actual pronunciation, but this is not the case in Indonesian. Fourth, Chinese vowels’ allophones are mainly caused by the different positions of vowel in the syllables, while in Indonesian they are mainly affected by the different natures of the syllables. The results of this research can provide some insights for other Chinese and Indonesian language researchers.
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Iivonen, Antti. "A psychoacoustical explanation for the number of major IPA vowels." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 24, no. 2 (December 1994): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100300005089.
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Christoph Friedrich Hellwag was probably the first scholar who tried to show the auditory relationships and the relative distances of the vowels (Hellwag [1791] 1991). He described the vowels in a space in which the vowels formed a triangle (He didn't actually use the word ‘triangle,’ but spoke instead about a ‘scale,’ ‘ladder,’ ‘stairs,’ or ‘symmetric scheme’ (Monin 1991: 22)). The cardinal vowel system, created by Daniel Jones, has been a valuable frame work for vowel quality description, but it is partly articulatory, partly auditory.
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Muehlbauer, Jeffrey. "Vowel spaces in Plains Cree." Journal of the International Phonetic Association 42, no. 1 (March 12, 2012): 91–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0025100311000302.
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This paper presents a pilot study of the acoustic correlates of the Plains Cree vowel system. Naturalistic recordings of speakers of mid-20th-century Plains Cree, including one monolingual speaker, provide an empirical test for the general expectations from phonological descriptions. The results demonstrate that, while the hypothesized short/long vowel pairs do indeed have a strong durational contrast, the majority of vowel pairs are also distinguished by their formants. In all cases, the long vowel occupies a more extreme position in the vowel space. Plains Cree thus appears to show both a quantity and a quality contrast in its vowel pairs. The individual speaker data are then normalized to test whether there is intra-speaker variation in these results, with the results showing variation in the relation between vowels in all three parts of the vowel space.
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Oladimeji, Olaide, and Opoola Bolanle T. "Noun Class System in Ikhin, an Edoid Language." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 12, no. 5 (September 1, 2021): 777–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.1205.18.
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This paper examines the noun class system in Ikhin, an Edoid language in South-South, Nigeria. Unlike other related Edoid languages examined and investigated by various scholars, nothing has been said on the noun class system in Ikhin. The paper establishes noun prefixes and concord prefixes in modifiers such as demonstrative and possessive pronouns. Although inherited, this paper confirms that majority of the nouns are inflected for number by means of prefix vowel alternation. The study also confirms that the language maintains most of the noun class distinctions in Edoid languages. The paper examines morphological alternations and their implications for phonology. It is argued that vestiges of vowel harmony appear in the patterning of vowels in nouns and in the way vowels alternate in prefixes. Vestigial evidence of concord which is normally the hallmark of a noun class system in Edoid languages was discovered in modifiers such as demonstrative and possessive pronouns.
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Al-Numair, Lubna Sulaiman. "The Vowels of Qassimi Dialect." International Journal of English Linguistics 11, no. 5 (September 19, 2021): 91. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ijel.v11n5p91.
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This paper describes the vowels of the Qassimi dialect and explores the characteristic features of those vowels. To achieve this goal, the researcher has compiled a list of Qassimi words. Each word represents a major allophone of each vowel phoneme. These words were then repeated by Qassimi female speakers from Buraidah and recorded by the researcher. The data was subjected to acoustic analysis, and the results were compared to the acoustic results of English vowels. The analysis showed many similarities in the characteristics of both Qassimi and English vowels. However, it also showed some significant differences that distinguish the vowel system of Qassimi from the English vowel system as well as other Saudi dialects. This study sheds light on those differences, however it is left to future studies to investigate further and possibly compare other aspects of these dialects. This study contributes to the theoretical description of Saudi dialects, an area that needs many more contributions. In addition, this paper could be a part of the contrastive studies of Arabic and English, second language acquisition studies, or various other applied studies.
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Prica, Biljana, and Sinisa Ilic. "Recognition of vowels in continuous speech by using formants." Facta universitatis - series: Electronics and Energetics 23, no. 3 (2010): 379–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/fuee1003379p.
Full textAbstract:
Speech consists of acoustic pressure waves created by the voluntary movements of anatomical structures in the human speech production system. These waveforms are broadly classified into voiced and unvoiced speech. Voiced sounds (vowels for example), produce quasi-periodic pulses of air which are acoustically filtered as they propagate through the vocal tract. The main distinction between vowels and consonants is that vowels resonate in the throat. Formants are exactly the resonant frequencies of a vocal tract when pronouncing a vowel. In this paper we attempt to carry out Vowel Recognition through Formant Analysis in Serbian language, wherein we detect which of the five Serbian vowels is spoken by the Speaker. Here we describe a standard approach for classification of vowels in continuous speech based on three formants: F1, F2 and F3. We have investigated the correlations between formants in each vowel and developed the algorithm to reduce the overlap of different vowels in F1-F2 and F2-F3 planes.