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Journal articles on the topic 'Walton, Jerome'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Morawska, Ewa. "Labor Migrations of Poles in the Atlantic World Economy, 1880–1914." Comparative Studies in Society and History 31, no. 2 (April 1989): 237–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500015814.

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The recent influx to the United States of a new large wave of immigrants from Hispanic America and Asia has reinvigorated immigration and ethnic studies, including those devoted to the analysis of the origins and process of international migrations. The accumulation of research in this field in the last fifteen years has brought about a shift in the theoretical paradigm designed to interpret these movements. The classical approach explains the mass flow into North America of immigrants (from Southern and Eastern Europe, in the period 1880 to 1914), as an international migration interpreted in terms of push and pull forces. Demographic and economic conditions prompted individuals to move from places with a surplus of population, little capital, and underemployment, to areas where labor was scarce and wages were higher (Jerome, 1926; Thomas, 1973; Piore, 1979; Gould, 1979). This interpretation views individual decisions and actions as the outcome of a rational economic calculation of the costs and benefits of migration. Recent studies of international population movements have reconceptualized this problem, recasting the unit(s) of analysis from separate nation-states, linked by one-way transfer of migrants between two unequally developed economies, to a comprehensive economic system composed of a dominant core and a dependent periphery— a world system that forms a complex network of supranational exchanges of technology, capital, and labor (Castells, 1975; Cardoso and Faletto, 1979; Kritz, 1983; Sassen-Koob, 1980; Portes, 1978; Portes and Walton, 1981; Wood, 1982). In this conceptualization, the development of the core and the underdevelopment of the peripheral societies are seen not as two distinct phenomena, but as two aspects of the same process—the expanding capitalist world system, explained in terms of each other. Generated by the economic imbalances and social dislocations resulting from the incorporation of the peripheries into the orbit of the core, international labor migrations between the developing and industrialized regions are viewed as part of a global circulation of resources within a single system of world economy. This interpretation shifts the central emphasis from the individual (and his/her decisions) to the broad structural determinants of human migrations within a global economic system.

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2

Wiertz, Svenja. "Jeremy Waldron: The Harm in Hate Speech." Zeitschrift für philosophische Literatur 2, no. 2 (May 2, 2014): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.21827/zfphl.2.2.35327.

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3

Shecaira, Fábio. "Jeremy Waldron, The Harm in Hate Speech. Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012." Teoria Jurídica Contemporânea 3, no. 1 (December 26, 2018): 230–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.21875/tjc.v3i1.22486.

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4

VERBICARO, Loiane Prado, and Pietra Galutty Bezerra de Castro. "DIREITO, CONTROLE JUDICIAL E DEMOCRACIA: O DEBATE ENTRE AS TEORIAS DEMOCRÁTICAS DE JEREMY WALDRON E RONALD DWORKIN." Revista Direito em Debate 26, no. 47 (September 21, 2017): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.21527/2176-6622.2017.47.177-204.

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<p>O trabalho tem por escopo analisar dois modelos democráticos antagônicos apresentados pelo aparato conceitual das teorias de Jeremy Waldron e Ronald Dworkin. Por intermédio de pesquisa bibliográfica e teórica, o artigo analisa o debate sobre as distintas concepções teóricas acerca do poder dos juízes de realizar a revisão judicial da legislação, em um cenário no qual o Poder Judiciário assume uma visível liderança político-institucional. Partindo das análises de Ronald Dworkin e Jeremy Waldron, a pesquisa problematiza a relação entre direito, controle judicial e democracia, à luz dos modelos de democracia substancial e procedimental. </p>

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5

North, Richard. "A Response to Jeremy Waldron's Law and Disagreement." Political Studies Review 1, no. 2 (April 2003): 167–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9299.t01-1-00002.

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This article offers a critical response to arguments developed by Jeremy Waldron on the subject of democracy and constitutional rights. In particular it responds to three claims made by Waldron: first, he claims contemporary Western societies are characterised by deep and intractable disagreement; second, collectively binding decisions should be reached by democratic means alone; and third constitutional devices, such as bills of rights, should be rejected because they act as constraints on democracy. I argue that Waldron is unable to argue for the primacy of democracy from the baseline of intractable disagreement that he posit. He implicitly relies upon a position of moral consensus to confirm the priority of democracy over alternative decision-making procedures. Further, the moral stance that Waldron takes towards democracy is based upon a Kantian theory of justice which is shared by liberal-constitutional theorists, such as Rawls and Dworkin, who advocate bills of rights. Finally, Waldron does not provide the arguments necessary to justify the rejection of bills of rights. Good reasons exist for tempering democratic procedures with constitutional devices. However, this conclusion is qualified. It depends upon counterfactual claims that can be resolved only by taking into account the specific institutional and cultural practices of particular political systems.

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6

Dorsen, N., and M. Rosenfeld. "Roundtable: An exchange with Jeremy Waldron." International Journal of Constitutional Law 7, no. 1 (August 18, 2008): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/mon038.

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7

Lang, Gerald. "One Another’s Equals, by Jeremy Waldron." Mind 128, no. 509 (June 28, 2018): 249–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/mind/fzy019.

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8

Waluchow, Wil. "Constitutions as Living Trees: An Idiot Defends." Canadian Journal of Law & Jurisprudence 18, no. 2 (July 2005): 207–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0841820900003994.

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In this article, I defend Charters of Rights and the practices of judicial review to which they normally give rise against a number of objections one encounters in public and academic discourse, most notably in the work of Jeremy Waldron. In answering Waldron and his fellow critics, I develop a “living tree” or “common law” conception of Charters and show how it can be used successfully to answer their most powerful criticisms.

