Academic literature on the topic 'Vulgar Latin language'

Nosso trabalho consiste em fazer uma breve análise crítica do método comparatista utilizado por diversos autores no estudo das relações entre as línguas românicas e o latim vulgar. Partindo das variações dialetológicas da língua latina ao longo de seu período de utilização, procuraremos mostrar a necessidade de um método que se preocupe em abarcar os fenômenos linguísticos do latim pós-clássico que, eventualmente, recrudesçam nos romances, mas que também leve em conta os fatos do latim vulgar anteriores ao chamado latim clássico. Para isso, as idéias de Vänäänen nos serão bastante esclarecedoras.PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comparatistas. Latim vulgar. Dialetologia ABSTRACTThis work consists in doing a brief critic analysis of the comparatist method used by several authors in the study of the relationships between the Romanian languages and the vulgar latin. Starting from the dialectologist variations of the latin language along its period of usage, we aim at showing the need of a method that must be concerned in involving all the linguistic phenomenons of the early latin that, eventually, appears in the medieval latin languages. This method must consider the previous facts of the vulgar latin regarding to so called classic latin. The ideas of Väänanen will be very clarifying for that.KEYWORDS: Comparatists. Vulgar latim. Dialectology

The author examines the scope and interrelation of two traditional notions concerning non-literary Latin: sermo uulgaris, or plebeius, and sermo familiaris, or cotidianus. While these are really disparate terms, the one designating a sociolect and the other a language register, the author maintains that the old confusion between Colloquial and Vulgar Latin is not merely due to flawed reasoning within an insufficient model of linguistic variation, but rather reflects a fundamental development that took place in the social history of Latin.

Abstract This paper is a contribution to the study of negative imperatives in Romance. The paper starts from Raffaella Zanuttini, who, like other researchers, notices that most of Romance languages display, under certain conditions, an asymmetry between certain positive and negative imperatives. She holds that, historically, the asymmetry reflects a tendency in Romance of maintaining the early illocutionary Latin distinction between negations nōn and nē (Zanuttini 1997, 128 s.). The present study proposes, too, a historical explanation of this asymmetry. To this purpose, the analysis takes into account negative imperatives in three varieties of Latin, pre-Classical, Classical and Vulgar Latin. The approach leads to a reformulation of Zanuttini’s hypothesis. It is argued that the asymmetry in Romance amply documented in her study is due to the inheritance of the Vulgar Latin imperative system, which turns out to be “incomplete” in the sense that it does not incorporate either the illocutionary distinction nōn/nē or the early behaviour of nē (both visible in pre-Classical and Classical Latin). It is further argued that, if considered from the viewpoint of the Vulgar Latin system of imperative, some Romance innovations managed to independently reconstruct the pre-Classical Latin distinction, on another level of the historic evolution and under a different form. Data from Eastern Romance languages are adduced in support of this view.

SummaryThis study compares the Vulgar Latin Raetia, Noricum, Venetia et Histria, Pannónia Superior, Pannónia Inferior and Dalmatia with each other and their provincial capitals in relation to the hypothesized large dialectal isoglosses of Vulgar Latin, and in turn, to the modern Romance languages located in those areas, such as Western Romance, Northern Italian, Southern Italian and Eastern Romance dialects. The analysis is done on the palatal and velar vowels, the V∼B merger, intervocalic V drop, sonorization, degemination, assimilation, palatalization and final /-s/ drop. The territories of the Alps-Danube-Adria region will be classified according to their similarities to each other and their similarity to the Vulgar Latin or Romance dialects.

This article examines the use of culinary terminology in the recipe book De re coquinaria, by tradition attributed to Apicius. From the analysis of the specialized terms, its use and its technical significance are studied, focussed on two conceptual axes: description of practical procedures (verbs) and naming of material results (nouns). Also it shows the resources for the creation of technical language (as loan translations of Greek and diminutive derivatives) as well as its coincidences with Vulgar Latin. It is concluded that the culinary language in the De re coquinaria and the Vulgar Latin have strong morphological coincidences, but with different expressive values and linguistic uses, which highlights the polysemic character of Latin culinary terminology.

