To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: War correspondents, united states.
Journal articles on the topic 'War correspondents, united states'
Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles
Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'War correspondents, united states.'
Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.
You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.
Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.
1
Hedges, Chris. "The Psychosis of Permanent War." Journal of Palestine Studies 44, no. 1 (2014): 42–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jps.2014.44.1.42.
Full textAbstract:
In this no-holds-barred essay, former New York Times Middle East correspondent and Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist Chris Hedges examines how the United States’ staunch support provides Israel with impunity to visit mayhem on a population which it subjugates and holds captive. Notwithstanding occasional and momentary criticism, the official U.S. cheerleading stance is not only an embarrassing spectacle, Hedges argues, it is also a violation of international law, and an illustration of the disfiguring and poisonous effect of the psychosis of permanent war characteristic of both countries. The author goes on to conclude that the reality of its actions against the Palestinians, both current and historical, exposes the fiction that Israel stands for the rule of law and human rights, and gives the lie to the myth of the Jewish state and that of its sponsor, the United States.
2
Song, Yunya, and Chin-Chuan Lee. "‘Collective memories’ of global media events: Anniversary journalism of the Berlin Wall and Tiananmen crackdown in the Anglo-American elite press, 1990–2014." Journalism 20, no. 11 (July 21, 2017): 1460–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884917720304.
Full textAbstract:
This study applies a most similar systems design to examine ‘anniversary journalism’ of two epic global events in the year 1989 – the fall of the Berlin Wall and the Tiananmen crackdown – as reported by the elite press in the United States and Britain from 1990 to 2014, through the combined methods of computerized network-based text analysis and critical historical discourse analysis. Findings suggest that the elite press in both countries continued to view these two events through the lenses of the lingering anti-Communist ideology in the post–Cold War era and shared an increasingly converged cosmopolitan vocabulary primarily in terms of the universal rights of global citizens. Most commemorative anniversary coverage drew on the memory of correspondents who had covered the events. We argue that both US and British representations have become central political-cultural icons facilitating the emergence of a memory transcending national boundaries. Meanwhile, results indicate that elite press discourses in the United States and United Kingdom still varied significantly with their respective national concerns and global position.
3
Oosterman, Allison. "Malcolm Ross and the Samoan ‘troubles’ of 1899." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 14, no. 2 (September 1, 2008): 163–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v14i2.950.
Full textAbstract:
New Zealand journalist Malcolm Ross was a witness to the international rivalries over Samoa between Germany, Britain and the United States, which came to a head in 1899. Civil war had broken out after the death of King Malietoa Laupepa in August 1898 over who would be his successor. The United States and Britain stepped in and supported Laupepa’s son while Germany supported a rival claimant, Mataafa. Malcolm Ross went to Samoa in late January to report on the ‘troubles’ for three New Zealand daily newspapers, the Otago Daily Times, The Press and the Evening Post. The Samoan trip was Ross’s first experience as a war correspondent, although not everybody saw the conflict as war. This article examines Ross’s coverage of four months of the conflict until the cessation of hostilities when a three-man commission was established to look into the troubles and offer a solution. The article will assess Ross’s work as a journalist in a ‘war zone’. The freedom with which he was able to operate in Samoa was not to be repeated, especially once he had become the country’s official war correspondent during World War I.
4
Shea, James. "Co-opting the International Writing Program during the Cold War." Prism 17, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 79–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/25783491-8163809.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines the Hong Kong writer Gu Cangwu 古蒼梧 (1945–) and his grassroots activism during the Cold War, namely, his appropriation of the University of Iowa's International Writing Program (IWP). At the IWP from 1970 to 1971, Gu grew critical of US foreign policy, coedited a newsletter produced in the IWP offices, participated in political demonstrations, and published correspondence in Hong Kong in support of the Baodiao movement. The author argues that Gu's activities co-opted a Cold War institution to promote collective political action among the Chinese diaspora and, importantly, among audiences back in Hong Kong, amplified political resistance against both the United States and the United Kingdom. An examination of Gu's writings, including his correspondence, poems, and 2012 faux memoir Jiu jian 舊箋 (Old Letters), in relation to Kuan-hsing Chen's model of “Asia as method” and minjian society, establishes how Gu's political awakening in the United States and the overall student-led Baodiao movement enlarges Chen's conceptual framework. Rather than arising out of indigenous practices, the transpacific movement began overseas among the Chinese diaspora and, in the eyes of Gu, led to genuine political change in Hong Kong.
5
Tsitsino Bukia and Nana Parinos. "THE ROLE OF AMERICAN AND SOVIET WOMEN REPORTERS IN COVERING WORLD WAR II: SPECIFICS OF COVERAGE OF MILITARY ISSUES IN 20th CENTURY JOURNALISM." World Science 4, no. 11(51) (November 30, 2019): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_ws/30112019/6792.
Full textAbstract:
A war correspondent has no border, no gender, no religion or race. The only thing a war reporter has - the skills of delivering truth, reflection of the reality in the way it is.The soviet space was absolutely closed to journalism and combat women journalists’ involvement in wars. The field almost consisted of males. Consequently, it seems impossible to analyze and compare the technique of writing of American and SovietWomen. If America freely accepts women for being actively involved in covering war activities, the Soviets obviously refused to do so.The role of a war correspondent is much bigger than one can suppose. Being a war reporter is more than implementing their responsibilities. It goes deeper into the history. A professional combat reporter is a historian facing the history and keeping it for the next generation.The paper considers advantages and disadvantages of being a female combat correspondent in the Soviet space and the United States of America.The role of American and Soviet women reporters in covering WWII.
6
Cardozo, Michael H., Anthony D’Amato, and Samuel W. Bettwy. "Correspondence." American Journal of International Law 80, no. 4 (October 1986): 941–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0002930000073036.
Full textAbstract:
In the January 1961 issue of this Journal, there appeared, over my name, a Comment entitled When Extradition Fails, Is Abduction the Solution? The Comment dealt with the frustration of efforts to effect the extradition to Yugoslavia of Andrija Artukovic, a leader of the Croation “state” established in Yugoslavia under Nazi sponsorship during World War II. Artukovic had been charged with the kilting of hundreds of thousands of victims guilty only of ethnic diversity. He had fled to the United States in 1948. The Comment remarked that, in view of the atrocities attributed to Artukovic, “[i]t would hardly be incredible if a group of Serbs, inspired by hatred, revenge and patriotism, should try to emulate the ‘volunteers’ who successfully contrived to move Adolph Eichmann from his refuge in Argentina to a prison in Israel.” The Comment concluded that “it must be our position that the only acceptable way to deal with fugitive war criminals is through orderly processes of international law and extradition.”
7
Sokolovskaya, Оlga V. "Emile Dillon, an English-Russian researcher, and his archive in the USA." Slavic Almanac, no. 3-4 (2020): 473–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2020.3-4.5.03.
Full textAbstract:
This article is devoted to individual episodes of the life of Emile Dillon, unique in his talents and versatile of activity. He was an Englishman who lived in Russia for many years and considered it his second homeland. Dillon was an orientalist, polyglot, journalist, writer, who always found himself at the most interesting moment in many of the world’s hotspots at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, receiving the title of academic at the end of his life in the UK. He was the first English translator for “Kreutzer Sonata” by L. N. Tolstoy, with whom he was in friendly relations. Having come to Russia in 1877, he left it only in 1917. Educated in France, Germany, and Russia, he became a unique man whose talents were successfully used by the intelligence of many countries. The period of teaching at Kharkov University was brief and after receiving the positi on of a St. Petersburg correspondent for “The Daily Telegraph”, the best English newspaper of the time, his bright career as a journalist started. He carried out the most incredible errands of English, Russian and possibly other governments and government officials. It is no coincidence that S. Yu. Witte called him a faithful man and “the first among the publicists of his time”. The findings in the archives of the Stanford University Library revealed his secret mission to the rebellious Crete in 1897, where he, along with two other war correspondents from England, carried out the assignments of the commanders of the international squadron of the four patron states of Greece — England, Russia, France and Italy (the latter occupied the island). His correspondence and notes give a unique picture of the relationship on the island of two irreconcilable parties — the insurgents (Christians) and the Muslims. The Dillon Archive in the United States is rich in other materials that may be of interest to Slavists.
8
Jameel Kareem, Farooq. "News Frames of the Russian-Ukrainian War on the Websites." Journal of University of Raparin 10, no. 4 (December 29, 2023): 126–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.26750/vol(10).no(4).paper6.
