Academic literature on the topic 'Voyages and travels, 1800-1850'

Women who wrote amidst their travels in the Caribbean and Mexico in the early nineteenth century were uncommon. Yet there they were, traveling and contributing through their actions and words to colonial and imperial processes, exercised through their daily relationships in local environments. The purpose of this article is to explore one theme in their private writings—the way they established their transient homes—and in doing so, consider the connection between their travels and colonial hierarchies. Household management, defined broadly as those activities related to establishing and maintaining the domestic space, provides a helpful window through which to compare traveling women’s experiences. I argue that the traveling women enacted household management in similar ways, contributing to the crossroads of existing hierarchies based on race and class. Using a historian’s perspective informed by feminist and transatlantic approaches, this project centers the private writings of four North Atlantic women, Maria Nugent, Margaret Curson, Frances Calderón de la Barca, and Susan Shelby Magoffin, who each traveled in the Caribbean and/or Mexico in the early nineteenth century. Examining household management as portrayed in the traveling women’s private writings highlights the locational specificities that gave power to—and limited the power of—a ubiquitous, but never universal, colonial white womanhood in the Americas.

Kilka chwil we Włoszech w latach 1847 i 1848 [A few Moments in Italy in 1847 and 1848], a volume of memoirs published in 1850 and written by Aniela Walewska — a forgotten author of the Romantic era — is a historically, culturally and socially interesting travel account which, in addition to notes devoted to the political situation at the time, also features descriptions of cultural and natural landscapes which Walewska had an opportunity to admire during her Italian voyage. Particularly worthy of note are her reflections concerning mountain landscapes reflecting the author’s romantic sensibility as well as her emotional and aesthetic attitude to new places. Spending a few weeks in the Tuscan resort of Bagni di Lucca, Aniela Walewska had an opportunity to admire the Apennines, which generated admiration and lofty feelings in her and prompted her to engage in existential, philosophical and religious reflection. Using a variety of means of literary expression, the writer sought to convey the varied aspects of the mountains: solemn beauty, picturesque charm, severe and wild appearance. Yet despite her lively interest in the Apennine landscapes, the Polish traveller was preoccupied primarily with the political situation in her distant homeland, which determined her perception of and feeling for the mountains so much that her observations often departed from purely aesthetic evaluation in favour of patriotic associations. However, the descriptions in her memoirs are vivid, full of admiration and rapture, which makes them worthy of being brought back from obscurity and analysed thoroughly. As evidence of individual and feminine way of experiencing the world of nature, they certainly make a valuable contribution to the Romantic travel literature and expand our knowledge of the history of mountain voyages of Polish women in that period.

ArgumentThe discovery of the Alps in the second half of the eighteenth century spawned an aesthetics of sublimity that enabled overwhelmed beholders of mountains to overcome their confusion symbolically by transforming initial speechlessness into pictures and words. When travelers ceased to be content with beholding mountains, however, and began climbing them, the sublime shudder turned into something else. In the snowy heights, all attempts to master symbolically the challenging landscape was thwarted by vertigo, somnolence, and fatigue. After 1850, physiologists intervened, using the Alpine terrain as a laboratory landscape that was ideally suited to examine one of the most threatening concerns offin de siècleindustrial societies: fatigue. This essay examines how the picturesque voyage turned into an experimental physiology of fatigue, and how the “wordless subjectivity” of romantic travelers turned into the “wordless objectivity” of life scientists.

A common feature of Cherubini's Parisian operas of the 1790s is the displacement of one or more of the protagonists. They are out of sorts with their environment, experiencing a need to escape that prevents the traditional unity of place from focusing the drama. The heroine ofLodoïska(1791)isimprisoned in a tower; inEliza ou le Voyage aux glaciers du Mont St BernardFlorindo travels to Mont St Bernard to forget his beloved Eliza, who pursues him and saves him from suicide. For the heroine ofMédée(1797), Corinth represents unhappiness: she returns to her former home only to take revenge. InLes deux Journées(1800), Armand and Constance flee Paris to save their lives; even in the comic operaL'Hôtellerie portugaise(1798) the central location serves merely as a rendez-vous for the two lovers on their way to evade the wicked plans of Donna Gabriele's stepfather. These operas do not, in other words, unfold in reassuring environments where characters feel at home; nor are there neutral backgrounds that enable the drama to concentrate on personal interaction. What is more, although placing protagonists in such unhappy circumstances is widespread in late eighteenth-century opera, and ‘rescue operas’ in particular, it is at least arguable that Cherubini exploited their restlessness in a uniquely successful manner.