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9

Consani, Cristina Foroni. "A CRÍTICA DE JEREMY WALDRON AO CONSTITUCIONALISMO CONTEMPORÂNEO." Revista da Faculdade de Direito UFPR 59, no. 2 (August 31, 2014): 143. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rfdufpr.v59i2.35730.

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Este artigo apresenta e discute a crítica de Jeremy Waldron ao constitucionalismo contemporâneo, notadamente, às teorias constitucionais que centralizam a discussão acerca da democracia constitucional na proteção aos direitos fundamentais e em sua retirada do debate político. Neste sentido são apresentadas, primeiramente, as teses constitucionalistas às quais Waldron se opõe. Num segundo momento, são apresentadas suas críticas às teses constitucionalistas, assim como suas propostas para compatibilização entre o ideal constitucional e a democracia. Por fim, realiza-se uma avaliação acerca dos limites de cada uma das teorias em discussão.

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10

Smith, M. N. "Dignity, Rank, and Rights By JEREMY WALDRON." Analysis 74, no. 4 (July 22, 2014): 740–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/analys/anu075.

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11

Posner, Richard A., and Jeremy Waldron. "Review of Jeremy Waldron, "Law and Disagreement"." Columbia Law Review 100, no. 2 (March 2000): 582. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1123477.

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12

Steiner, Hillel. "The Right to Private Property. Jeremy Waldron." Ethics 101, no. 1 (October 1990): 201–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293280.

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13

Bangstad, Sindre. "Jeremy Waldron: The Harm in Hate Speech." Nordic Journal of Human Rights 30, no. 02 (September 25, 2012): 217–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-814x-2012-02-06.

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García Jaramillo, Leonardo, and Vicente F. Benítez-R. "“EL CONTROL JUDICIAL LE CUESTA DEMASIADO A LA DEMOCRACIA”. ENTREVISTA A JEREMY WALDRON." Isonomía - Revista de teoría y filosofía del derecho, no. 48 (April 30, 2018): 171–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/48.2018.41.

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A propósito de su reciente visita a Colombia, invitado por la Corte Constitucional y la Universidad de La Sabana, los profesores Leonardo García Jaramillo y Vicente F. Benítez-R. entrevistaron al profesor Jeremy Waldron. Waldron fue Chichele Professor en la Universidad de Oxford, discípulo y contradictor de Dworkin, y es uno de los autores más influyentes del debate teórico político y constitucional contemporáneo. Actualmente es University Professor de la Universidad de New York (NYU). La traducción al español de la entrevista es también de Leonardo García Jaramillo y Vicente F. Benítez-R...

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Maurino, Gustavo. "DERECHOS, ESCEPTICISMO Y MAYORITARISMO: UN TRIÁNGULO IMPOSIBLE. UNA CRÍTICA A LA TEORÍA DE LA LEGITIMIDAD POLÍTICA DE JEREMY WALDRON." Isonomía - Revista de teoría y filosofía del derecho, no. 42 (May 13, 2019): 47–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5347/42.2015.82.

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El trabajo reconstruye y analiza críticamente la respuesta de Jeremy Waldron a importantes problemas sobre política y derecho, justicia y autoridad. Waldron reivindica al mismo tiempo una tesis no escéptica sobre la existencia los derechos morales-políticos, una tesis escéptica sobre la existencia de procedimientos epistémicos superiores para identificarlos, y una tesis positiva sobre la legitimidad política (mayoritarismo participativo). El trabajo argumenta que su respuesta solo resulta consistente si se añade un cuarto vértice: el presupuesto de “igualdad de agencia y capacidad epistémica” en los portadores de derechos. Pero su introducción requiere abandonar y redefinir dos de los otros elementos, lo que conduce finalmente a las respuestas típicas del deliberativismo epistémico. Las críticas de Waldron a la revisión judicial se reinterpretan sobre esa nueva base.

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Ghersi Rassi, Óscar. "La justicia constitucional desde la perspectiva de la filosofía de Jeremy Waldron y la experiencia venezolana reciente." THEMIS Revista de Derecho, no. 73 (July 3, 2018): 251–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.18800/themis.201801.016.

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El artículo repasa la teoría de Jeremy Waldron en torno a la legitimidad y autoridad moral de las diversas formas de justicia constitucional. Según esta teoría, la justicia constitucional siempre es ilegítima en la medida en que vulnera el principio de decisión mayoritaria, único de autoridad jurídica legítima. El autor expone las condiciones que, bajo el criterio de Waldron, debe reunir una comunidad política para que su teoría sea aplicable y ensaya algunas críticas al autor respecto de dichas condiciones.Especialmente, se contempla el problema de la regresividad del argumento de Waldron y el problema de la estabilidad que de las condiciones que el propio autor sugiere. Sin embargo, se asume que esta teoría ofrece aportes importantes y se hace una refl exión de ellos de cara a la realidad constitucional venezolana. Finalmente, se ensaya un bosquejo teórico que permita conjugar la institución de la justicia constitucional con las críticas más pertinentes de Waldron.

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Sahuí Maldonado, Alejandro. "Desacuerdos sobre derechos Waldron y Dworkin sobre parlamentos y tribunales." Andamios, Revista de Investigación Social 14, no. 35 (December 1, 2017): 159. http://dx.doi.org/10.29092/uacm.v14i35.575.

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El texto reflexiona sobre la compleja relación entre democracia y derechos humanos en el marco del Estado constitucional a partir de la obra de Jeremy Waldron y Ronald Dworkin. Como es sabido, ambos autores subrayan el papel de los desacuerdos públicos acerca del Derecho, pero proponen formas distintas de responder institucionalmente frente a ellos. Considerando el interés por la participación inclusiva de todas las personas, que tanto Waldron como Dworkin derivan del principio de igual consideración y respeto, se asume que los tribunales están en mejor posición para atender las pretensiones de las minorías y grupos desaventajados debido a la naturaleza deliberativa de sus procedimientos.