The recent publication by A. K. Bowman and J. D. Thomas of The Vindolanda Writing Tablets (Tabulae Vindolandenses II) (1994) provides another substantial corpus of Latin from a military outpost in the early Empire. The tablets take their place alongside such important military finds as the letters of Claudius Terentianus, which are roughly of the same date, the ostraca from Bu Njem, and the ostraca from Wâdi Fawâkhir, which again are dated to the first/second centuries.The Latin of the Vindolanda tablets has recently been discussed by H. Petersmann as a specimen of ‘Vulgar Latin’, at a conference devoted to Vulgar and Late Latin. But while the influence of spoken varieties of the language can be detected in some misspellings, and in aspects of the syntax, morphology, and lexicon of the tablets, one must resist the temptation to find ‘Vulgar Latin’ (however one defines that problematical term: see below, IX.4) as the sole or principal element of the tablets. Many of the documents were not composed by free composition, but have a formulaic structure which made little or no demand on the linguistic competence of the writer (e.g. applications for leave (166–77), the daily reports of a type found at Bu Njem, which have certain distinctive features of syntax (155–6)). Accounts and lists (178–209) too may in their syntax and format, if not necessarily in their spellings, be heavily influenced by the conventions of their genre. Moreover record-keeping of this type usually falls to individuals with a degree of education and numeracy, and their writing may have little or nothing to reveal about the spoken language which they used or heard.

While the Latin technical writers have been, and continue to be, studied by historians of the relevant discipline, scant attention has been devoted by linguists to their technical language. If they have interested philologists and linguists at all, then until recently it was as writers of popular, or ‘vulgar’, Latin, rather than of ‘technical’ Latin. This neglect of Latin technical languages as varieties in their own right reflects a wider reluctance to take technical languages into account in other areas of linguistics. There is a substantial literature devoted to technical languages in isolation, especially to the practical problems of communication in technical contexts, of teaching, translating and standardising technical languages, but coherent treatment of technical words and technical languages in the context of the lexicon or the language as a whole is almost entirely lacking in the standard works on word-formation and semantics.

This article deals with issues that arise when analyzing Romance languages. Firstly, the author investigates the problem of determining the number of Romance languages and their classification. In modern linguistics, these issues remain unresolved. The classification of Romance languages changed depending on what grounds were proposed to be taken as its basis. Moreover, the status of some Romance languages remains controversial, so different authors list a different number of Romance languages. Secondly, the article describes the process of Romance languages formation: an attempt is made to explain the similarities and differences observed between them. The main reason for the similarity of all Romance languages is their common source: the Vulgar Latin. The article indicates the following factors that influenced the process of divergence of Romance languages: 1) A different substratum upon which the Vulgar Latin was superimposed in the provinces of the Roman Empire. The substratum is a complex of features of a local native language dissolved in a colonizing language. 2) Different superstratum. The superstratum is a complex of features of the extinct language of the non-native population remaining in the original language. The most active superstrate was German. Inhabitants of the Romance area in different parts of Europe had to deal with different Germanic tribes. 3) Different adstratum. The adstratum is the mutual influence of neighboring languages due to the long coexistence of two languages. Unlike substratum and superstratum, both interacting languages continue to exist in this case. The different geographical position of peoples of the Romance area determined a specific adstratum typical of a particular Romance language. 4) The state of the Latin language by the time a given province was colonized. 5) Duration and degree of Roman influence.

Summary Even before the Lublin Union (1569) between Poland and Lithuania there was an important linguistic controversy among Lithuanian Humanists. In the wider context of a general ‘Latinization’ of the culture of the Grand Duchy of Lithuania, the so-called ‘Latinizers’ (Agrippa, Rotundus, Michalo Lituanus) harked back to a classic language such as Latin, the dignitas of which was considered to be undisputed. The Latin language could compete with other languages of culture used inside the Grand Duchy, primarily with Ruski. According to the Latinizers the identity of Latin and Lithuanian was the principal evidence to support the derivation of the Lithuanians as a people from the Romans. Promoting Latin was equivalent to promoting vulgar Lithuanian from the point of view of the Latinizers. In this paper I discuss the textual aspects of the debate about the literae (Latin vs. Muscovite or Ruthenian) exposed in the works of Michalo Lituanus (Tractatus de moribus Tartarorwn, Lithuanorum et Moschorum, 1615[1550]) and Augustinus Rotundus (Preface to the second Lithuanian Statute, 1576). Possible implications of the dispute for the question of the Ruthenian language are investigated, too.