Full textAbstract:
This study aimed to reveal the news frameworks of the Russian-Ukrainian war on the (Rudaw) and (BBC) Arabic websites. The study adopted the content analysis method within the descriptive approach, as its sample consisted of all news materials published on the two websites during the first week of the war, for the period between (24/2/2022) until (2/3/2022). The total sample during the mentioned period amounted to (183) news for both sites. The study reached several results, most notably: There are statistically significant differences in the framing of the news of the Russian-Ukrainian war by the both websites. (Rudaw) focused on news briefings, while (BBC Arabic) focused on news reports in the first place. The two sites did not rely on media sources from the two sides of the conflict, while Rudaw obtained information by monitoring the accounts of senior officials of the two sides of the conflict on social media (18,55%). The results also show that the both websites depend on their correspondents and delegates in the manufacture and transmission of news with a very small percentage. While news reports were prepared by the both websites' correspondents from other countries such as the United States, Germany and Britain, not on the battlefield or on the territory of the two warring countries. With regard to the persuasive frameworks used in presenting the news, the results showed that Rudaw was more reasonable and neutral, while BBC Arabic was biased towards sympathizing with the Ukrainians and portraying them as an oppressed people. The main reason for this difference may be the reflection of the official and political position of the funder of both sites, as Rudaw refrained from any attempt to make an impact and attract the attention of the recipient, as it tried in (90,72%) of its news to convey facts and information only, leaving the decision and interpretation to the recipient. Contrasted with (BBC Arabic), which used several terms such as: occupation, invasion, crime, violations, in order to convince the public of its tendencies towards sympathy with the Ukrainians.
9
Cass, Philip. "REVIEW: History of Vietnam War places correspondent roles in broader setting." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 25, no. 1&2 (July 31, 2019): 293–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v25i1and2.496.
Full textAbstract:
Vietnam: An epic tragedy 1945-1975, by Max Hastings. London: William Collins. 2018. 722 pages. ISBN 978-0-00-813298-9WHEN SAIGON fell, 44 years ago on 30 April 1975, a number of journalists, photographers and cameramen were there to witness the final humiliation of the United States. Journalist John Pilger and cameraman Neil Davis, both Australians, were there to see the North Vietnamese Army take the city, as was New Zealander Peter Arnett, among others. Pilger’s slim volume about those events, The Last Day, is a classic. Davis survived Saigon, but filmed his own death while covering an attempted coup in Bangkok in 1987.
10
Rousseau, Peter L. "Jackson, the Bank War, and the Legacy of the Second Bank of the United States." AEA Papers and Proceedings 111 (May 1, 2021): 501–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/pandp.20211095.
Full textAbstract:
President Jackson vetoed the bill to recharter the Second Bank of the United States on July 10, 1832. I describe events leading to the veto and through the bank's dissolution in 1836 using private correspondence and official government documents. These sources reveal a political process through which charges against the bank took hold, accomplices and backup plans were lined up, and the bank was ultimately destroyed with the assistance of chartered banks in New York City. Although the aggressive means by which the bank was dismantled led to a system-wide financial failure and recession in the short term, the long-run outcome was likely a wider diffusion of banking services and a more efficient allocation of capital. The Federal Reserve benefited from applying a more rigorous regulatory structure onto the grid that the populists, free bankers, and National Banking System established.
11
O’Leary, Derek Kane. "Borrowed Books and Scholarly Interventions in Sarah Josepha Hale’s Genius of Oblivion (1823)." Libraries: Culture, History, and Society 6, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 304–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/libraries.6.2.0304.
Full textAbstract:
ABSTRACT Historical society archives and libraries in the early United States often appear as strictly masculine spaces in which few, if any, women had access and influence. Although scholarship tends to depict these archives and the historical narratives that they promoted in this light, women found a range of ways to engage with these institutions between the American Revolution and the Civil War. Sarah Josepha Hale (1788–1879), prior to her emergence as the most influential magazine editor in the antebellum United States, demonstrates this in her mostly neglected early poem, “Genius of Oblivion” (1823). Through the analysis of her unexamined personal correspondence with New Hampshire librarian Jacob Bailey Moore and a closer reading of her poetry, this article illuminates Hale’s use of her social network to access library materials and engage through poetry with the scholarship of contemporary male authors.
12
Dobryashkina, Anna V. "“Through Mexico to the Soviet Union”: German Emigrant Writers in Mexico during the World War II and Their Contacts with the USSR." Literature of the Americas, no. 16 (2024): 8–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2024-16-8-49.
Full textAbstract:
The article is devoted to the history of the German writers’ emigration during the Second World War in Mexico. Mexico was not a major center of German emigration like the Soviet Union or the United States, but the Mexican government supported anti-fascist émigrés who were in France before its occupation. The Mexican consulate in Marseille issued visas to many German writers, but only Anna Seghers was able to move from France to Mexico. Bodo Uhse and Ludwig Renn went there from the United States, Alfred Kantorovicz and Hans Marchwitza had to stay in the United States, because transit through the USA became impossible since 1941. German writers maintained constant contact with the Soviet Writers’ Union. Correspondence often did not reach the addressees, but before the establishment of diplomatic relations between the USSR and Mexico, this was the only way to exchange information. The small German colony in Mexico was engaged in active antifascist activities. The movement “Free Germany” (“Freies Deutschland”) was organized in Mexico a year and a half earlier than the National Committee “Free Germany” in the USSR. Although it seemed that they were two branches of the same organization, in fact they were two different entities with different goals and with the same name. At this moment an internal conflict among the German Communists became apparent; years later it had tragic consequences. After the surrender of Germany, German writers were not able to go directly to their homeland, since the American law prohibiting transit through the United States was still in force. In 1946–1948 German writers were leaving Mexico on Soviet cargo ships: they could get to Germany only through the Soviet Union.
13
Nelson, Marilyn. "The Fruit of Silence." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 108, no. 9 (September 2006): 1733–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146810610800914.
Full textAbstract:
This presentation explores how contemplative practices, especially those anchored in an active listening to silence, are integrated into creative writing courses. It pays particular attention to a course taught at the United States Military Academy at West Point and to a course on the poetry of war and peace taught at the University of Connecticut. The presentation includes not only excerpts from student writing during the courses but also ongoing correspondence with students as they have maintained meditation practices during their military service in Iraq.
14
Tnaïnchi, Leïla. "French Volunteers in Benjamin Franklin's Correspondence: The American Revolution as Mirror of a Military Crisis." Early American Studies: An Interdisciplinary Journal 22, no. 1 (January 2024): 32–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/eam.2024.a920458.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: The French who took part in the American War for Independence have been the subject of many historical studies. However, the correspondence of Benjamin Franklin offers new elements about these numerous volunteers coming from multiple geographical and social backgrounds. In their letters to the American commissioner, military men, nobles, ecclesiastics, surgeons, lawyers, engineers, peasants, and even convicts—most of whom never left the France—explained their motives for crossing the Atlantic Ocean to fight the British army on the side of the Patriots. From that epistolary source emerges also the perception those subjects of Louis XVI had of the Americans and the United States. All this information reveals a French society imbued with many contradictions, such as the public attraction for enemies fought during the Seven Years' War and the glorification of ancestral nobiliary values through a war for the benefit of a young republic.
15
Alvarez Velasco, Soledad, and Nicholas De Genova. "“A Mass Exodus in Rebellion” – The Migrant Caravans: A View from the Eyes of Honduran Journalist Inmer Gerardo Chévez." Studies in Social Justice 17, no. 1 (March 26, 2023): 28–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/ssj.v17i1.4157.
Full textAbstract:
This article analyzes the migrant caravans as a strategy of resistance to the war against migrants in transit to the United States, exacerbated during the pandemic. This is the edited transcript of an interview conducted with Honduran journalist Inmer Gerardo Chevez, correspondent of Radio Progreso. Having travelled the Central American and Mexican routes accompanying on foot the transit of thousands of migrants since 2018, Chevez is a notable eyewitness and expert in situ of the Caravans. The interview confirms that the caravan has become one of the premier forms in which Latin American migrants, including agricultural workers, struggle and their spatial dispute with the heterogeneous border control regime of the Americas are materialized. The text also reflects on the role that photography and critical journalism can play in the face of the contemporary anti-migrant policy turn. We conclude with an interpretation of the effects that the militarized violence against Latin American migrants in transit to the United States is having across the region.
16
Gorsuch, Anne E. "Flappers and Foxtrotters: Soviet Youth in the “Roaring Twenties”." Carl Beck Papers in Russian and East European Studies, no. 1102 (January 1, 1994): 18. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/cbp.1994.59.
Full textAbstract:
With the introduction of the New Economic Policy in March 1921, cities such as Moscow and Leningrad appeared to change overnight. Expensive food and clothing stores, flashy nightclubs, gambling casinos, and other manifestations of the changing economic climate resurfaced for the first time since the war. William Reswick, a Russian who had emigrated to the United States before the revolution and returned as a journalist during the Civil War, wrote that as he made the rounds of Moscow, he was astonished by the great change that the NEP, a comparatively free economy, had wrought in a matter of nine months or so. "It was a change from a state verging on coma to a life of cheer and rapidly growing vigor. " The New York Times Moscow correspondent Waiter Duranty also marveled at the changes.