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18

Hendrix, Burke A. "Context, Equality, and Aboriginal Compensation Claims." Dialogue 50, no. 4 (December 2011): 669–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217312000017.

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ABSTRACT: Jeremy Waldron argues that the historical ownership rights of Aboriginal peoples can be superseded, yet acknowledges that programs of historically grounded compensation are justifiable in the absence of widespread redistribution. This article argues that existing states lack social justice programs of the requisite kind, and that they will continue to do so in the foreseeable future. Moreover, even the best-designed programs will be far more ambiguous than Waldron encourages us to recognize, given the unavoidability of inheritance-based inequalities. The article argues that philosophers should pay special attention to political context when evaluating the claims of socially vulnerable populations such as Aboriginal peoples.

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19

Ryan, Alan. "The Right to Private Property by Jeremy Waldron." Journal of Philosophy 88, no. 3 (1991): 155–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jphil199188369.

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20

Christman, John. "Liberal Rights: Collected Papers, 1981-91.Jeremy Waldron." Ethics 105, no. 2 (January 1995): 418–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/293713.

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21

Altman, A. "The Harm in Hate Speech By JEREMY WALDRON." Analysis 75, no. 1 (November 10, 2014): 177–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/analys/anu098.

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22

TAMANAHA, BRIAN Z. "Always imperfectly achieved rule of law: Comments on Jeremy Waldron." Global Constitutionalism 10, no. 1 (March 2021): 106–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2045381720000027.

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AbstractThis commentary on Jeremy Waldron’s essay, ‘The Rule of Law and the Role of Courts’, applies a holistic perspective on the rule of law and judging situated within a broader complex of surrounding social, cultural, economic and political factors and institutions.

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23

Hann, Matt. "Human Rights, the State, and Recognition." Journal of Moral Philosophy 12, no. 5 (September 10, 2015): 639–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/17455243-01205001.

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In three recent books, Andrew Vincent, Kelly Staples, and Jeremy Waldron offer much to enrich our understanding of the interface between human rights, the state, and recognition. Andrew Vincent offers an overview of the development of human rights from nineteenth century decline to twentieth century renaissance. He links the decline of natural rights to nationalism and evolution, and attributes the rebirth of rights to the horrors of the Holocaust. He claims human rights are qualitatively different to natural rights – though I argue this is not completely clear. Vincent argues that human rights require states, but that human rights are also protection against states. Kelly Staples uses two case studies to examine the effects of statelessness on human rights. She argues that statelessness, contra Arendt, need not mean deprivation of all rights. Her case studies are persuasive, though she may be reading Arendt on statelessness too strictly, and a more systematic setting out of Staples’ re-theorisation of statelessness would be desirable. Jeremy Waldron argues that ‘dignity’ should mean a set of rights, rather than being a reason to be held to have rights or something rights ought to protect. In making this argument, Waldron argues against Kantian and Roman Catholic conceptions of dignity. A potential drawback to Waldron’s theory is that it is silent on those outside the ‘dignitarian society.’ The three books together seem to represent a welcome shift towards thinking about human rights in terms of recognition.

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Tekelioglu, Ahmet Selim. "Muslim Civil Society and the Politics of Religious Freedom in Turkey. By Jeremy F. Walton." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 85, no. 4 (October 23, 2017): 1166–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfx060.

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25

Loscocco, Paula. "Royalist Reclamation of Psalmic Song in 1650s England." Renaissance Quarterly 64, no. 2 (2011): 500–543. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/661798.

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AbstractThis article brings into focus the royalist experience of political defeat and cultural recovery in mid-seventeenth-century England. It shows how royalist writers developed a polemically charged psalmic poetics that allowed them to appropriate the discursive authority of their Puritan enemies, reestablish their own cultural standing, and prepare the way for religious and political return. Several writers who found common cause in 1650s royalist poetics appear in these pages, including Izaak Walton, Thomas Stanley, Jeremy Taylor, Henry King, and the author(s) of the 1649 Eikon Basilike. Royalist writers with more divided responses to psalmic polemics appear here as well, including the episcopal divine, Henry Hammond, and the Davidic poet, Abraham Cowley. The poet, psalmist, and polemicist John Milton is an important presence throughout: his Eikonoklastes seems aware of his opponents’ polemical project, as do his 1653 psalms, and Paradise Lost itself may respond to what he once derided as royalist “Psalmistry.”

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Lacerda Tanure, Augusto, and Marcelo Campos Galuppo. "O EMBONDEIRO E A TOLERÂNCIA." Revista Eletrônica Direito e Política 16, no. 1 (May 4, 2021): 65–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v16n1.p65-85.

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RESUMO O presente artigo têm como objetivo discutir a tolerância e seus limites no tocante à liberdade de expressão. Questionará a possibilidade ou impossibilidade de definir quais discursos deveriam disputar o mercado de ideias democrático. Para tanto, tecerá reflexões a partir do texto: “O embondeiro que sonhava pássaros” de Mia Couto, contrapondo-o às ideias sobre tolerância de Jeremy Waldron em “The Harm in Hate Speech” e Andrew Jason Cohen em “Toleration and Freedom From Harm”. Pretende-se demonstrar que a liberdade de expressão é essencial à tolerância, sendo que suas limitações devem ser as mínimas possíveis. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: tolerância; liberdade de expressão; identidade; violência ABSTRACTThis article aims to discuss tolerance and its limits with regard to freedom of expression. It will question the possibility or impossibility of defining which speeches should compete for the democratic ideas market. To this end, it will uses “O embondeiro que sonhava pássaros” by Mia Couto, contrasting it with the ideas about toleration by Jeremy Waldron in “The Harm in Hate Speech” and Andrew Jason Cohen in “Toleration and Freedom From Harm”. It is intended to demonstrate that freedom of expression is essential to toleration, and its limitations should be kept to a minimum. KEY-WORDS: toleration; freedom of expression; identity; violence

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Roa Roa, Jorge Ernesto. "Justicia constitucional, deliberación y democracia en Colombia: Jeremy Waldron reflexivo en Bogotá." Revista Derecho del Estado, no. 44 (August 26, 2019): 57–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18601/01229893.n44.04.