En la presente tesis doctoral se recogen y analizan los fenómenos gráfico-lingüísticos contenidos en las inscripciones latinas de la provincia de la Lusitania de fecha comprendida entre los inicios de la producción epigráfica en el área hasta la época visigoda. El objetivo es de profundizar las características del latín vulgar y tardío de este territorio en perspectiva dialectológica. La tesis se abre con unos capítulos introductorios dedicados a cuestiones de terminología y metodología. En ellos se enfrenta la cuestión de algunas definiciones problemáticas tal como “latín vulgar”, “latín tardío” y “dialecto” (cap. 1); también se reflexiona sobre las potencialidades del uso de las inscripciones antiguas para la investigación lingüística, pasando reseña a las principales metodologías utilizadas en las últimas décadas con las mismas finalidades (cap. 2). Un capítulo está dedicado al problema de la definición del error lingüístico, hoy en día y en época romana (cap. 3); en otro, se presentan los fundamentos metodológicos y las principales herramientas utilizadas para la realización del presente trabajo (cap. 4). También se ofrece un encuadramiento histórico-geográfico de la provincia analizada (cap. 5), teniendo en cuenta el problema de los límites, de la ubicación de las antiguas civitates así como de la definición de los territoria antiguos, y realizando un excursus sobre el sustrato vetón y lusitano (cap. 5). A la presentación detallada de los fenómenos en forma de catálogo (cap. 6) y a la descripción de los ejemplos más dignos de atención dentro de los patrones ofrecidos por las principales gramáticas de referencia sobre el latín vulgar (cap. 7), sigue finalmente el tratamiento computerizado de los mismos por medio de las herramientas informáticas proporcionadas por el Computerized Historical Linguistic Database of Latin Inscriptions of the Imperial Age (lldb.elte.hu), a través del cual se ha llevado a cabo la recopilación de los datos contenidos en la presente tesis (cap. 8). Se exponen, pues, las conclusiones y se ofrecen, para terminar, un índice de los errores de tipo técnico registrados en el mismo corpus de inscripciones, unas imágenes y unos mapas geográficos y lingüísticos.
This dissertation aims to the linguistic study of the Latin inscriptions of the province Lusitania in dialectological perspective. Orthographic mistakes and linguistic deviations from the classical norm are classified and discussed in detail by the author according to the traditional scheme of the principal Vulgar Latin grammars (like Väänänen’s and such). They are also processed by means of the informatics tools offered by the database LLDB (http://lldb.elte.hu/). In this way, the present work partially updates the state-of-the-art concerning the subject of the Hispanic Latin in early and later times.