17
Lebow, Katherine. "The Polish Peasant on the Sugar Plantation: Bronisław Malinowski, Feliks Gross and Józef Obrębski in the New World." Contemporary European History 28, no. 2 (December 20, 2018): 188–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s096077731800053x.
Full textAbstract:
This article explores how two of anthropologist Bronisław Malinowski’s Polish protegés, Feliks Gross (1906–2006) and Józef Obrębski (1905–67), sought to rebuild careers in the United States after the Second World War. Reading the scholars’ correspondence of 1946 to 1948, exchanged while Gross was commuting between jobs in New York and Wyoming and Obrębski was conducting fieldwork in Jamaica, it examines the confidence, excitement and sense of discovery with which the two refugees sought to transplant theories and methods first cultivated in interwar Poland to new soil. Arguing that Gross and Obrębski approached exile as a chance to ‘go global’ with Polish social science, it emphasises the role of both place and displacement in intellectual history. In particular, it looks at how the scholars drew on pre-war experiences in East Central Europe to produce new ways of thinking about nationality, globalisation and decolonisation in the post-war world.
18
Klinov, A. S. "Tibet in World War II." Nauchnyi dialog 11, no. 3 (April 28, 2022): 415–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.24224/2227-1295-2022-11-3-415-438.
Full textAbstract:
The author explores the causes and manifestations of Tibetan neutrality in World War II, based on reference materials, diplomatic documents and correspondence, program documents, memoirs, journalism. Evidence is given that Tibet, which was an autonomous state (with the status of political autonomy) under the suzerainty of China (according to the Simla Convention of 1914), aspired to independence. Lhasa aimed at the international recognition of the sovereign status of Tibet and its separation from China. It was revealed that the adoption of strict neutrality by Tibet in 1941 was due to the fact that the anti-Chinese abbot of the Taktra monastery Agvan Sungra took the post of regent under the young Dalai Lama. It is noted that the position of strict neutrality of Tibet was contrary to the Simla Convention of 1914, according to which Tibet recognized China’s suzerainty over itself. It is shown that Tibet’s refusal to let US and British Empire military supplies to China through India was a serious help to Japan, since in 1942 the Japanese army captured Burma, and Tibet became the only military supply route for China. It has been proven that Tibetan neutrality significantly limited the possibilities of China, the British Empire and the United States in the war against Japan.
19
Fahrenthold, Stacy D. "Former Ottomans in the ranks: pro-Entente military recruitment among Syrians in the Americas, 1916–18." Journal of Global History 11, no. 1 (February 8, 2016): 88–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022815000364.
Full textAbstract:
AbstractFor half a million ‘Syrian’ Ottoman subjects living outside the empire, the First World War initiated a massive political rift with Istanbul. Beginning in 1916, Syrian and Lebanese emigrants from both North and South America sought to enlist, recruit, and conscript immigrant men into the militaries of the Entente. Employing press items, correspondence, and memoirs written by émigré recruiters during the war, this article reconstructs the transnational networks that facilitated the voluntary enlistment of an estimated 10,000 Syrian emigrants into the armies of the Entente, particularly the United States Army after 1917. As Ottoman nationals, many Syrian recruits used this as a practical means of obtaining American citizenship and shedding their legal ties to Istanbul. Émigré recruiters folded their military service into broader goals for ‘Syrian’ and ‘Lebanese’ national liberation under the auspices of American political support.
20
Wojdon, Joanna. "The Polish American narratives, memories and identities in the historian’s job." Wrocławski Rocznik Historii Mówionej 6 (October 30, 2016): 67–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.26774/wrhm.146.
Full textAbstract:
The article concerns different kinds of “personal” (in contrast to “official”) sources used by historians dealing with the post-World War II Polish American history. The Author considers advantages and shortcomings of analyzing personal correspondence, personal memos, diaries and memoirs, formal and informal interviews and other oral testimonies, but also difficulties and problems they bring to a researcher. Studying those types of source is however often crucial in the absence of official archival documents reflecting e.g. the ethnic identity of the large group of the Americans of Polish descent, or the backstage of the process of their assimilation and organization in the United States.
21
Martin, Kevin W. "“Behind Cinerama's Aluminum Curtain”: Cold War Spectacle and Propaganda at the First Damascus International Exposition." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 4 (October 2015): 59–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00597.
Full textAbstract:
In September 1954 the United States Information Service presented Cinerama's panoramic widescreen projection and surround-sound technology at the First Damascus International Exposition. This exercise in “soft-power” cultural diplomacy underlay the U.S. government's participation in the event, a “festival” of national progress and development staged in the midst of three interrelated contests—the Cold War, the Arab-Israeli conflict, and a multisided struggle for Arab supremacy via control of Syria's foreign policy orientation. Drawing on declassified U.S. diplomatic correspondence, Syrian press coverage of the exposition, and the content of the film This Is Cinerama, this article compares U.S. and Syrian perceptions of the exposition and the multimedia spectacle it embodied. In the process, the article explores the reach of U.S. “soft-power” cultural diplomacy efforts in the Arab world after World War II, as well as the relationship among politics, technology, and cultural representation.
22
Gasser, Hans-Peter. "The journalist's right to information in time of war and on dangerous missions." Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law 6 (December 2003): 366–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1389135900001380.
Full textAbstract:
It is commonplace to say that we live in an age of instantaneous information and communication. During the occupation of Iraq by the United States and its allies, pictures taken in the Abu Ghraib prison near Baghdad and showing members of the US Armed Forces and Iraqi detainees in disgraceful circumstances could be seen within minutes all over the world. The message carried by those pictures changed the discourse on the Iraq war of 2003–2004.We have become used to instant information through real-time reporting on events occurring in the various corners of the world. This flow of news is taken for granted, and we expect our favourite radio or TV station to deliver the latest news at every moment of the day. Seeing pictures taken inside a well-guarded prison in a war a few thousand kilometres away is no longer a surprise.Wars have always attracted writers eager to report on what happens when men fight against men. Some of these reports have become immortal works of world literature. Some may even have influenced the course of history. Only a few memorable examples are Homer's epic poem on the fall of Troy, Julius Caesar'sDe bello gallicoor the Indian epicMahabharata. On a different level, who knows that Winston Churchill, at the age of 25, was a war correspondent reporting from the Boer War in 1899?An accidental war correspondent deserves to be mentioned here, Henry Dunant, who happened to witness the aftermath of a particularly murderous battle, the Battle of Solferino in northern Italy in 1859.
23
Golan, Galia. "The Soviet Union and the Outbreak of the June 1967 Six-Day War." Journal of Cold War Studies 8, no. 1 (January 2006): 3–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152039706775212003.
Full textAbstract:
The Soviet Union's transfer of false information to Egypt about alleged Israeli troop concentrations facing Syria in May 1967 is still considered a major factor in the outbreak of the June 1967 Mideast War. Soviet motivations and expectations, however, remain a topic of dispute. New information has become available over the past fifteen years, primarily through interviews and memoirs but also through the release of some important Soviet documents, including correspondence and reports of meetings between Soviet and Egyptian of ficials at the highest levels. A careful analysis of the circumstances and events during the period immediately before the 1967 war substantiates the conclusion that the Soviet Union did not initially expect or want war to break out between Israel and the Arabs. Soviet leaders made efforts to moderate Egyptian actions and considered at least one proposal for averting war. By the first week of June, as Egypt and Syria mobilized for an attack on Israel, the Soviet Union apparently expected an Israeli preemptive strike. Soviet actions during and immediately after the war indicated an interest in reducing the risks of the con flict, even in cooperation with the United States, although Soviet leaders seem to have held differing views about this matter.
24
Inviyaeva, Victoria. "Francoist Diplomacy in the United States During the Spanish Civil War 1936–1939: On the Question of the Status of the Francoist Representative to the United States Juan Francisco de Cardenas." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2023): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640025204-2.