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Este artículo contesta el argumento de Jeremy Waldron en contra de la revisión judicial de las leyes. La tesis principal del artículo es que las cuatro condiciones waldronianas (core of the case) necesarias para que exista una sociedad bien ordenada son demasiado exigentes para el sistema democrático de Colombia. Por esa razón, las objeciones formuladas por Waldron al control de constitucionalidad no son aplicables al caso colombiano. Solo una interpretación excesivamente minimalista de las cuatro condiciones de una sociedad core of the case permitiría aplicar esa crítica al control de constitucionalidad en Colombia. Además, el artículo mantiene que el argumento de Waldron resulta afectado por una paradoja. Esta consiste en que una interpretación exigente de las cuatro condiciones del core of the case deja fuera a la mayor parte de las democracias del mundo. Por el contrario, una interpretación flexible de esas condiciones aumenta el potencial aplicativo de las objeciones waldronianas, pero les resta fuerza. El artículo demuestra que, en contextos que apenas satisfacen las cuatro condiciones bajo mínimos, el control de constitucionalidad puede resultar necesario y útil para el propio sistema democrático con el fin de superar las cargas de inercia y los puntos ciegos del proceso legislativo que afectan la protección efectiva de los derechos constitucionales. En estos casos, los jueces ordenan remedios directos que no pueden ser objeto de reproche democrático en virtud de que el propio legislador ha defraudado las expectativas respecto del rol que le corresponde dentro de la organización política.

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Sigmund, Paul E. "Jeremy Waldron and the Religious Turn in Locke Scholarship." Review of Politics 67, no. 3 (2005): 407–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s003467050003463x.

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The title, God, Locke, and Equality, as well as its controversial thesis about the necessity of a theological foundation for equality are designed to startle and provoke. Yet those who have kept up with Locke scholarship (not an easy job since there are 5–10 new books on Locke each year, and over 9000 articles have been published about his work) will recognize that in recent years, its topic, the relation of Locke's religious beliefs to his politics, has become an important theme in the interpretation of Locke's political philosophy. This article will attempt to place the book in the context of this literature and evaluate its contribution to the growing number of studies.In the early years of what John Pocock once called “the Locke industry,” Locke's religious beliefs did not get much attention. The two most influential interpretations of his political thought portrayed him either as a crypto-Hobbesian hedonist, or an apologist for capitalist exploitation, ignoring or explaining away his commitment to Christianity. It is true that John Dunn in his book on Locke's political theory made much (perhaps too much) of Locke's Calvinist upbringing, only to dismiss his political thought as so dominated by a religious worldview that it is irrelevant today.

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Consani, Cristina Foroni. "Democracia e os discursos de ódio religioso: O debate entre Dworkin e Waldron sobre os limites da tolerância." ethic@ - An international Journal for Moral Philosophy 14, no. 2 (January 22, 2016): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1677-2954.2015v14n2p174.

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http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1677-2954.2015v14n2p174Este artigo analisa as divergências que permeiam o debate entre dois jusfilósofos liberais contemporâneos, a saber, Ronald Dworkin e Jeremy Waldron, a respeito da relação entre democracia, tolerância e os discursos de ódio religioso. Primeiramente, são apresentados os argumentos de Dworkin segundo os quais qualquer tentativa do Estado de impor limites a discursos e manifestações de ódio religioso viola o direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão e, por conseguinte, afeta a legitimidade democrática. A seguir, apresenta-se o posicionamento de Waldron segundo o qual restrições legais aos discursos de ódio são necessárias para assegurar que a intolerância não solape os princípios e valores democráticos. Por fim, avalia-se em que medida as propostas dos autores conseguem apresentar respostas satisfatórias para a relação entre religião, democracia e tolerância.

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Baena, Cesar. "OBEDIENCIA AL DERECHO Y LEGITIMIDAD ESTATAL: UN ANÁLISIS DE LA TEORÍA DEL DEBER NATURAL DE OBEDECER INSTITUCIONES JUSTAS SEGÚN JEREMY WALDRON." Revista Eletrônica do Curso de Direito da UFSM 12, no. 2 (August 11, 2017): 675. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/1981369428341.

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El presente trabajo analiza la plausibilidad de la teoría del deber natural de obedecer instituciones justas, como una justificación de la obligación de obedecer el derecho, según Jeremy Waldron. Para ello, el trabajo señala que dicha teoría está basada en un enfoque procedimental de la legitimidad, i. e., uno según el cual el procedimiento democrático tiene un valor intrínseco derivado del respeto a la igualdad política y al igual derecho a la participación. A partir de los argumentos que se dirigen a demostrar el deber natural de obedecer las instituciones que resuelven nuestros conflictos, en el marco de lo que Waldron llama las “circunstancias de la política”, podrá apreciarse que es posible justificar no sólo la legitimidad de las decisiones coercitivas de un Estado democrático, sino también la obediencia política al derecho.

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31

Runciman, David. "Review: Jeremy Waldron’s Political Political Theory." European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 3 (October 17, 2016): 437–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116671137.