This dissertation investigates the use of the subjunctive in completive clauses governed by verbs in Italian, both synchronically and diachronically, and in Vulgar Latin. By making use of the tools provided by the Variationist Sociolinguistic framework (Labov 1972, 1994), the current study sheds light on the underlying conditioning on variability using actual usage and speech-surrogate data. Contemporary actual speech data comes from LIP (De Mauro et al. 1993) and C-ORAL-ROM (Cresti & Moneglia 2005) corpora, providing spontaneous discourse in casual and careful speech as well as sub-sample divisions representative of geographical variation. In order to measure any changes in the underlying conditioning on subjunctive selection, a diachronic benchmark is established: a corpus of speech-like surrogates of 16th to 20th century Italian, COHI (Corpus of Historical Italian), and a corpus of Vulgar Latin (Cena Trimalchionis, from the Satyricon by Petronius). The subjunctives were extracted in adherence to the principle of accountability (Labov 1972), using the method developed by Poplack (1992): every complement clause governed by a matrix verb (governor) that triggered the subjunctive at least once was included. This method enables us to circumvent the issue of the lack of consensus in the literature on exactly which contexts, i.e. verbs and/or meanings, should trigger the subjunctive in discourse. This issue surfaces as well from the meta-linguistic analysis of a compendium of 58 Italian grammars and treaties (CSGI, Collezione Storica di Grammatiche Italiane), constructed for the purpose of this research. A series of linguistic and extra-linguistic factors proposed by formal and prescriptive literature are operationalized and tested against the corpora of both Italian and Vulgar Latin, in order to ascertain the nature of variability in discourse: i.e. whether the use of the subjunctive is semantically motivated, productive in speech or undergoing desemanticization and lexicalization. Despite widespread assumption of a change that occurred after the political and the subsequent linguistic unification of Italy, i.e. that the subjunctive has lost ground in favour of the indicative when it was supposedly used categorically in the past, quantitative and statistical evidence shows that subjunctive selection is largely determined by lexical identity of the governor as well as embedded suppletive forms of essere, and that this pattern has been operative at least since the 16th century. On a more socio-linguistic aspect, this study confirms the linguistic prestige that the subjunctive has acquired in contemporary speech, being selected with a wider range of infrequent and singleton governors by highly educated speakers. Also, the highly lexicalized pattern on variability was found to be largely shared amongst the four main urban centres of Florence, Milan, Rome, and Naples, thus countering the assumption of divergent linguistic behaviour between northern and southern varieties of Italian. The study also shows that despite the significant time span targeted, no evidence of desemanticization has been found. Likewise, the variationist analysis on the Vulgar Latin subjunctive shows that subjunctive choice was already largely determined by, and restricted, to a few governors, identified as ‘volitive’ and ‘emotive’ matrices. These governors remained strong predictors for the selection of the subjunctive in Italian as well, suggesting that this lexical pattern has been transferred and consistently retained in the daughter language.