The Coppet group, a circle of thinkers around 1800, put displacement and the crossing of borders at the heart of its productions. Born out of a sense of national disaffiliation, the group plays a founding experimental role for the consciousness of the subject in travel narratives. Soliciting travel as much in the exploration of a country as in philosophy and knowledge, Germaine de Staël's De l'Allemagne is both a travel narrative and a metaphysical breviary. In a tone close to autobiography, the author observes an inner region rather than a foreign country.

In the centuries following Christopher Columbus’s 1492 voyage to the Americas, transoceanic travel opened unprecedented pathways in global pathogen circulation. Yet no biological transfer is a single, discrete event. We use mathematical modeling to quantify historical risk of shipborne pathogen introduction, exploring the respective contributions of journey time, ship size, population susceptibility, transmission intensity, density dependence, and pathogen biology. We contextualize our results using port arrivals data from San Francisco, 1850 to 1852, and from a selection of historically significant voyages, 1492 to 1918. We offer numerical estimates of introduction risk across historically realistic ranges of journey time and ship population size, and show that both steam travel and shipping regimes that involved frequent, large-scale movement of people substantially increased risk of transoceanic pathogen circulation.

Behind the commonly accepted image of an euphoric and positive experience, the trip to Italy hides annoyances that may have cracked its beautiful order. But to what extent can the traveller judge for himself the failure of his project? Does the power to decide about it belong only to posterity? An inventory of a series of scenarios in the second half of the eighteenth century reveals a varied range of situations that can be interpreted in terms of failure, from journeys that were interrupted or did not meet the expectations of travellers or of their readers, to the question of whether silence was not the only possible, albeit very uncertain, sign of failure. Then, with Polish traveller Moszynski, we come to question how the elderly traveller deprived of a sense of sight can attempt to defy the threat of not completing his journey.

AbstractStudies of the determinants of emigration from Europe from 1850 to 1913 include the gains to migrants but often neglect the costs. One component of those costs is earnings forgone on the voyage. In this paper, I present new data on the voyage times for emigrants from the UK traveling to the United States and to Australia. Between 1853–7 and 1909–13 the voyage time from Liverpool to New York fell from 38 days to just 8 days (or 79 per cent). Over the same years, the emigrant voyage to Sydney fell by more in absolute terms, from 105 days to 46, but by less in relative terms (56 per cent). Differences in profiles of travel times are explained with a focus on the transition from sailing to steam ships and (for Australia) the use of the Suez Canal. Data series for fare prices and foregone wage costs during transit are combined to create new series on the ‘total’ cost of emigrant voyages. Econometric analysis of the determinants of UK emigration to the United States, Canada, and Australia supports the view that time costs mattered.

Pour faire progresser l'historiographie malgache et les histoires de Madagascar, un bilan des sources européennes des 16e, 17e, 18e siecles, est nécessaire. On propose une lecture à deux niveaux. La reconstitution de l'histoire coloniale et l'étude des mentalités des voyageurs est une démarche préalable pour comprendre les témoignages. Par la suite, en dépassant ces thèmes, on utilise les descriptions tout en les confrontant aux traditions orales pour mieux connaitre les problèmes d'une région et les réalites des royaumes. Ce bilan nous livre un inventaire des sources, une histoire coloniale vue du côté des Malgaches, les maladies, les ressources, le réseau urbain, le commerce, l'agriculture, l'élevage de l'époque, les développements des états et les problemes des dynasties<br>For progressing the malagasy's historiography and the histories of Madagascar, a balance sheet of europeans sources and archives is necessary. We propose two levels of lecture. The reconstitution of colonial history and the study of travellers's mentalities is a preliminary process for understanding the testimonies. After this process, we use the descriptions for advancing acquaintances of the south of Madagascar and the realities of malagasy kingdoms. This balance sheet inform us a inventory of sources, a colonial history through the views of Malagasy, the illness, the ressources, the network of cities, the trade, the agriculture, the breeding of this epoch, the development of states and the problems of the dynasties