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This collection seeks to ground political theory in the study of institutions, particularly the constitutional relationship between different branches of government. It makes the case that ‘constitutionalism’ has become a thin doctrine of political restraint. Waldron wants to identify a fuller conceptual understanding of how the functions of government can be empowered and articulated. In doing so, he sets out a position that is distinct from both moralism and realism in contemporary political theory. I explore how well the later distinction holds up: how successfully does Waldron’s approach marry realist concerns with the rigour of analytical political theory? I also discuss the role it leaves for the history of political thought and whether it can deal with the populist strain in contemporary politics.

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32

Brown, Cody McClain. "Muslim Civil Society and the Politics of Religious Freedom in Turkey, written by Jeremy F., Walton." Southeastern Europe 43, no. 1 (May 3, 2019): 78–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763332-04301005.

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33

Dreher, Sabine. "Muslim Civil Society and the Politics of Religious Freedom in Turkey, written by Jeremy F. Walton." Sociology of Islam 6, no. 1 (April 18, 2018): 85–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22131418-00601005.

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34

Baracho Júnior, José Alfredo de Oliveira, and Bonifácio Andrada. "O FUNDAMENTO DEMOCRÁTICO DO CONTROLE DE CONSTITUCIONALIDADE." Revista da Faculdade Mineira de Direito 23, no. 45 (June 29, 2020): 124–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5752/p.2318-7999.2020v23n45p124-141.

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O objetivo deste artigo é discutir a solidez dos fundamentos democráticas do controle de constitucionalidade. Para tanto, refletiremos a partir de três prestigiosas teorias do direito constitucional norte-americano. Inicialmente, será discutida a ideia de democracia constitucional em Ronald Dworkin. A seguir, será trabalhada a teoria do controle de constitucionalidade formulada por John Hart Ely. Por fim, será exposta a opinião de Jeremy Waldron que, diferentemente dos outros dois autores, considera o judicial review como inevitavelmente antidemocrático.

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Consani, Cristina Foroni. "Democracia e os discursos de ódio religioso: O debate entre Dworkin e Waldron sobre os limites da tolerância." ethic@ - An international Journal for Moral Philosophy 14, no. 2 (January 22, 2016): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1677-2954.2015v14n2p174-197.

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<p><span>http://dx.doi.org/10.5007/1677-2954.2015v14n2p174</span></p><p>Este artigo analisa as divergências que permeiam o debate entre dois jusfilósofos liberais contemporâneos, a saber, Ronald Dworkin e Jeremy Waldron, a respeito da relação entre democracia, tolerância e os discursos de ódio religioso. Primeiramente, são apresentados os argumentos de Dworkin segundo os quais qualquer tentativa do Estado de impor limites a discursos e manifestações de ódio religioso viola o direito fundamental à liberdade de expressão e, por conseguinte, afeta a legitimidade democrática. A seguir, apresenta-se o posicionamento de Waldron segundo o qual restrições legais aos discursos de ódio são necessárias para assegurar que a intolerância não solape os princípios e valores democráticos. Por fim, avalia-se em que medida as propostas dos autores conseguem apresentar respostas satisfatórias para a relação entre religião, democracia e tolerância.</p>

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Porter, Jean. "Torture and the Christian conscience: a response to Jeremy Waldron." Scottish Journal of Theology 61, no. 3 (August 2008): 340–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930608004079.

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AbstractIn remarks offered in 2006 at a conference at Princeton Theological Seminary, inaugurating a National Religious Campaign against Torture, the legal philosopher Jeremy Waldron observed that Christian leaders have contributed relatively little to the recent debate over the use of torture. This is regrettable, in his view, because secular morality does not have resources sufficient to address the question of torture, and a Christian perspective emphasising the absoluteness and divine character of the relevant moral norms would represent an important contribution to our reflections on this question. This article offers a response to Waldron's timely and important challenge, setting forth a Christian theological argument that the practice of torture is categorically prohibited. The basis for this prohibition does not rest, however, on the absoluteness of moral norms as such – rather, it rests on the distinctive character of torture as an egregious assault on the human person regarded as image of God.

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Cristi, Renato. "Waldron on Special Rights in rem." Dialogue 33, no. 2 (1994): 183–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300010489.

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Jeremy Waldron's analysis of right-based arguments for private property makes use of the distinction drawn by H. L. A. Hart between special and general rights. Special rights, according to Hart, “arise out of a special transaction between individuals, or out of some special relationship in which they stand to each other.” As a result, “both the persons who have the right and those who have the corresponding obligation are limited to the parties to the special transaction or relationship.” Thus if A has consented to pay me $9.99 for the sale of a particular item, the right I have acquired over the $9.99, which is presently deposited in A's bank account, is a special right. Correlative to my right over the money she owes me, A now has a duty to pay her debt. The duty that has been generated is limited to the party of the special transaction, and so the duty belongs to no one but A. Thus, a special right is a right in personam (or ius ad rem). It is a right directed against a particular person and not against the world at large.

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Bustamante, Thomas Da Rosa de, and Christina Vilaça Brina. "DEVE A INTEGRIDADE VINCULAR O PODER LEGISLATIVO? UMA ANÁLISE DAS CRÍTICAS DE ANDREI MARMOR À INTEGRIDADE LEGISLATIVA EM RONALD DWORKIN." Revista da Faculdade de Direito UFPR 62, no. 1 (May 29, 2017): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rfdufpr.v62i1.47835.

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O presente artigo busca analisar a possibilidade de vinculação do poder legislativo à ideia de integridade defendida por Ronald Dworkin. Como o citado autor afirma, a integridade política deve ser aplicada tanto ao âmbito legislativo quanto ao judiciário, estando em ambos os casos pautada pela coerência. Em contraposição, são apresentadas as ideias defendidas por Andrei Marmor, que, embora não negue a importância da integridade e da coerência, argumenta que o poder legislativo não pode ser a elas vinculado. Ademais, será apresentado sucintamente o posicionamento de Jeremy Waldron, também em defesa da integridade.