Full textAbstract:
Almost two months after the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, the leader of the insurgents Generalissimo Francisco Franco proclaimed himself the head of Spain on 1 October 1936 and immediately began to deal with its internal structure and with establishing ties with other countries to gain recognition by ideologically close states as Italy and Germany, but also by Western democracies, in particular the United States. To this end, Juan Francisco de Cardenas, an experienced diplomat, went to New York at the end of August 1936. In 1937–1938, he tried to get the government of Francisco Franco recognised and obtain the status of a Francoist agent in the USA. The fact that the United States did not recognise de Cárdenas de jure as Franco's agent in New York, did not name him consul and banned the official seal and the Francoist flag as an attribute of statehood on its territory, indicated that the US did not regard the Franco government as a legitimate one. The Americans maintained formal diplomatic relations with the leadership of Republican Spain until 1 April 1939, viewing it as the only legitimate Spanish government. Nevertheless, with the US State Department's knowledge, de Cardenas was in fact able to provide almost all consular services, which to a certain extent indicated the duality of US policy. In this article the author, for the first time in Russian scholarly literature, studied the materials of the Spanish General Archive of Administration (Alcala de Henares, Spain) where the incoming and outgoing correspondence of Juan Francisco de Cardenas and other Francoist politicians for 1936–1939 is stored.
25
Warner, Sylvia Townsend, and Laurel Harris. "Sylvia Townsend Warner's Letters to Genevieve Taggard." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 133, no. 1 (January 2018): 205–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2018.133.1.205.
Full textAbstract:
In september 1941, shortly before the united states entered world war ii, the british writer sylvia townsend warner wrote a note to the American poet Genevieve Taggard, thanking her for sending a poem. An epistolary relationship developed between the two writers, though Taggard also sent material gifts of spices, tea, rice, and seeds to alleviate the deprivations that Warner and her partner, Valentine Ackland, faced in war-battered England. Eighteen letters, all from Warner to Taggard, remain of this correspondence, which ended with Taggard's death in 1948. They are housed in Taggard's papers at the Manuscripts and Archives Division of the New York Public Library. Although Taggard's letters to Warner have been lost, Warner's letters to Taggard reveal a literary friendship that is at once partisan and poetic. These private letters, like the public “Letter from London” columns by Warner's fellow New Yorker contributor Mollie Panter-Downes, vividly portray the English home front to an American audience.
26
Ouahes, Idir. "Creating Connected Constituencies: The Strategy and Limits of US Propaganda and Influence in Early Cold War Syria, 1945–60." Diplomatica 4, no. 1 (March 23, 2022): 31–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25891774-bja10044.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article examines the state-private network binding cultural diplomatic institutions, East Coast establishment elites and US psychological operations against Soviet Russia in early Cold War (1945–60) Syria. It outlines the role of the State Department, the United States Information Agency (usia), and the short-lived Psychological Strategy Board (psb)’s efforts to coordinate a coherent US psychological strategy to influence Syria’s elites and to make connected constituents of them via the “long-established instruments” of the state-private network. Among these instruments were the Near East Foundation (nef), the Franklin Books Program, and the Committee of Correspondence (CoC). A key argument of this article is that the “Eisenhower escalation” of the Cold War, which culminated in the 1957 attempted coup in Syria, was not a radical departure that ruined the previous “century of friendship” between Syria and the US. Instead, it was a risky and frustrated gamble seeking to reverse the pre-existing loss of US influence.
27
Kuzmarov, Jeremy. "From Counter-Insurgency to Narco-Insurgency: Vietnam and the International War on Drugs." Journal of Policy History 20, no. 3 (July 2008): 344–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.0.0019.
Full textAbstract:
If we have found we cannot be the world's policeman, can we hope to become the world's narc?In the January 1968 issue of theWashingtonianmagazine, the son of the great American novelist John Steinbeck made his professional journalistic debut with the publication of a controversial article, “The Importance of Being Stoned in Vietnam.” John Steinbeck IV, who served as a roving correspondent for thePacific Stars and Stripes, wrote that marijuana of a potent quality was grown naturally in Vietnam, sold by farmers at a fraction of the cost than in the United States, and could be obtained “more easily than a package of Lucky Strikes cigarettes.” He estimated that up to 75 percent of soldiers in Vietnam got high regularly. “The average soldier sees that for all intents and purposes, the entire country is stoned,” Steinbeck observed. “To enforce a prohibition against smoking the plant [in Vietnam] would be like trying to prohibit the inhalation of smog in Los Angeles.”2
28
Ustinov, A. B., and I. E. Loshchilov. "The Great War and Siberian Memory: Georgy Vyatkin in an American Poetry Anthology of 1916." Studies in Theory of Literary Plot and Narratology 15, no. 2 (2020): 106–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/2410-7883-2020-2-106-128.
Full textAbstract:
The essay is dedicated to a rather extraordinary episode in the literary biography of the Siberian poet Georgy Vyatkin (1885–1938), when one of his poems was translated by the American social worker Alice Stone Blackwell (1857–1950) and published in 1916 in the magazine “The Russian Review.” The authors carefully reconstruct political and ideological contexts of this publication, directly linked to the United States’ entry into the Great War. They pay special attention to the literary and social activities of Alice Stone Blackwell. They discuss what place Vyatkin’s poem “To the Descendants’ took in Vyatkin’s literary biography in the time of the Great War. In 1914 he became a front-line correspondent for the Kharkov newspaper “Utro.” By 1915 he was drafted as a “ratnik” (soldier) by the army, and further served as an assistant within the medical and nutritional detachment under the command of another poet, Sasha Chernyi (Alexander Glikberg; 1880‒1932). Throughout the Great War, Vyatkin created an œuvre of literary works in verse and prose, which also includes his poem “To Descendants,” that was published in the magazine “Europe’s Messenger” and translated into English. Vyatkin revised some of his war poems after the Revolution, and adapted them to the circum- stances of the Civil War, from the perspective of the “White” press. At the same time, he became the Secretary of the War Archives Commission, which was created in 1918 under the leadership of the folklorist Ivan Ulyanov (1876–1937), who collected evidence of the modern memory of the Great War.
29
Arnold, Lois. "The Bascom-Goldschmidt-Porter Correspondence 1907 to 1922." Earth Sciences History 12, no. 2 (January 1, 1993): 196–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.12.2.g7148vr132v48vg4.
Full textAbstract:
Florence Bascom (1862-1945) was a USGS field geologist who trained a subsequent generation of earth scientists at Bryn Mawr College. Recent literature on the history of women in science has identified several of them, including Ida Ogilvie, Eleanora Bliss Knopf, Anna Jonas Stose, and Julia Gardner. By contrast, Mary W. Porter (1886-1980), who went on to become a crystallographer at Oxford, is virtually unknown. Both Bascom and Porter studied crystallography in the laboratory of Victor Goldschmidt (1853-1933) at the University of Heidelberg. A fifteen-year segment of the decades-long correspondence among these mutual friends reveals the personal significance of Goldschmidt, his wife, and Porter to Bascom; the enabling roles that Bascom and Goldschmidt played in the education of Porter, who had had little formal schooling; and some effects of the First World War on the science of crystallography in Germany, England, and the United States.
30
Леонтьева, Ольга Геннадьевна. "ARCHIVES OF RUSSIAN EMIGRANTS: LETTERS OF A.I. KONOVALOV AND V.M. ZENZINOV IN THE FUND OF A.F. KERENSKY. 1939 - 1948." Вестник Тверского государственного университета. Серия: История, no. 1(61) (April 1, 2022): 129–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26456/vthistory/2022.1.129-137.
Full textAbstract:
Статья посвящена вопросам изучения эпистолярного наследия русских эмигрантов - архивной россике. В частности, в статье изложены результаты изучения писем А.Ф. Коновалова и В.М. Зензинова к А.Ф. Керенскому за 1939-1949 гг. Особое внимание автором было уделено изучению содержания переписки. В письмах затронуты не только проблемы политического характера и изложены мнения авторов по вопросам расстановки сил в Европе после Второй мировой войны, но и дана характеристика военного и послевоенного быта русских эмигрантов во Франции и США. В письмах изложены мнения русского зарубежья о возможном послевоенном сотрудничестве с Советским Союзом. The article is devoted to the study of the epistolary heritage of Russian emigrants - Rossika. In particular, the article presents the results of studying the letters of A.F. Konovalov and V.M. Zenzinov to A.F. Kerensky for 1939-1949. Special attention was paid to the study of the content of correspondence. The letters touched not only on political issues and set out the authors ' views on the balance of power in Europe after the World War II, but also gave a description of the pre-war and postwar life of Russian immigrants in France and the United States. The letters set out the views of the Russian Diaspora on possible post-war cooperation with the Soviet Union.
31
Serebryany, Roman S., and Denis V. Kamelskikh. "Lend-Lease: delivery of medical products from the United States of America to the USSR during the Great Patriotic War." HEALTH CARE OF THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION 66, no. 4 (August 30, 2022): 342–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.47470/0044-197x-2022-66-4-342-346.