L'Arabie a longtemps été négligée par les voyageurs et les chroniqueurs occidentaux. Après avoir réfléchi sur les causes de cette minimisation, nous tenterons de cerner les mentions, évocations et descriptions de l'Arabie chez les auteurs et traducteurs des XVIIème, XVIIIème siècles. Peu nombreux à l'âge classique et à l'aube des Lumières (Barthelemy d'Herbelot, Antoine Galland, Petis de la Croix et Jean de la Roque). Ces écrivains se multiplient aux XIXème et XXème siècles. L’essor du commerce et les expéditions relance la curiosité des voyageurs et des scientifiques qui vont découvrir une population différente et une réalité sociale autre. L'intérêt du regard de ces écrivains voyageurs est révélateur de leurs certitudes, mais aussi de leurs doubles et de leur embarras (cf. L'étude des relations de Carsten Neibuhr, de Volney et de Tamisier). Cependant, l'œuvre sur laquelle notre attention s'est focalisée est celle de Burckhardt. Ce voyageur a en effet consacré à l'Arabie la majeure partie de sa vie. L’ouvrage de Burckhardt "Voyage en Arabie" (1831) est une des relations de voyage en Arabie les plus importantes et constitue un témoignage majeur sur le mouvement des Wahhabites. Un choix de lettres envoyées par Burckhardt à des personnes partageant la même passion que lui, comme par exemple Sir Joseph Banks, a été envisagé en annexe à la fin de ce travail. Une part de notre réflexion se veut une contribution à l'étude du récit de voyage, à la réflexion sur la méthodologie adaptée à ce genre littéraire bien particulier.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser l’articulation entre temps et mobilités dans le contexte des évolutions plus ou moins brutales que subit l’Europe entre le milieu du XVIIIe et celui du XIXe siècle. L’étude se base sur l’analyse de voyages, plus précisément sur l’examen d’émotions et de perceptions ressenties par une centaine de voyageurs de nationalités différentes et de conditions sociales variées à travers l’Europe. Dans le contexte de l’industrialisation du vieux monde qui entraîne une modification profonde des sociétés et notamment des temps sociaux, nous proposons une archéologie des temporalités modernes du voyage. Après avoir déjoué les pièges de l’écriture de soi dans le récit de voyage pour appréhender au plus près les émotions vécues par les voyageurs, il sera question d’étudier l’évolution des cadres du voyage, c’est-à-dire les transports. De la voiture hippomobile à la révolution de la vapeur à partir des années 1830, la vitesse des déplacements augmente considérablement en quelques dizaines d’années. Conjointement à l’évolution des conceptions esthétiques et philosophiques, à l’image du passage des Lumières au romantisme, la perception de l’environnement et des paysages procure des émotions nouvelles aux voyageurs. Le recours aux guides de voyage étant quasi systématique, l’étude de ces ouvrages met en lumière les modèles temporels viatiques et leurs mutations, parallèlement aux pratiques de voyage qui tendent vers le tourisme moderne. Toutes ces évolutions politiques, techniques, culturelles et sociales aboutissent à une modernisation de l’Europe entre le milieu du XVIIIe et le milieu du XIXe siècle. Cette modernisation se caractérise notamment par une évolution des temporalités sociales, dont les temporalités plus spécifiques du voyage, vers plus de précision, de rationalisation et une conscience du temps accrue<br>The purpose of this thesis is to analyse the articulation between time and mobility in the context of the more or less brutal evolutions that Europe underwent between the middle of the 18th and the 19th centuries. The study is based on the analysis of travels, more precisely on the examination of emotions and perceptions felt by a hundred travellers of different nationalities and social conditions across Europe. In the context of the industrialisation of the old world, which is leading to a profound change in societies and in particular in social times, we propose an archaeology of the modern temporalities of travel. After having overcome the obstacles of self-writing in the travel narrative to understand as closely as possible the emotions experienced by travellers, it will be necessary to study the evolution of travel frameworks : the transport. From the horse-drawn carriage to the steam revolution from the 1830s onwards, the speed of travel increased considerably in a few decades. In conjunction with the evolution of aesthetic and philosophical conceptions, such as the transition from the Enlightenment to Romanticism, the perception of the environment and landscapes brings new emotions to travellers. As the use of travel guides is almost systematic, the study of these books highlights viatical temporal models and their mutations, in parallel with travel practices that tend towards modern tourism. All these political, technical, cultural and social developments led to a modernisation of Europe between the mid-18th and mid-19th centuries. This modernization is characterized in particular by an evolution of social temporalities, including the more specific temporalities of travel, towards more precision, rationalization and an increased awareness of time