La présente thèse a pour sujet la question du système des prépositions en latin vulgaire, ainsi que des morphèmes liés à ces dernières dans les langues indo-européennes (préverbes et préfixes). Notre objectif a été d’évaluer quelles ont pu être les spécificités relatives à l’emploi des prépositions (et des morphèmes connexes) dans la langue ordinaire, sur le plan sémasiologique comme onomasiologique. Est bâti pour ce faire le corpus le plus large possible de documents « autographes », c’est-à-dire de pièces portant une inscription directement réalisée par un latinophone (graffites, ostraca, tablettes de cire, defixiones, papyri documentaires), rédigés entre 1 et 395 p.C. La construction même de ce corpus et l’établissement d’une référenciation stable ont constitué un objectif secondaire de ce travail. La première partie établit les outils terminologiques nécessaires. Sont donc passées en revue toutes les théories relatives aux prépositions et à leur sémantisme depuis l’Antiquité, dans le but de souligner les manques et les imprécisions de la tradition terminologique. L’attention est ensuite portée sur le problème récurrent du « latin vulgaire », appellation nécessairement tolérée, même si elle demeure insatisfaisante et embarrassante. La question est spécifiquement posée au regard de la particularité du corpus, sur le plan matériel comme théorique. La notion « d’autographie » est en effet très floue, du fait de l’immixtion d’intermédiaires humains (comme les scribes, professionnels ou non), de la question de la « formularité » et des text types, et des problèmes complexes liés aux différentes formes de littératies à travers les provinces romaines. Cette partie se clôt sur les choix terminologiques et méthodologiques opérés, relativement au processus sous-jacent de collecte des données. La seconde partie présente les données. Celles-ci sont d’abord traitées sous l’angle quantitatif, avec prudence ; il s’agit d’abord d’établir quels sont les morphèmes encore en usage, quels sont ceux qui déclinent et quels sont ceux qui ont déjà disparu. Il s’agit également de comprendre quels écarts peuvent se manifester entre les données et nos attentes. On souligne ce faisant les différents processus de développement, en synchronie ou en diachronie, de certains morphèmes ou usages ; la notion de « préfixation pré-nominale », jusqu’ici peu envisagée dans les études latines, et ainsi étudiée. Le second chapitre de cette partie étudie ce matériel, sur un plan phonétique, morphosyntaxique et lexical. Il s’agit alors non seulement de découvrir les signes d’un possible renouvellement dans certaines zones de la langue (il est fait ici usage du concept de sermo castrensis, mais aussi de celui – encore peu envisagé – de sermo mercatorius) ; il s’agit en outre de comprendre pourquoi ce corpus manifeste une véritable résistance à l’égard des vulgarismes, et pourquoi l’on ne constate aucun véritable fossé entre la langue normée et celle du corpus.Le dernier chapitre se concentre sur le problème déjà ancien, mais complexe, de la chute des <-m> (et accessoirement, des <-s>) en latin vulgaire, et sur la conséquence de celle-ci au sein des groupes prépositionnels. Ce problème a une histoire (depuis Diehl), qui est rappelée afin d’expliquer comment se mélangent ici les niveaux graphiques, phonologiques et grammaticaux. Il s’agit de comprendre dans quels cas la disparition de <-m> peut être attribuée à une pure convention graphique, dans quels cas elle est relative à l’analphabétisme ou à la faible littératie des scripteurs, et dans quels cas elle constitue effectivement le premier signe (mesuré) d’un effondrement des systèmes flexionnels, dans une perspective romane. Ce chapitre s’interroge ine fine sur la capacité des locuteurs semi-lettrés, à un moment de la diachronie, à faire usage d’un « système polymorphique » (Banniard), et à choisir ainsi, bien qu’ils fussent relativement conscients des règles morphologiques, de marquer ou non le cas accusatif
In this thesis, we deal with the question of prepositional systems in Vulgar Latin, and the linguistic material wih which it is usually associated, in indo-european languages, i.e. preverbs and prefixes. Our work aims to evaluate how specific usages of prepositions (and related material) in colloquial speech may have been, in both semasiological and onomasiological ways. For this purpose, we draw on the largest corpus of « Autographical » documents, i.e. directly inscribed artifacts, such as graffiti, ostraca, wax tablets, defixiones, documentary papyri, etc., from 1 to 395 a.D. Moreover, as a second objective ot the dissertation, we set up a fully-ordered and well-referenced corpus of our archaeological material.The first part of the thesis tries to lay the methodological tools of such the said design. Theories of prepositions and prepositional meanings from Antiquity to present reviewed are reviewed, in order to understand the lack and fuziness of inherited terminological displays. We then consider the customary problem of utilising and defining the terme « Vulgar latin » (which we tolerate, as embarrassing and unsatisfying as it is) and most specifically the peculiarity of our corpus, in a theorical and practical ways : « autography » is indeed a messy concept, due to the involvement of human go-betweens (like professional or casual scribes), the question of formularity and « text types », and the complex pattern of literacy, throughout the Roman provinces. This chapter ends with terminological and methodological choices, referring to the undergoing process of the data report.In second part of the thesis we lay out the data itself. We first deal with this data quantitativly by cautiously using statistical approaches, we try to establish which morphemes were still in use, recessing, or had already disappeared. Furthermore, we examine what kind of discrepancies could arrise between our expectation and the data. We stress, by doing so, the synchonical and diachronical expansions of certain morphemes or usages, and more specifically the question of « Pre-nominal prefixation », on which little has yet been written in classical tradition. The second part of this chapter studies the dynamics of our material phonetically, morphosyntaxically and lexically. Not only do we try to catch sight of linguistic renewals in some areas of language (dealing with the concept of sermo castrensis, or the yet unexplored sermo mercatorius), but also the evidence of a structural dragging into vulgarisms and linguistical changes in our corpus, questioning the lack of an expected « gap » between litterary standards and the language that our documents are using.The third part of our thesis deals with the very well known but very intricate problem of falling /-m/ (and, casually, falling /-s/) in Vulgar Latin, and their consequences in the prepositionnal phrases. The problem’s history (from Diehl’s work) shows up, explaining the entanglement of graphical, phonological and grammatical levels in such an inquiry. We then try to establish which part of the disappearing <-m>, in prepositional phrases, could be assigned to graphical convention, which part goes to real illiteracy (or « low-level literacy ») and which part shows the evidence for a real (but limited) starting point toward a future collapse of nominal flection, from a romance perspective. We conclude this chapter by questioning the ability of semi-literate latin-speakers, at some point of the diachronic evolution of latin language, to deal with « polymorphic » systems (as proposed by Banniard), who ware quite aware of morphological rules but choosing to mark or not mark or to omit the accusative case