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KITLV, Redactie. "Book reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 86, no. 3-4 (January 1, 2012): 309–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002420.

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A World Among these Islands: Essays on Literature, Race, and National Identity in Antillean America, by Roberto Márquez (reviewed by Peter Hulme) Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, The Quest for Decolonisation, edited by Brian Meeks & Norman Girvan (reviewed by Cary Fraser) Elusive Origins: The Enlightenment in the Modern Caribbean Historical Imagination, by Paul B. Miller (reviewed by Kerstin Oloff) Caribbean Perspectives on Modernity: Returning Medusa’s Gaze, by Maria Cristina Fumagalli (reviewed by Maureen Shay) Who Abolished Slavery: Slave Revolts and Abolitionism: A Debate with João Pedro Marques, edited by Seymour Drescher & Pieter C. Emmer, and Abolitionism and Imperialism in Britain, Africa, and the Atlantic, edited by Derek R . Peterson (reviewed by Claudius Fergus) The Mediterranean Apprenticeship of British Slavery, by Gustav Ungerer (reviewed by James Walvin) Children in Slavery through the Ages, edited by Gwyn Campbell, Suzanne Miers & Joseph C. Miller (reviewed by Indrani Chatterjee) The Invisible Hook: The Hidden Economics of Pirates, by Peter T. Leeson (reviewed by Kris Lane) Theorizing a Colonial Caribbean-Atlantic Imaginary: Sugar and Obeah, by Keith Sandiford (reviewed by Elaine Savory) Created in the West Indies: Caribbean Perspectives on V.S. Naipaul, edited by Jennifer Rahim & Barbara Lalla (reviewed by Supriya M. Nair) Thiefing Sugar: Eroticism between Women in Caribbean Literature, by Omise’eke Natasha Tinsley (reviewed by Lyndon K. Gill) Haiti Unbound: A Spiralist Challenge to the Postcolonial Canon, by Kaiama L. Glover (reviewed by Asselin Charles) Divergent Dictions: Contemporary Dominican Literature, by Néstor E. Rodríguez (reviewed by Dawn F. Stinchcomb) The Caribbean Short Story: Critical Perspectives, edited by Lucy Evans, Mark McWatt & Emma Smith (reviewed by Leah Rosenberg) Society of the Dead: Quita Manaquita and Palo Praise in Cuba, by Todd Ramón Ochoa (reviewed by Brian Brazeal) El Lector: A History of the Cigar Factory Reader, by Araceli Tinajero (reviewed by Juan José Baldrich) Blazing Cane: Sugar Communities, Class, and State Formation in Cuba, 1868-1959, by Gillian McGillivray (reviewed by Consuelo Naranjo Orovio) The Purposes of Paradise: U.S. Tourism and Empire in Cuba and Hawai’i, by Christine Skwiot (reviewed by Amalia L. Cabezas) A History of the Cuban Revolution, by Aviva Chomsky (reviewed by Michelle Chase) The Cubalogues: Beat Writers in Revolutionary Havana, by Todd F. Tietchen (reviewed by Stephen Fay) The Devil in the Details: Cuban Antislavery Narrative in the Postmodern Age, by Claudette M. Williams (reviewed by Gera Burton) Screening Cuba: Film Criticism as Political Performance during the Cold War, by Hector Amaya (reviewed by Ann Marie Stock) Perceptions of Cuba: Canadian and American Policies in Comparative Perspective, by Lana Wylie (reviewed by Julia Sagebien) Forging Diaspora: Afro-Cubans and African Americans in a World of Empire and Jim Crow, by Frank Andre Guridy (reviewed by Susan Greenbaum) The Irish in the Atlantic World, edited by David T. Gleeson (reviewed by Donald Harman Akenson) The Chinese in Latin America and the Caribbean, edited by Walton Look Lai & Tan Chee-Beng (reviewed by John Kuo Wei Tchen) The Island of One People: An Account of the History of the Jews of Jamaica, by Marilyn Delevante & Anthony Alberga (reviewed by Barry Stiefel) Creole Jews: Negotiating Community in Colonial Suriname, by Wieke Vink (reviewed by Aviva Ben-Ur) Only West Indians: Creole Nationalism in the British West Indies, by F.S.J. Ledgister (reviewed by Jerome Teelucksingh) Cultural DNA: Gender at the Root of Everyday Life in Rural Jamaica, by Diana J. Fox (reviewed by Jean Besson) Women in Grenadian History, 1783-1983, by Nicole Laurine Phillip (reviewed by Bernard Moitt) British-Controlled Trinidad and Venezuela: A History of Economic Interests and Subversions, 1830-1962, by Kelvin Singh (reviewed by Stephen G. Rabe) Export/Import Trends and Economic Development in Trinidad, 1919-1939, by Doddridge H.N. Alleyne (reviewed by Rita Pemberton) Post-Colonial Trinidad: An Ethnographic Journal, by Colin Clarke & Gillian Clarke (reviewed by Patricia van Leeuwaarde Moonsammy) Poverty in Haiti: Essays on Underdevelopment and Post Disaster Prospects, by Mats Lundahl (reviewed by Robert Fatton Jr.) From Douglass to Duvalier: U.S. African Americans, Haiti, and Pan Americanism, 1870-1964, by Millery Polyné (reviewed by Brenda Gayle Plummer) Haiti Rising: Haitian History, Culture and the Earthquake of 2010, edited by Martin Munro (reviewed by Jonna Knappenberger) Faith Makes Us Live: Surviving and Thriving in the Haitian Diaspora, by Margarita A. Mooney (reviewed by Rose-Marie Chierici) This Spot of Ground: Spiritual Baptists in Toronto, by Carol B. Duncan (reviewed by James Houk) Interroger les morts: Essai sur le dynamique politique des Noirs marrons ndjuka du Surinam et de la Guyane, by Jean-Yves Parris (reviewed by H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen & W. van Wetering)

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Baker, Dennis J., and Lucy X. Zhao. "The Normativity of Using Prison to Control Hate Speech." New Criminal Law Review 16, no. 4 (2013): 621–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2013.16.4.621.