La thèse intitulée « Tempus edax rerum » (« Le temps rongeur dévore tout », Ovide). Le voyage sur ses propres pas dans les écrits du prince Henryk Lubomirski aborde la question d’un second voyage et les incidences du retour dans les mêmes endroits sur la perception de l’auteur. Cette problématique est étudiée à partir de documents manuscrits méconnus jusqu’à présent : le journal de voyage du prince Henryk Lubomirski, la correspondance avec sa mère adoptive la princesse Izabela Lubomirska, et d’autres témoignages conservés dans des archives en Pologne et en Ukraine. Pour entamer nos études, il a fallu définir le phénomène du second voyage qui, pour nous, relève de l’expérience réelle du déjà-parcouru. Cette répétition de l’itinéraire permet de constater les divergences dans la perception des mêmes paysages, sites, monuments dues à divers facteurs, entre autres le vécu et l’histoire personnels qui forment, modifient, varient la sensibilité et la susceptibilité du voyageur. Nous cherchons donc à déterminer la spécificité du regard redoublé, voire renouvelé indépendamment des motifs du déplacement, de sa destination et de la biographie du voyageur. Dans la première partie de la thèse, nous présentons l’histoire du second voyage à partir du Moyen Âge, l’époque où le phénomène est très rare, jusqu’à la Révolution qui marque une rupture, qui met un terme à un certain type de périple et donne naissance à une pratique viatique liée à la nouvelle sensibilité issue de ce grand bouleversement. Nous essayons de démontrer ce qui est particulier et ce qui est universel dans cette expérience. Le second voyage est analysé à partir des pérégrinations de Goethe à travers l’Italie et des retours de Chateaubriand à Londres et à Rome. Chez ces grands écrivains la répétition évoque des émotions différentes. Goethe est déçu, les nouvelles impressions chassent les anciennes, la valeur associée au second voyage se fonde sur l’effacement. Chateaubriand, par contre, tente un rapprochement entre différentes périodes de sa vie et il constate une accumulation des sensations. Les deux exemples des voyageurs polonais qui ont effectué un second voyage complètent ce parcours historique. Dans la deuxième partie, nous exposons la biographie du prince Henryk Lubomirski et les circonstances de son second voyage. Nous parlerons de sa formation et de l’influence décisive de sa mère adoptive qui sera la compagnonne de son Grand Tour dans les années 1789-1790, ainsi que de son activité à l’âge mûr, à savoir la protection du patrimoine culturel polonais. En 1811, le prince et sa famille quittent Genève à cause de problèmes de santé de son épouse. Le séjour dans le Midi devait l’aider à se remettre et à retrouver l’équilibre mental. Cette pérégrination se déroule à travers la France postrévolutionnaire, partout les traces des bouleversements historiques se laissent percevoir. Le prince Lubomirski décrit minutieusement leur itinéraire, le logement, les moyens de transport et les manifestations culturelles auxquelles il assiste. Il note aussi les prix et donne d’autres renseignements pratiques. Ce qui l’intéresse, c’est le paysage qu’il perçoit avec une nouvelle sensibilité si caractéristique pour cette époque charnière. La recherche du sublime et les réflexions sur la relation entre la nature et l’état de l’âme ainsi que sur la fragilité du destin humain se multiplient dans le récit. La troisième partie est consacrée à la question de la mémoire et à ses différentes apparitions : individuelle, collective, nationale. Nous observons qu’aucun regard n’est « innocent », il est toujours chargé de l’histoire personnelle du sujet. La mémoire permet d’opérer une relecture des endroits déjà visités et déclenche des souvenirs. Grâce à son activité affective, elle transforme des lieux neutres en emblèmes de l’agréable, le voyageur récupère le monde disparu et se