Full textAbstract:
This article discusses the emergence of the idea of Lend-Lease, as a method with the implementation of which, in conditions of force majeure, there was an opportunity to optimally solve important pressing problems. A fragment is given - the quintessence of the correspondence of the British Prime Minister Sir Winston Churchill, calling on the President of the United States of America Franklin Roosevelt and insisting on the need to introduce Lend-Lease. On the basis of archival documents and sources of literature, the role and share of medical products received during the Great Patriotic War in the USSR under Lend-Lease was established. The great importance of lend-lease is confirmed by a letter from F. Roosevelt dated November 4, 1941, addressed to Joseph Vissarionovich Stalin. The author discloses not the decisive, but significant, assistance provided in the provision of medicines, medical and sanitary products to the Soviet Union, especially over the first period of the war in 1941-1942, when some of the medical enterprises remained in the territories occupied by the Nazis. The largest number of deliveries was shown to be made by the United States of America, in comparison with the UK and Canada. The ways and logistics of incoming supplies are investigated. Products were proven to be received not free of charge, but under certain conditions. The USSR had to pay for the goods received until 2030. The Russian Federation, the legal successor of the USSR, managed to repay the debt in 2006. The role of public organizations that came to the aid of the Soviet people earlier than the governments of Western countries fighting Germany was emphasized. Behind the decisions taken on this issue, the policy of the Anglo-American allies in relation to the USSR, to the state, which must be helped in the fight against the common enemy, but in moderation, without strengthening its potential, is seen.
32
Yushkevych, Volodymur. "Refugees from the Baltic states in the camps of Central and Western Europe in the context of the American «non-recognition policy» in the second half of the 1940’s." Науково-теоретичний альманах "Грані" 22, no. 2 (April 22, 2019): 80–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/171925.
Full textAbstract:
The article covers one of the problematic aspects of US-Soviet relations in the first post-war years - the issue of «the controversial refugees», appeared due to non-recognition by the United States of Soviet annexation of the Baltic States and the conduct of forced repatriation by the USSR. American diplomacy during the presidency of Franklin Delano Roosevelt adhered to the «non-recognition policy», concluded in the Stimson Doctrine (January 7, 1932) and the Welles Declaration (July 23, 1940). However, declared foreign policy acts did not lead to a decrease of the level of official relations with the aggressor state. At the same time, the official Washington did not consider the Balts as citizens of the USSR and retained the diplomatic missions of Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia in the United States. Under the administration of President Harry Truman, the course of non-recognition of the «voluntary entry of the three Baltic republics into the USSR» continued.It was researched that after the end of the Second World War, refugees and displaced persons from the Baltic-occupied Soviet Union were located in Austria, Italy, France and Switzerland. The large contingent was within the limits of the American occupation zone in Germany, the vast majority were immigrants from Lithuania. The attention was paid to the factors that led to the mass exodus of Lithuanians, Latvians, Estonians from 1943 to 1944. It is outlined the special place of American diaspora civic organizations in collecting of financial assistance and coordination of their activities with the US State Department. It is also defined the role of representatives of the Catholic and Protestant national churches.The researched paper contains an analysis of correspondence between the leaders of the American diplomatic missions of Lithuania (Povilas Žadeikis), Latvia (Alfrēds Bīlmanis) and Estonia (Johannes Kaiv) with the US Department of State. Baltic diplomats constantly emphasized the need to confront the Soviet propaganda machine with regard to the denial of the «voluntary Sovietization of the Baltic» and the practice of sweeping accusation of refugees in «betrayal» and «cooperation with the Germans». In turn, they pointed to the need to extend the jurisdiction and mandate of international organizations on Baltic refugees, to determine their legal status and to prevent their recognition as the Soviet citizens in some European countries.The article deals with the documental potential of the diplomatic correspondence of the US foreign policy department. Attention is drawn to the analysis of this issue in the research works of foreign historians.During the first post-war years in matter of refugees’ problem and displaced persons, it was found that American diplomacy was in search of consensus between humanitarian reasons for ensuring human rights to asylum and the fulfillment of allied obligations in course of the activities of Soviet repatriation missions. However, «Baltic refugees» were a separate category, which Americans tried not to extradite from their occupied territory to the USSR cause of their non-recognition policy of Soviet annexation of Baltic states.
33
Shehabuddin, Elora. "Between Orientalism and Anti-Muslim Racism." Meridians 20, no. 2 (October 1, 2021): 340–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/15366936-9547921.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract This article explores some of the ways in which, in the early years of the united Pakistan experiment, elite educated Muslim East Bengali women experienced and narrated their relationship to the new Pakistan nation as they navigated the international stage as citizens of a new sovereign Muslim-majority state. In the context of the nascent Cold War and the Pakistani state’s efforts to develop its own relationship with the United States, one that was distinct from that of India and yet motivated almost entirely by concerns about the greater military might of this large neighbor, Pakistani women from both wings were quickly pulled into the orbit of US- and Soviet-sponsored women’s organizations targeting women around the world. In this article, the author focuses on the relationship between Pakistani and US women in the 1950s that emerges from the memoirs, biographies, and writings of Bengali Pakistani women active in this period, as well as from the archives—housed in Smith College’s Sophia Smith Collection—of one of the first formal US women’s groups to establish contact with East Bengali women leaders: the New York-based Committee of Correspondence.
34
Murádin, János Kristóf. "The Problem of Transylvania in the Emigration Correspondence of Count Béla Teleki from the End of the Second World War to the Abolition of the Communist Regime." Acta Universitatis Sapientiae, European and Regional Studies 19, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 14–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/auseur-2021-0002.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract The aim of this study is to analyse the voluminous emigration correspondence of Count Béla Teleki in order to highlight his main thoughts about the future of Transylvania. Béla Teleki was one of the most important Transylvanian politicians in the middle of the 20th century. His political career reached its peak at the time when Northern Transylvania was regained by Hungary after the Second Vienna Award. At the end of the Second World War, Teleki was persecuted by the Secret Police of the new Hungarian Communist Regime. Starting from 1951, he lived in the United States until his death on 7 February 1990. During the decades of his life in emigration, he carried on a great correspondence with the leading personalities of the Hungarian emigration in the West, several members of the American Senate, and even with President Gerald Ford. In this way, Béla Teleki became one of the central personalities of the Hungarian emigration in the Western World. His opinion, his voice were determining. This study summarizes the most important theme Béla Teleki was preoccupied with, the future of Transylvania, as he imagined it, by making a short analysis of his correspondence consisting of thousands of letters.
35
Fisenko, Aleksandra S. "Amerika and Literature: on the History of the Magazine in the Postwar USSR (1944–1952)." Literature of the Americas, no. 16 (2024): 271–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.22455/2541-7894-2024-16-271-290.
Full textAbstract:
A vivid illustration of the successes of U.S.–Soviet diplomacy during the period of allied relations was the magazine Amerika, published in the United States in Russian and distributed in the USSR. The magazine was intended to inform Soviet citizens about real American life, familiarize them with the achievements of the United States in science and culture. It was important to present American literature on the pages of the magazine: authors new to Soviet readers and stories by well-known writers translated into Russian for the first time. The article concludes that, along with the rest of the magazine's content, its literary section sought to demonstrate American prosperity and emphasize the closeness of American and Russian cultures. After the war, however, relations between the two countries went into decline again. The USSR continued to translate, censor, and distribute Amerika, but at the same time launched a campaign against the magazine in the Soviet press. In 1952, the symbol of US — Soviet alliance of 1941–1945 ceased to exist. The canceled project was restarted however four years later. The history of the magazine is reconstructed on the basis of Soviet press and archival materials, including transcripts of conversations, Agitprop reports, correspondence between the U.S. Ambassador to the USSR W.A. Harriman and V.M. Molotov, the First Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR A.A. Gromyko and the U.S. Charge d'Affaires in the USSR W. Barbour.
36
Wilson, Mark R. "“Taking a Nickel Out of the Cash Register”: Statutory Renegotiation of Military Contracts and the Politics of Profit Control in the United States during World War II." Law and History Review 28, no. 2 (May 2010): 343–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248010000039.
Full textAbstract:
At 10:00 AM on September 24, 1943, James F. Lincoln, the sixty-year-old president and owner of the Lincoln Electric Company of Cleveland, Ohio, entered a meeting with U.S. Navy officials who wanted to discuss his company's recent earnings. A former Ohio State University football team captain and active supporter of the Republican Party, the outspoken Lincoln had already made it clear that he objected to the whole proceeding. One of the nation's leading suppliers of welding equipment, Lincoln's company had seen its sales boom since the beginning of World War II, as shipbuilders, aircraft producers, and other prime contractors demanded more welding machines and electrodes. Now, after a year of correspondence and preparations, the U.S. Navy had asked Lincoln to come to Washington to discuss how much of the company's 1942 profits were fair, and how much should be returned to the United States.
37
Rabush, Taisiуa. "Involvement of Pakistan and Saudi Arabia in the Events in Afghanistan in the Late 1970s." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.12.