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We question the justice of using prison sentences to control hate speech. It is argued that prison sentences should be used only to deter offensive and hateful speech that harms others. However, the harm requirement cannot be satisfied merely by demonstrating theoretical harm in the abstract, as Jeremy Waldron does in his recent book. Instead, factual harm has to be demonstrated because prison is in fact very harmful for the expresser of the offensive and hateful speech. There is noting wrong with penal measures being used to deter this kind of speech, but harmful prison sentences should not be used to deter harmless speech. Waldron asserts that the United States should follow the British model, among others, of using prison to control and chill free (hate) speech. Waldron wants a model of unfree speech for some. We aim to show that the United States should resist enacting hate speech laws similar to the unjust laws found in Britain, where people have received long prison sentences for uttering offensive and hateful thoughts. To use prison sentences is to use a sledgehammer to crack a walnut: it is a grossly disproportionate and unjust penal response. Particular issue is taken with Waldron’s harm theory. The core element of the paper is the Waldron debate, because the type of vacuous harm theory he puts forward has the potential to be used by lawmakers to justify unjust penal responses such as harmful prison sentences for harmless (even though grossly offensive) speech.

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Nascimento, Luma Neto do. "DWORKIN VERSUS WALDRON: OS PRÓS E OS CONTRAS DA REVISÃO JUDICIAL." Revista Direito e Política 11, no. 3 (December 16, 2016): 1208. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/rdp.v11n3.p1208-1230.

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A ciência política tem avançado os seus questionamentos sobre os valores morais, princípios normativos e arranjos institucionais que seriam mais benéficos para um regime democrático. Entre esses arranjos, está a revisão constitucional. Neste trabalho será descrito os argumentos favoráveis e contrários à prática da revisão judicial, instrumento tão utilizado quanto questionado nas democracias atuais. Primeiramente, será descrita uma breve evolução sobre o conceito de democracia e o debate sobre o papel da revisão judicial em modelos institucionais democráticos. Logo após, será evidenciado o debate apontado na defesa da revisão judicial formulada nas obras de Ronald Dworkin e na respectiva crítica de Jeremy Waldron.

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Lima, Jairo Néia, and Rubens Beçak. "Emenda Constitucional e Constitucionalismo Político: A Potencial Moderação das Críticas ao Controle Judicial de Constitucionalidade." Conpedi Law Review 2, no. 4 (December 1, 2016): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/2448-3931_conpedilawreview/2016.v2i4.3665.

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A partir das críticas ao controle de constitucionalidade feitas pelo constitucionalismo político de Richard Bellamy e Jeremy Waldron, demonstra-se que eles não excluem absolutamente as cortes constitucionais, mas aceitam mecanismos de respostas legislativas, nas quais não se incluiriam as emendas constitucionais. Conclui-se que o alto número de emendas constitucionais no Brasil não mitiga as críticas ao controle de constitucionalidade, pois a estrutura analítica da Constituição Federal impõe mudanças constantes, que não alteram necessariamente a substância do Estado brasileiro. Ademais, a possibilidade de controle de constitucionalidade sobre emenda constitucional demonstra que o julgamento da corte pode se sobrepor à resposta legislativa.

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Giannetti, Leonardo Varella. "Judicial review: podemos tirar algum proveito da PEC 33/2011?" Revista Direito GV 12, no. 1 (April 2016): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2317-6172201606.

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Resumo O presente trabalho busca analisar a atual relação entre os poderes Judiciário e Legislativo, com ênfase na edição da PEC n. 33/2011. Serão analisados os motivos e as propostas do Parlamento para buscar restringir a atuação do STF no controle de constitucionalidade, bem como o debate acadêmico travado entre Ronald Dworkin e Jeremy Waldron, juristas de renome que influenciaram de forma significativa a discussão sobre o tema. Ao final, serão feitas algumas considerações sobre a PEC n. 33/2011, no sentido de se verificar se ela realmente é absurda, adequada ou benéfica ao tratamento da matéria.

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Oliveira, Marcelo Matos de, and Luís Carlos Balbino Gambogi. "A ILEGIMIDADE DEMOCRÁTICA DAS DECISÕES DO SUPREMO TRIBUNAL FEDERAL, SOB O ENFOQUE DA TEORIA DE JEREMY WALDRON." Teorias do Direito e Realismo Jurídico 6, no. 1 (August 11, 2020): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2525-9601/2020.v6i1.6480.

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Esse texto tem como temática a relação entre constitucionalismo e democracia e o debate das teorias política e jurídicas no âmbito da jurisdição constitucional brasileira, quando se apresenta como ambiente de solução de controvérsias sobre questões morais que surgem numa sociedade democrática. Questiona-se se caberia ao Supremo Tribunal Federal exercer o judicial review sobre a antecipação do cumprimento da pena sem a comprovação definitiva da culpa (Repercussão Geral no Agravo em Recurso Extraordinário 964246/SP). O marco teórico adotado é a dignidade da legislação de Jeremy Waldron. Utilizar-se-á, com predominância, o raciocínio dedutivo, por meio da pesquisa bibliográfica e jurisprudencial.