retrouve soi-même<br>The purpose of the thesis « Tempus edax rerum » (« Le temps rongeur dévore tout », Ovide). Le voyage sur ses propres pas dans les écrits du prince Henryk Lubomirski is to approach the question of the second journey and the repercussions of the comeback to the same places on the author's perception. These problems are undertaken through the careful lecture of a number of up-to-date unknown manuscripts: that is, prince Henryk Lubomirski's travel diary and the correspondence with his adoptive mother Izabella Lubomirska, as well as others testimonies.In the preliminary part of the research, it was necessary to define the second journey, which for the purposes of this study, is a real experience of the already-visited. The very repetition of the itinerary allowed to discern the differences in the perception of landscapes, places of interest and historic monuments, all due to different factors; among which are someone's real life experience which form, modify and vary the traveller's sensibility. This in turn made possible an attempt to investigate the specificity of the doubled or renewed look apart from the underlying reasons, such as journey destination, motivation of the traveller, and the biography of the latter.The first part presents the history of the second journey, tracing it back to the Middle Ages, when it was a very uncommon phenomenon, and concluding with the French Revolution which is the moment of a sudden change, putting an end to one kind of travelling and giving way to another experience related to new sensibility, deriving from revolutionary upheaval. Thus, the study attempts to reveal particularity and universality of the second journey in the post-revolutionary era.This in itself is looked at through the lens of Goethe's peregrination across Italy and Chateaubriand's comebacks to Rome and London. In their texts the repetition evokes different emotions. Goethe being disappointed, in his account the new impressions drive away the old ones. Thus, for him the value of the second journey is based on erasing. Chateaubriand, on the other hand, draws a parallel between different times of his life as he observes the accumulation of sensations. The accounts of two Polish travellers from the period complete this historical section.In the second part are approached prince Henryk Lubomirski's biography and the circumstances of his second journey. In particular, his cultural background is taken into account as well as his adoptive mother's influence on his upbringing. She accompanied him in his Grand Tour in 1789-1780 and later on, in his maturity, assisting him in the task of the Polish cultural heritage protection.In 1811 he and his family leave Geneva because of his wife health problems. The stay in the South of France was planned to help her in her recovery and finding mental equilibrium. The journey takes place across post-revolutionary France where traces of atrocities are still clearly visible. The prince describes meticulously itinerary, means of transport, accommodation and events he attends. He writes down prices and practical information. He is particularly fond of landscapes he looks at with new sensibility, characteristic for the period. The sublime search, reflexions on the relation between nature and the states of soul and the fragility of the human fate multiply in the relation.The third part is related to memory and its different dimensions: individual, collective and national. We note that there is no innocent perception, it is always tinged with author's personal history. The memory lets the traveller read again places already visited and triggers memories. Thanks to its affective activity it converts neutral places into symbols of the pleasant, allowing the traveller to succeed in his perennial quest of recovering the world that no longer exists and finding himself back