Full textAbstract:
Introduction. In this article, the author examines the position of the countries of the Middle East region in the late 1970s with regard to the armed conflict in Afghanistan. The emphasis is on the period on the eve of the entry of the Soviet troops to Afghanistan – from the April Revolution of 1978 until December 1979. The author’s focus is on two states: Pakistan directly bordering on Afghanistan, and Saudi Arabia, which is a major geopolitical actor in the region. Methods and materials. The author relies on documentary sources such as “Department of state bulletin”, documents of secret correspondence of the U.S. foreign policy agencies, documents of the U.S. National Security Archive, and special volumes on Afghanistan and the Middle East in “Foreign Relations of the United States. Diplomatic Papers, 1977–1980”. Thanks to these sources, it is possible to prove that the involvement of the states of the region in the Afghan armed conflict and its internationalization began even before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan. Analysis. First, an overview of the objectives pursued by these states in Afghanistan and in the internal Afghan armed conflict is given. Following this, the author consistently reveals the position of these states in relation to the April Revolution of 1978, the ever-increasing Soviet involvement in the Afghan events (1978–1979) and the civil war that started against the Kabul government. Results. In conclusion the article reveals the role of these states in the process of internationalization of the Afghan armed conflict, which, according to the author, began before the Soviet troops entered Afghanistan.
38
Naszkowska, Klara. "Psychoanalyst, Jew, Woman, Wife, Mother, Emigrant." European Judaism 55, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 112–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ej.2022.550109.
Full textAbstract:
At least seventy-two first- and second-generation women psychoanalysts emigrated to the United States as Nazism came to dominate Europe. There – largely in Vienna, Berlin and Zurich – from the early 1900s to the beginning of the Second World War, they had been at the forefront of the psychoanalytic movement; after emigrating, they were decisive in shaping the development of Freudian theory and practice in the US. Their contributions notwithstanding, today they are neglected and at risk of being marginalised or falling into oblivion. Using both historical materials and personal-history documents, including memoirs, interviews, correspondence and personal communications, this article revives and reconstructs the individual and professional biographies of eight first-generation analysts – Frances Deri, Helene Deutsch, Salomea Gutmann-Isakower, Clara Happel, Karen Horney, Flora Kraus, Mira Oberholzer-Gincburg and Christine Olden – and focuses on their complex multiple identities as professional women (the Jewish New Women of their milieu), pioneers of psychoanalysis, Jews, refugees, German-speaking emigrants, mothers and more.
39
Case, Stephen. ""Insufferably Stupid or Miserably Out of Place": F. A. P. Barnard and His Scientific Instrument Collection in the Antebellum South." Historical Studies in the Natural Sciences 39, no. 4 (2009): 418–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/hsns.2009.39.4.418.
Full textAbstract:
In the 1850s, the American scientist and educator Frederick A. P. Barnard created a collection of scientific apparatus at the University of Mississippi in Oxford, Mississippi, of a size and expense that surpassed any collection in the United States at that time. The collection, which would come to include over three hundred instruments of both American and European manufacture, was the attempt by Barnard, born and educated in the North, to bring Big Science to the South and challenge the dominance of Northern schools in science education. In this respect it failed, and the collection became a forgotten footnote in the history of Southern science. This article examines the importance of the collection in understanding science at U.S. universities before the Civil War and what Barnard referred to as the "scientific atmosphere" of the South. The first section compares the collection to others of the period, highlighting its historical uniqueness and significance. The second section uses Barnard's correspondence to construct a narrative of the collection's assembly, providing insight into the international scientific instrument market of the period as well as the difficulties he faced working in the antebellum South. Finally, an examination of Barnard's perceptions regarding intellectual isolation and the failure of his endeavor highlights differences perceived by scientists of the day concerning the practice of science in the North versus in the South prior to the Civil War.
40
McDowell, Jennifer, and Milton Loventhal. "The Spy (K.G.B. General Alexander Orlov), the Dupe (Bertram D. Wolfe), and the Documents (The Stalin Resolutions)." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 48, no. 4 (2014): 375–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22102396-04804001.
Full textAbstract:
Two-hundred and forty-two consecutive, Soviet Politburo resolutions on foreign policy covering 1934–1936, some built on reports by Stalin with his actual words, and 34 pieces of 1934 espionage correspondence that traveled between the Moscow Foreign Office and its branch in the Soviet Embassy in Vienna, were purchased clandestinely by German intelligence, at the time, and as they were written. A German Sovietologist named Dr. Georg Leibbrandt authenticated them right at the time. Adolf Hitler read them. They influenced his decision to attack the Soviet Union in 1941. Captured by the U.S. Army in Germany (OMGUS) at the close of World War II, they were brought to the United States, to the National Archives and Hoover Institution. Milton Loventhal and Jennifer McDowell translated and authenticated them, using both sets of copies. The story of their authentication sheds light on the 1960–1961 machinations of one of Stalin’s foremost secret agents, master spy K.G.B. General Alexander Orlov, who fled to the United States in 1938 to escape Stalin’s terror. But this “loyal Soviet dropout” (Stanley G. Payne’s term) was in reality a cloaked agent who had never renounced his loyalty to the Soviet state. Asked by Bertram D. Wolfe to comment on the resolutions’ authenticity, Orlov informed Milton Loventhal and Wolfe that these documents were forgeries, using arguments that were proven worthless in their entirety. Untangling the web of deception Orlov wove around these detailed, complex documents is the focus of this article, shining a bright light on the power a mesmerizing secret agent can have when the rules of research are abandoned by influential experts.
41
Piirimäe, Kaarel. "“Tugev Balti natsionalistlik keskus” ning Nõukogude välispropaganda teel sõjast rahuaega ja külma sõtta [Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War]." Ajalooline Ajakiri. The Estonian Historical Journal, no. 4 (September 10, 2019): 305–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.12697/aa.2018.4.03.
Full textAbstract:
Abstract: “The strong Baltic nationalistic centre” and Soviet foreign propaganda: from war to peace and toward the Cold War
This special issue focuses on censorship, but it is difficult to treat censorship without also considering propaganda. This article discusses both censorship and foreign propaganda as complementary tools in the Soviet Union’s arsenal for manipulating public opinion in foreign countries. The purpose of such action was to shape the behaviour of those states to further Soviet interests. The article focuses on the use of propaganda and censorship in Soviet efforts to settle the “Baltic question”– the question of the future of the Baltic countries – in the 1940s. This was the time when the wartime alliance was crumbling and giving way to a cold-war confrontation.
The article is based on Russian archival sources. The Molotov collection (F. 82), materials of the department of propaganda and agitation of the Central Committee (CC) of the CPSU (F. 17, opis 125), and of the CC department of international information (F. 17, opis 128) are stored in the Russian State Archive of Socio-political History (RGASPI). The collection of the Soviet Information Bureau (F. R8581) is located at the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF). The article also draws on previous research on Soviet propaganda, such as Vladimir Pechatnov’s and Wolfram Eggeling’s studies on the work of the Soviet Information Bureau (SIB) and on discussions in the Soviet propaganda apparatus in the early postwar years. However, this article digs somewhat deeper and alongside general developments, also looks at a particular case – the Baltic problem in the Soviet contest with the West for winning hearts and minds. It analyses Soviet policies without attempting to uncover and reconstruct all the twists and turns of the decision-making processes in Moscow. The archival material is insufficient for the latter task. Nevertheless, a look into the making of Soviet propaganda, the techniques and practices utilised to bring Soviet influence to bear on an important foreign-policy issue (the Baltic problem), is interesting for scholars working not only on propaganda and censorship but also on the history of the Soviet Union and Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania.
The Baltic question was related, among other things, to the problem of repatriating people from the territories of the Soviet Union who had been displaced during the Second World War and were located in Western Europe at the war’s end. Moscow claimed that all these displaced persons (DPs) were Soviet citizens. This article helps correct the view, expressed for example by the Finnish scholar Simo Mikkonen, that the Soviet propaganda campaign to attract the remaining 247,000 recalcitrants back home started after a UN decision of 1951 that condemned repatriation by force. This article clearly shows that propaganda policies aimed at the DPs were in place almost immediately after the war, resting on the war-time experience of conducting propaganda aimed at national minorities in foreign countries. However, Mikkonen is right to point out that, in general, repatriation after the Second World War was a success, as approximately five million people in total returned to the USSR. The Baltic refugees were a notable exception in this regard.