Entre la fin des années 1860 et le milieu des années 1920, la philologie, la grammaire historique et l’histoire de la langue sont introduites dans l’enseignement supérieur français grâce à la création de postes et de chaires dans des établissements nouvellement fondés, comme l’École Pratique des Hautes Études et l’École normale supérieure de jeunes filles de Sèvres, ou profondément rénovés, comme la Faculté des lettres de Paris. La disciplinarisation de ces savoirs linguistiques de type historique participe du rapprochement entre enseignement et recherche et, ainsi, du renouvellement du système universitaire. En atteste la carrière dans les trois institutions citées de Gaston Paris, Arsène Darmesteter et Ferdinand Brunot, retracée à l’aide de correspondances privées et de documents d’archives d’ordre institutionnel. L’analyse de documents publiés par les établissements eux-mêmes (affiches, livrets, comptes rendus d’enseignements, ouvrages commémoratifs) met en évidence les difficultés que rencontrent ces trois enseignants pour s’adapter aux divers publics étudiants et aux préconisations officielles. Leurs notes de cours reflètent un travail de didactisation, qui passe par des pratiques d’écriture diverses dont on identifie les spécificités à l’aide des outils de la génétique textuelle. L’étude approfondie de deux objets de savoir met en lumière l’intérêt de ces notes en tant que sources pour l’histoire des idées linguistiques et de leur enseignement. D’abord, l’histoire de l’orthographe française, bien qu’absente des intitulés des cours, est présente dans les notes de cours. Ensuite, le « latin vulgaire » est un thème porteur d’enjeux idéologiques et épistémologiques majeurs invisibles dans les affichages institutionnels
Between the late 1860s and the mid-1920s, philology, historical grammar and language history are introduced into the French higher education system with the creation of positions and tenures in newly founded schools, such as the École Pratique des Hautes Études and the girls’ École normale supérieure in Sèvres, and in deeply transformed institutions, like the Paris Faculty of Letters. Making history-oriented linguistic knowledge into disciplines contributed to bring teaching and research closer together and led to the rebirth of the university system. This is illustrated by the careers of Gaston Paris, Arsène Darmesteter and Ferdinand Brunot in these institutions as evidenced by private correspondence and institutional archive material. The analysis of documents published by the establishments (posters, booklets, teaching records, anniversary publications) casts light on the problems these teachers faced when attempting to adapt to various student populations and official guidelines. Their teaching notes reveal content adaptation through diverse writing practices, which we identify and characterize by using text genetics. The in-depth study of two knowledge contents demonstrates the use that can be made of these notes as sources for the history of linguistic thought and its teaching. Firstly with the history of French orthography which is present in teaching notes, although it does not appear in course titles. Secondly with vulgar Latin as a theme that pertains to major ideological and epistemological issues which are invisible in institutional display material

This dissertation proposes an analysis of the consonants C/k/ and G/g/ from Vulgar Latin to the five Romance Languages: French, Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, and Romanian in the initial, medial, and/or ending positions up to the 12th century. This study examined the evolution of C/k/ and G/g/ in each language while noting the history and cultures that impacted their evolution. I discuss how the spoken language of Italian evolved slowly from the late Vulgar Latin of the Empire, in close contact with the universal standard of Medieval Latin, yet is consistent with the rest of the languages in this study when it comes to consonants /b/ d/g/ being pronounced as plosives when they occur at the beginning of the word. I examine the similarities that persist in Romanian and Italian, in spite of Romanian's isolation from the other Romance languages. I selected these consonants based on the conjugation irregularity of Romance verbs. The findings reflect a consistent conclusion taking into account scribers' errors, political reformations and numerous wars: Relative to all the languages in this research: initial consonants, single or followed by another consonant, remained unchanged; less resistance is offered by intervocalic consonants that either weakened or just disappeared; and final unsupported (preceded by a vowel) consonants or supported (preceded by a consonant) either remained or disappeared, up to the twelfth century. Research also included such variables impacting the languages as cultural concerns; non-contact with other Romance languages; and, geographical isolation.