Cette thèse interroge la relation entre la littérature et l'idée impérialiste chez Pierre Loti. La vogue du voyage en Orient au XIXe siècle correspond au développement de la colonisation commerciale et politique qui change de façon fondamentale la vision du monde pour les gens de l'époque. L'aspiration vers l'ailleurs s'entremêlant à la perspective impériale, l'expansion territoriale européenne influence la perception du dehors de l'Occident. En poursuivant son rêve oriental, Pierre Loti, quant à lui, découvre la réalité locale à l'étranger et écrit de cette expérience existentielle des récits tout aussi exotiques que banals. Le but de notre réflexion est de mettre en question le rapport de l'écrivain à l'Orient sous influence coloniale. Elle s'efforce d'éclaircir le mécanisme de ses pensées sur l'ailleurs à partir des études sur la représentation de la Turquie, de l'Inde et du Japon

En 1351 le moine bénédictin Jean le Long d’Ypres, abbé de Saint-Bertin en Saint-Omer, a traduit du latin en français six œuvres concernant les voyages et la connaissance de l’Orient (Hayton, Odorico da Pordenone, Wilhelm von Boldensele, Lettres de Togon Temür, De statu). Nous avons choisi d’étudier et d’éditer la traduction du Liber peregrinationis de Riccold de Monte di Croce, frère dominicain de Florence qui a visité la Terre Sainte, la Turquie, l’Arménie et a vécu à Bagdad entre 1288 et 1300. Dans la première partie nous avons étudié le texte latin, sa diffusion manuscrite et sa réception, ainsi que les deux traductions italiennes du 14e s. Ensuite, le texte français a retenu notre attention. La traduction a été transmise par six manuscrits et un imprimé, qui conservent également les autres cinq traductions de Jean le Long. L’étude des questions textuelles et de la diffusion manuscrite montrent deux voies de diffusion : l’une qui semble avoir circulé parmi la bourgeoisie picarde, l’autre qui a intéressé la haute aristocratie française (Jean sans Peur, Jean de Berry, Charles d’Orléans ; l’un de ces manuscrits contient en outre le Roman de Mélusine de Jean d’Arras). L’analyse linguistique, les questions traductiologiques et l’étude du lexique (régionalismes, orientalismes et mots rares) de l’auteur montrent bien son travail de « mise en roman » de ces textes, opération qui semble annoncer le Livre des merveilles de Jean de Mandeville de 1356. Nous avons donc proposé l’édition critique du texte français avec la source latine en face, suivi par un apparat des variantes et un glossaire<br>In 1351 Jean le Long d’Ypres, abbot of Saint-Bertin in Saint-Omer, translated six works concerning the East and the knowledge of the Asiatic continent, namely of the Mongol Empire (Hayton, Odorico da Pordenone, Wilhelm von Boldensele, Lettres de Togon Temür, De statu). I studied and published the translation of Riccold de Monte di Croce’s Liber peregrinationis. The Florentine Dominican friar travelled from the Holy Land to Turkey, Armenia and Bagdad (he lived there for ten years) between 1288 and 1300. In the first part, I have studied the Latin text, its manuscript tradition and his reception; I added a study on the two Italian translation made in the 14th century. In the second part, I have studied the French translation. Six manuscript and a 16th century print transmit the six Jean le Long’s translation. The philological study and the manuscript tradition show two ways of circulation: one way concerning the Picard bourgeois, the other one concerning the French aristocrats (Jean the Fearless, Jean duke of Berry, Charles duke of Orleans; one of these manuscripts also contains Jean d’Arras’ Roman de Mélusine). The linguistic analysis, the traductological and the lexicological study (regionalisms, orientalism and rare words) allow me to affirm that Jean le Long has “mis en roman” the six Latin texts, few years before the redaction of Jean de Mandeville’s Livre des merveilles (1356). Finally, I prepared the critical edition of the Latin source and of its French translation, followed by a critical apparatus and a glossary

Abstract Anders Sparrman arrived at the Cape from Sweden aged 24 in 1772. He had studied with Linnaeus, the renowned Swedish botanist, qualified as a doctor, and, as a young man, travelled to East Asia.1 After a sojourn in Cape Town, he spent nearly two years as an assistant naturalist on Captain Cook’s Resolution, travelling to the Polynesian islands and the Antarctic. He returned in 1775 to make a nine-month journey through the rural Cape collecting botanical and zoological specimens. Sparrman was not the first eighteenth-century scientific traveller to record the Cape environment, nor was he necessarily the most accurate. But his book, A Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, published in English in 1785, was widely read and often cited in subsequent travel texts. It included sharp insights about colonial society, and he evinced considerable sympathy towards the indigenous Khoisan people. Sparrman sought explicitly to discuss the natural world and was amongst the first to record environmental problems.