Research shows that despite displays of obligatory optimism, Soviet propagandists could critically evaluate the situation and the effectiveness of Soviet agitation. They understood that war-time successes were the result of the coincidence of a number of favourable factors: victories of the Red Army, Allied censorship and propaganda, the penetration by Soviet agents of the British propaganda apparatus, etc. They knew that the British media was extensively controlled and served as a virtual extension of Soviet censorship and propaganda. Nevertheless, the Soviets were wrong to assume that in the West, the free press was nothing but an empty slogan. Moscow was also wrong to expect that the Western media, which had worked in the Soviet interest during the war, could as easily be turned against the Soviet Union as it had been directed to support the USSR by political will. In actual fact, the Soviet Union started receiving negative press primarily because earlier checks on journalistic freedom were lifted.
The Soviet Union may have been a formidable propaganda state internally, but in foreign propaganda it was an apprentice. Soviet propagandists felt inferior compared to their Western counterparts, and rightly so. In October of 1945, an official of the SIB noted jealously that the Foreign Department of the British Information Ministry had two thousand clerks and there were four hundred British propagandists in the United States alone. Another Soviet official in the London embassy noted in February of 1947 that they had so few staff that he was working under constant nervous strain.
Soviet propagandists were aware of the problems but could not effect fundamental changes because of the nature of the Stalinist regime. The issue of foreign journalists working in Moscow was a case in point. The correspondents were handicapped in their work by extremely strict censorship. They could report mostly only those things that also appeared in Soviet newspapers, which was hardly interesting for their readers in the West. There had been suggestions that some restrictions should be lifted so that they could do more useful work and tell more interesting and attractive stories about the Soviet Union. Eventually, during Stalin’s first postwar vacation in the autumn of 1945, Foreign Minister Vyacheslav Molotov took the initiative and tried to ease the life of the press corps, but this only served to provoke the ire of Stalin who proceeded to penalise Molotov in due course. This showed that the system could not be changed as long as the extremely suspicious vozhd remained at the helm. Not only did correspondents continue to send unexciting content to newspapers abroad (which often failed to publish them), the form and style of Soviet articles, photos and films were increasingly unattractive for foreign audiences. Such propaganda could appeal only to those who were already “believers”. It could hardly convert.
Moscow considered the activities of Baltic refugees in the West and the publicity regarding the Baltic problem a serious threat to the stability of the Soviet position in the newly occupied Baltic countries. Already during the war, but even more vigorously after the war, the Soviet propaganda apparatus realised the importance of tuning and adapting its propaganda messages for audiences among the Baltic diaspora. The Soviet bureaucracy expanded its cadres to enable it to tackle the Baltic “threat”. Estonian, Latvian and Lithuanian officials were dispatched to the central organs in Moscow and to Soviet embassies abroad to provide the necessary language skills and qualifications for dealing with Baltic propaganda and working with the diaspora.
The policy was to repatriate as many Balts as possible, but it was soon clear that repatriation along with the complementary propaganda effort was a failure. The next step was to start discrediting leaders of the Baltic diaspora and to isolate them from the “refugee masses”. This effort also failed. The “anti-Soviet hotbed” of “intrigues and espionage” – the words of the Estonian party boss Nikolai Karotamm – continued to operate in Sweden, the United States and elsewhere until the end of the Cold War. All this time, the diaspora engaged in anti-Communist propaganda and collaborated with Western propaganda and media organisations, such as the Voice of America, Radio Free Europe and even Vatican Radio. In the 1980s and 1990s, the diaspora was instrumental in assisting Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania to regain their independence from the collapsing Soviet Union. They also helped their native countries to “return to Europe” – that is to join Western structures such as the European Union and NATO. Therefore, the inability to deal with the Baltic problem effectively in the 1940s caused major concerns for the Soviet Union throughout the Cold War and contributed to its eventual demise.
42
Laak, Marin, and Tiina Ann Kirss. "Luulesõrestik üle ookeani. Marie Underi ja Ivar Ivaski kirjavahetuse teemaanalüüsi poole." Mäetagused 86 (August 2023): 97–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/mt2023.86.laak_kirss.
Full textAbstract:
This article proposes to discuss the voluminous literary correspondence of the Estonian poets Marie Under (1883–1980) and Ivar Ivask (1927–1992), with a focus on its first year, 1957–1958. The whole correspondence comprises 550 letters, with an average length of 4000 (later 3000) words; it is held in the Cultural History Archive of the Estonian Literary Museum in Tartu. Both Under and Ivask had been war refugees, with Under and her husband, poet Artur Adson, finding an exile home near Stockholm, Sweden; Ivask and his wife Astrīde, a well-known Latvian poet emigrated to America after some years spent in DP camps in Germany. Marie Under was already a renowned poet during the Siuru movement in the Estonian Republic, and became a symbol during the Second World War, continuing to publish and hold a large reading audience in exile. In addition to her own poetry, she was a versatile translator of poetry from several languages into Estonian. Ivask, two generations younger than Under, had begun writing in Germany, but continued to search for his linguistic and cultural identity for some time: his mother tongue was Latvian, and the language of his father was Estonian; German was spoken at home. At length and around the time of the beginning of his correspondence with Under, he decided that Estonian would be his poetic language. Since coming to the United States, Ivask completed a PhD in comparative literature and established himself as a scholar and critic in Germanic Studies. He became associated with the publication Books Abroad, later renamed under his editorship as World Literature Today. Under’s and Ivask’s letters are rife with exchanges about core values in poetry, art and worldview, stylistics and poetics, as well as practicalities of publication. After a brief introduction to theoretical approaches to the analysis of letters and correspondences, the article turns to a topical close reading of the letters from Under and Ivask’s first year: main foci included translations of the poetry of Karl Čaks, translation priorities, discussion of the aims and planned trajectory of a new cultural journal in Estonian named Mana (to which both contributed), perspectives on Ivask’s debut as a young poet, the future of Baltic literatures abroad, and the cultural politics in the exile communities over what attitude to take toward literary production from the homeland. The second part of the article applies methods of digital humanities toward an extensive study of the Under-Ivask correspondence as a linguistic dataset, aiming to arrive at a thematic analysis of the text as a whole. The methods enable the identification of key words, word frequencies and thematic clusters, while making the whole corpus digitally accessible to the scholarly reader. The article concludes with proposals for a further study of the Under-Ivask correspondence, using the methods of digital humanities.
43
Swan, William L. "Thai-Japanese Relations at the Start of the Pacific War: New Insight into a Controversial Period." Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 18, no. 2 (September 1987): 270–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022463400020555.
Full textAbstract:
Thailand's relations with Japan during the months surrounding the outbreak of the war in the Pacific are a topic of controversy in Thai historiography; and despite a growing number of studies which have endeavoured to explain, or at least shed light on, the rapid shift in Thai policy from neutrality on 8 December 1941 to an alliance and then declaration of war on the side of Japan by 25 January 1942, little progress or development in the debate has taken place over the decades since the war. This unsatisfactory situation has been largely due to the very limited knowledge available about the diplomatic activities that took place between Thailand and Japan during the period in question. The bulk of our information to date has come from records and recollections of Thais and Europeans involved in the events, and this has concentrated almost entirely on the activities and interplay of Thais and Europeans. The result has been to relegate Japan's presence in events of the period to some dimly perceived undertakings conducted by sinister characters who were nothing more than Thailand's enemies bent on absorbing that country into Japan's new East Asian order. The following article is an effort to redress this imbalance somewhat by directing attention toward Thai-Japanese relations. I have relied greatly on a number of dispatches that passed between Bangkok and Tokyo during the autumn of 1941. Some of the most important of these are available only from “Magic”, the files of intercepted and deciphered Japanese diplomatic messages accumulated by the United States government. The Japanese Foreign Ministry archive files on diplomatic correspondence with Thailand are extremely incomplete, and none of the messages I used from “Magic” are contained in the Japanese files.
44
Marshall, Paul. "The Lord Chamberlain and the Containment of Americanization in the British Theatre of the 1920s." New Theatre Quarterly 19, no. 4 (October 8, 2003): 381–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x03000265.
Full textAbstract:
Reports in The Stage of an ‘American invasion in the theatre’ and the New Statesman writing of ‘our Americanized theatre’ expressed widely shared fears that transatlantic values were adversely affecting the British theatre in the wake of the First World War. In this article, Paul Marshall examines the strategies employed by the Lord Chamberlain's Office as it carried out its duties of censorship in dealing with plays from or about the United States. The Censor perceived it as his duty to defend public morals from elements that would threaten and challenge the values associated with ‘Englishness’, and, drawing on the Lord Chamberlain's Correspondence now available in the British Library, Paul Marshall explores how the Lord Chamberlain of the time, Lord Cromer, his readers, and his advisory board viewed the threat of the American ‘invasion’ – their shared values, sometimes disputed verdicts, and the formal and informal influences that could be brought to bear upon them. Five ‘case studies’ look at their attitudes to particular plays about and from the USA. Paul Marshall presently teaches history at Bromley High School, Kent, having studied for an MA in Text and Performance Studies at King's College and RADA.