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Carvalho Frota, Antonia Georgelia, and Renata Albuquerque Lima. "A INTERPRETAÇÃO MORAL DA CONSTITUIÇÃO NA PERSPECTIVA DE RONALD DWORKIN E JEREMY WALDRON." Teorias do Direito e Realismo Jurídico 6, no. 2 (December 28, 2020): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.26668/indexlawjournals/2525-9601/2020.v6i2.7027.

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O artigo trata de uma das principais tendências no debate do positivismo jurídico contemporâneo, o papel da jurisdição constitucional. Essa perspectiva será examinada a partir da teoria de Ronald Dworkin e de Jeremy Waldron, filósofos e teóricos do direito que tem concentrado esforços na elaboração de uma teoria do direito democrática, visando a concretização dos Direitos Fundamentais. Busca-se analisar essas contraposições adotadas e averiguar a função da Hermenêutica Constitucional para concretização dos Direitos Fundamentais. A metodologia adotada nesta pesquisa foi uma investigação doutrinária de precedentes e de normas, as quais serviram de sustentação para as observações elaboradas sobre a temática.

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Mauldin, Joshua T. "Religious Origins and Modern Legal Norms: A Dialectical Account." Oxford Journal of Law and Religion 8, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 378–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ojlr/rwz013.

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Abstract A significant amount of scholarship in the field of law and religion involves tracing the sources of contemporary legal and political norms to historical religious traditions. But the relationship between historical religious traditions and modern legal norms is often implicit and undertheorized. This article examines three examples of leading scholars who trace the influence of religious ideas to legal norms in strikingly different ways. Highlighting the work of Martha Nussbaum, Jeremy Waldron, and Samuel Moyn helps bring to rational articulation the normative decisions that are made in attempts to trace historical religious traditions to the contemporary norms that shape modern legal systems.

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Mex Ávila, Luis Fernando. "Waldron, Jeremy. Political Political Theory. Essays on Institutions. Primera (electrónica). Cambridge. Massachusets: Harvard University Press, 2016." Ciencia Jurídica 7, no. 14 (July 1, 2018): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.15174/cj.v7i14.287.

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En el presente texto se analizará la obra Political Political Theory de Jeremy Waldron. Como se explicará, el libro mencionado se conforma de distintos trabajos que el profesor neozelandés ha realizado a lo largo de su carrera así como algunos inéditos, pero que giran en torno a un mismo tema: su posición filosófica frente a los problemas normativos de las instituciones sociales contrastado con el hecho del pluralismo social. Nuestro interés es resaltar el acercamiento de reflexiones que suelen gozar de la principal atención de politólogos y científicos sociales, con estudios normativos de la filosofía política y el derecho.

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Bagg, Samuel. "What Makes a Political Theory Political? A Comment on Waldron." Political Studies Review 16, no. 3 (August 8, 2017): 184–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929917704815.

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This article considers Jeremy Waldron’s recent contribution to a growing conversation about how to make political theory and philosophy more responsive to real politics— Political Political Theory—in light of his broader body of work, especially Law and Disagreement. I argue that rather than providing a genuine alternative to the idealization and abstraction characteristic of what Waldron labels the “justice industry,” he uses the concept of what counts as properly “political” to grant nearly absolute priority to a certain class of concerns over others. This strategy places him in the company of a long line of liberal theorists, but it does not necessarily make his theory more political than its rivals. His alternative simply focuses its idealization and abstraction on the ideal of legitimacy rather than justice.

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Morais, Fausto Santos de, and Fernando Gabriel Ghiggi. "A vitória pírrica da democracia constitucional." Revista de Investigações Constitucionais 6, no. 1 (April 30, 2019): 135. http://dx.doi.org/10.5380/rinc.v6i1.56004.

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Na tradicional concepção de separação de poderes, o Legislativo assume o lócus das decisões políticas na sociedade por excelência. Não obstante, o controle judicial de constitucionalidade (judicial review) ascendeu de forma contumaz, sendo visto como aspecto essencial e indispensável às democracias constitucionais contemporâneas. No Brasil, o Supremo Tribunal Federal é expressamente consagrado guardião da Constituição, revelando-se detentor da última palavra nos diálogos institucionais travados com os demais poderes do Estado. Para muitos, a ascensão do Judiciário se trata de uma vitória à garantia dos direitos fundamentais. Para outros, trata-se tão somente de uma vitória pírrica: aparenta-se como uma conquista, mas seus prejuízos sobrepõem-se aos ganhos. Adepto dessa premissa, o jusfilósofo Jeremy Waldron desenvolve vasta crítica ao controle jurisdicional de constitucionalidade, alicerçado em uma concepção ideal de instituições legislativas. Com efeito, indaga-se: é possível extrair contribuições ao contexto jurídico e político brasileiro pelo estudo da teoria de Waldron? Partindo-se dessa problemática, a presente pesquisa objetiva estudar e apresentar a teoria do citado autor, especulando-se, ao final, possíveis contribuições.

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Ruiz Schneider, Carlos. "Democracia y constitución." Revista de la Academia 29 (July 26, 2020): 81–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.25074/0196318.0.1610.

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El presente ensayo defiende brevemente – en base a los trabajos de Bruce Ackerman y Jeremy Waldron - la prioridad de la democracia como fundamento de la Constitución Política, a diferencia de lo que se ha denominado “fundacionalismo de los derechos”. En segundo lugar discute una visión de la democracia directa -como la de Sartre - que deja de lado las instituciones y la representación a partir de elecciones como momento democrático. El artículo concluye, en base a argumentos de Chantal Mouffe y Elías Canetti, en la necesidad de un momento representativo, electoral en la democracia, para descartar la violencia. Palabras clave : constitución, democracia, democracia directa, elecciones

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