Au sein de la communication, definie comme verticale, exogene et exolingue, des clercs lettres a destination des laics illettres, le recours a la langue vulgaire est autorise dans le cadre de l'eglise depuis le debut du ixe siecle mais cantonne a la seule homelie. Les oeuvres hagiographiques, composees en langue vulgaire depuis la fin du ixe siecle, et de plus en plus frequemment au cours du xe et du xie siecle, ne remettent pas en cause cette organisation de la diglossie. Au tournant du xie et du xiie siecle, apparaissent en revanche des textes a destination clairement liturgique ou s'introduit la langue romane en contexte latin : ce sont les epitres farcies et les drames liturgiques bilingues. Contre une perspective evolutionniste simple qui fait de ces textes bilingues un instrument de pastorale ou le fruit d'une poussee profane et secularisatrice, le present travail montre que ces textes bilingues assurent une fonction de concession - mais aussi de controle et de recuperation - dans une entreprise plus generale de reforme des rejouissances des derniers jours de decembre et des calendes de janvier (auxquels sont essentiellement destines ces textes bilingues). L'alternance du latin et de la langue romane est consideree comme une structure signifiante et concertee ou reside le sens
As far as communication from learned clerics towards illiterate lay people was concerned, the use of the vernacular had been allowed, during in the mass or in the church, since the beginning of the ninth century, but only for homelies. Hagiographical works written in the vernacular from the ninth to the eleventh century did not affect this organisation of the diglossia. At the turn of the twelfth century, texts with evident liturgical purpose appeared, in which roman language was introduced in latin context : they are epitres farcies and bilingual liturgical plays. Unlike an evolutionnist approach which wiews bilingual texts as the outcome of secularization movement, the prelsent work purports to show that bilingual texts had a concessive as well as a controlling function, in a attempt to reform the tripudia, to control the will of participation of lay people, to challenge the birth and expansion of vernacular literature. The bilingualism of these texts is considered as a meaningful structure : the passages in roman language in bilingual texts are meant to represent the participation of lay people mainly women - (caracterised by the deploration chorus), but also an image of mother tongue (which was supposed to be limited to the expressive function, and to lirical expression. In these texts, roman language had access to dramatic speech or to biblical elements only in a relationship of dependency and subordination to latin

The object of this diploma thesis, with a title of To the language of Itinerarium Antonini Placentini, is to achieve a lingvistic and stylistic analysis of this text and to offer its compact translation with a regard for differences, which occur in three extant versions. This text, written in a vulgar latin, comes from the 6th century A. D. and describes the journey of anonymous author to the Holy Land. The problem of incident aspects of the vulgar latin from phonetic, morfological, syntactic and lexical viewpoint is also a part of this thesis. The attention is given more to the studying of the nominal forms of verbs. The characteristics of the stylistic aspect of Itinerarium and the subject commentary, which is necessary to the correct undestanding, aren´t missing of course.

The concept of literary ecology is developed as an instrument for large-scale literary study by Alexander Beecroft (2015), for whom the metaphor emphasizes the great diversity of world literatures and the possibility of organizing this diversity into cultural types, analogous to the biologist’s ecotypes. For a study of Latin poetics, the most important typological distinction is between cosmopolitan and vernacular languages. Latin acquired an articulated body of stylistic norms (“poetics”) in antiquity as a vernacular language; subsequent developments in Latin poetics were conditioned by the language’s acquisition of cosmopolitan characteristics. I explore the consequences of that shift; texts discussed include Donatus’s Ars maior, the twelfth- and thirteenth-century arts of poetry and prose, Óláfr Þórðarson’s treatise on Icelandic poetics, and Dante’s De vulgari eloquentia.

Abstract In 1931 the great French Latinist Jules Marouzeau observed (1931: 32) that one of the least-studied aspects of Latin vocabulary was that of technical language., ‘la langue technique’. Technical authors had even then long been recognized as being of great importance for the study of the later Latin language., but they had been., and were stilly treated chiefly as evidence for popular, or ‘vulgar’., Latin; to be sure., this tradition was not without excellent results., which continue to emerge.2 Neglect of the technical languages per se had been based on the implicit, sometimes explicit, assumptions that it was impossible to separate ‘technical’ Latin from ‘Vulgar’ Latin and that the ‘Fachsprache’., or ‘Sondersprache’., consisted of nothing more than a number of ‘Fachausdrücke’., so that until recently the possibility was not explored of characterizing the language of Latin technical writers as other than popular or vulgar. Among the medical writers., those not noted for their popular language had been especially neglected. While the popular elements in texts such as Marcellus and the Latin versions of Oribasius had attracted some attention., writers of a more classical form of Latin., such as Celsus Scribonius Largus, or the Africans Theodorus Priscianus, Caelius Aurelianus, and Cassius Felix had been earlier by and large ignored.

Abstract The only Latin translation of the Bible we illustrate is the Vulgate’, largely the work of St Jerome (though he was not responsible for Acts and Epistles (94-95)), who was both a scholar and a prose writer of genius. The Hebrew and Greek texts translated give the language its special structure; but this Bible is also a Latin classic, written not for a cultivated few but for ordinary people Basically, therefore, the language is vulgar’, and the vocabulary, word-order, and syntax reflect this (Palmer, 183 ff) The narrative often reminds one of the very simple style illustrated by the author of Ad Herennium (5 above).

Abstract The breakdown of the Latin case system was offset in part by an expansion of its prepositional system. Two prepositions which underwent considerable expansion were ad and de. One aspect of their expansion saw them vie with one another to introduce nominal complements expressing the idea of possession. This rivalry developed in Vulgar Latin and is still extant today in marginal, popular, or simply informal varieties of French on both sides of the Atlantic (e.g. la voiture à/de man père ‘my father’s car’). This long-standing case of variation has been commented upon by many linguists, yet certain aspects of its diachrony and synchrony remain unclear.

Abstract A classical Latinist (especially a Ciceronian like myself) who turns to Apuleius is rather in the position of a specialist in eighteenth-century English approaching a twentieth-century novel. Normally, in reading our own language, we have to guard against imposing anachronistic modern meanings on words in older texts, but in this case there is also another danger: we may fail to allow for the possibility that words which we know to have changed their meanings eventually, in late Latin, had already done so in Apuleius. Progress is difficult because of the scarcity of parallel material from the same time, place, and genre. Though we may all now recognize that Latin, like all other languages, was subject to temporal, regional, and social variation, the categories we have for talking about such variations—classical, vulgar, archaic, sermo cotidianus, and the like—are still for the most part inadequate and confusing (cf. Herman (1991) ). Nevertheless, we do need to make some attempt to place Apuleius linguistically.

Abstract Abstract: The Nova Vulgata, or Neo-Vulgate, is a revised Vulgate Bible published in 1979 by the Catholic Church for use principally in Latin-language liturgies, and as a template for vernacular lectionaries. The Second Vatican Council’s 1963 call for a revised Latin Psalter led to the formation of a committee that was soon expanded to undertake a revision of the entire Bible. The dozen committee members and their collaborators used modern editions of biblical texts in the original languages to correct the Vulgate when it significantly diverged from these. The near-total collapse of the use of Latin in Catholic liturgies after the Council has meant that the Neo-Vulgate is read mostly by a minority of clergy and laypeople, still numbering in the thousands, who daily pray the Liturgy of the Hours in Latin.

Abstract Thomas Campion (1567-1620), educated at Peterhouse Cambridge and Gray’ s Inn, began his career as a poet and composer by writing songs for Inns of Court revels. In 1601 he published A Booke of Ayres, in collaboration with the lutenist Philip Rosseter; four further collections were published, in 1613 and 1617, and two volumes of Latin epigrams. In the early 1600s he studied medicine at the University of Caen, and subsequently practised as a doctor in London, while continuing to write masques and other court entertainments. Poesy in all kind of speaking is the chief beginner, and maintainer of eloquence, not only helping the ear with the acquaintance of sweet numbers,* but also raising the mind to a more high and lofty conceit.* For this end have I studied to induce* a true form of versifying into our language: for the vulgar and unartificial* custom of rhyming hath, I know, deterred many excellent wits from the exercise of English poesy.