45
Popov, A. V. "Presence of the B. A. Smyslovsky’s Detachment in Liechtenstein in 1945–47: Documents of the National Archive of the Principality of Liechtenstein (Landesarchiv des Fürstentums Liechtenstein)." Herald of an archivist, no. 4 (2023): 1067–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2023-4-1067-1081.
Full textAbstract:
The article presents an archivistics review of documents on Russian displaced persons, their internment and subsequent repatriation after end of World War II, which were deposited in the National Archive of the Principality of Liechtenstein (Liechtenstein Landesarchiv). In the fond of the Government of Liechtenstein from the National Archive of the Principality of Liechtenstein, there are some few documents on displaced persons of the Second World War; some shed light on the stay of the detachment of B. A. Smyslovsky on the territory of the principality in 1945–47. A group of 494 Russian servicemen led by B. A. Smyslovsky crossed the Liechtenstein border near Schellenberg overnight into May 3, 1945. Later, 290 voluntarily returned to the USSR. The fate of those internees who remained in Liechtenstein was decided in 1947. B. A. Smyslovsky obtained permission to enter Argentina, about 100 former servicemen of the 1st RNA moved to Argentina with him. Some few army officers and soldiers were able to leave for European countries, primarily, France. The last servicemen of the B. A. Smyslovsky’s detachment left the principality in October 1947. In general, documents from the National Archive of the Principality of Liechtenstein are quite informative and useful for researchers of the history of post-war displaced persons. However, they need to be checked. In addition, researchers can refer to the documents of the personal provenance fond of the rector of the Intercession Church in Zurich, archpriest David Chubov, which is kept in the Museum of Russian Culture in San Francisco in the United States. The fond contains archpriest David Chubov’s correspondence with servicemen interned in Liechtenstein, his correspondence with the government of the principality, Protopresbyter Konstantin Izraztsov, the Argentine Consulate in Switzerland, and charitable organizations discussing legal paperwork for entry into Argentina. Since 2003, the documents have become available for Russian researchers in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GARF) in form of microfilms. The documents of the Museum of Russian Culture in San Francisco were acquired by the GARF in 2002-03. In 2003, they formed a separate collection “Microfilm Collection of the Museum of Russian Culture in San Francisco. 1948-2000.”
46
Kapsalykova, Karina Ramazanovna. "Scientific contacts between Professor M. Ja. Sjuzjumov and Dumbarton Oaks." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 3 (March 2023): 98–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2023.3.40936.
Full textAbstract:
The study of Soviet-American scientific relationships during the Cold War is an actual scientific task. In the article for the first time is published letters from the personal foundation of Professor Michael Sjuzjumov (Ural University, Sverdlovsk), which he received from Lois Hassler-Smith and Merlin Packard, librarians of the Center for Byzantine Studies at Harvard University in Dumbarton Oaks, 1960s and 1970s. In addition, the author of the article is considered the issue of official ways to exchange scientific literature with capitalist countries, which were regulated by special legislative acts. However, the contacts that scientists of the USSR and the United States independently established among themselves made it possible, avoiding unnecessary formalities, to quickly receive the latest scientific literature. The letters published in the article indicate that the correspondence of M.Ja. Sjuzjumov with the staff of the Dumbarton Oaks library lasted more than 10 years. The American side received scientific periodicals published in Sverdlovsk and teaching aids on special courses, and M.Ja. Sjuzjumov – novelties of American scientific literature and classical editions, which were previously available to him only in the capital’s libraries. The authors of the article also managed to identify an error made by the compilers of the Who Was Who at Dumbarton Oaks index, 1940–2015. This edition indicates that the library employed female employees Lois Smith and Lois Hassler. Meanwhile, the analysis of correspondence with M.Ja. Sjuzjumov and the data of the American periodical press prove presented one person – Lois Hassler-Smith.
47
HOWSE, ROBERT. "Europe and the New World Order: Lessons from Alexandre Kojève's Engagement with Schmitt's ‘Nomos der Erde’." Leiden Journal of International Law 19, no. 1 (March 2006): 93–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156505003195.
Full textAbstract:
The received wisdom of the times is that a wide gulf has opened up between ‘Europe’ and ‘America’ – or at least has finally become visible. A commitment to a certain vision of international law is presented as a European trait that divides Europe from the United States. ‘European’ international law premises perpetual peace on rules that protect state sovereignty and sustain a world divided into territorial states, and it is at odds with the US preparedness to wage ‘total war’ in the name of some purportedly universal ideal, such as ‘human rights’ or ‘democracy’. This conception of ‘European’, territorially based international law versus US (or Anglo-Saxon) universalism is articulated most forcefully by the extreme-right legal and political theorist Carl Schmitt in his 1950 work, Der Nomos der Erde, and related essays; Schmitt, realizing that the state had met its demise with the fall of the Nazi project that he supported, now conceived of a world divided into Grossraume rather than states. Schmitt's conception was challenged by the Marxist-Hegelian philosopher Alexandre Kojève, both in correspondence with Schmitt and in a public lecture that Kojève gave in Düsseldorf at Schmitt's invitation in the 1950s. Kojève articulated an alternative view of global order and Europe's place in it – a view that accepted global Anglo-American military supremacy while advocating a distinctive place for Latin or continental Europe in the building of global justice and prosperity through economic and legal integration and the construction of a just relationship in trade and finance with the developing world. This essay evaluates the debate between Schmitt and Kojève and draws lessons for contemporary discussion of the place of Europe in a one-superpower world.
48
Straus, Murray A. "Spanking and the Making of a Violent Society." Pediatrics 98, no. 4 (October 1, 1996): 837–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.98.4.837.
Full textAbstract:
Most of the world's societies are violent in the sense that they have high rates of physical assault, homicide, and war. The United States (US) is the most violent of the advanced industrial societies. The current US homicide rate of 8.5 per 100 000 is three times the Canadian rate of 2.3 per 100 000, and about eight times the rate of Western European countries. Nevertheless, many societies are even more violent. The Mexican homicide rate of 19.4 is more than double that of the US, and the rate for the cities of Columbia (110.4 per 100 000) is more than ten times higher. Most of the world's societies also bring up children violently through the use of corporal punishment. Perhaps the correspondence between the preponderance of violence and that of corporal punishment is just a coincidence. Obviously, corporal punishment and assaults and murders differ in severity, and also in the cultural definition that makes one legitimate and the other criminal. However, there is also a correspondence between the behavior involved in corporal punishment and the behavior involved in criminal assaults and homicides that is seldom perceived. Everyone understands that corporal punishment is carried out to correct or control misbehavior. What is not understood is that almost all assaults by adults and about two thirds of homicides are also carried out to correct what the offender perceives as misbehavior. Typical examples include a confrontation between two men over a loan of $50 that is to be paid back in 1 week.
49
Utkin, Olexandr. "UKRAINIAN TECHNICAL AND ECONOMIC INSTITUTE IN 1932–1952." Kyiv Historical Studies, no. 1 (2019): 60–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2019.1.8.
Full textAbstract:
The article gives a detailed analysis of the main reasons which allowed to create the Ukrainian Technical and Economic Institute of Distance Learning. It was formed by scientists, public figures of emigrants. The Institute carried out the work in Czechoslovakia and Germany in the 1930s-50s. It was being formed in the difficult conditions of the international economic crisis. In this way the socio-economic and cultural sphere of European countries, the nature and content of the activities of the diaspora scientific and educational structures were influenced on.The newly created Institute formed a system of correspondence training for agricultural workers in comparison with the Ukrainian Academy of Economics. There were found non-state independent ways of financing the educational and research process to write and publish a methodological literature, the textbooks. The students and lectures got opportunity to participate in scientific forums. Overcoming the difficulties of the occupation of Czechoslovakia during the Second World War when the activity of the Institute was meticulously controlled by the police, the Gestapo, a censorship. It braked and suspended the educational work. In spite of this fact it could not deprive Ukrainian students of the desire to study. As a result the student’s emigrant community of the High School was saved and replenished. After the end of World War II the Institute moved to the territory of Germany. The Ukrainian Technical and Economic Institute of Distance Learning was expanded. There were five high school departments, a network of technical schools, secondary and lower secondary schools and courses, training skilled personnel for agricultural and industrial production. In 1952 the Institute was relocated to the United States of America. There it functioned as a research institution.
50
Koshmarov, Mikhail. "A study of the genesis and transformation of the narratives about the conflict between China and Western countries." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 1 (January 2024): 74–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2024.1.69538.
Full textAbstract:
The subject of this article is the narratives of the conflict between the Chinese and British empires in the XVIII-XIX centuries and about the Korean War of 1950-1953. The purpose of the study is to identify and analyze stable narratives and cliches about these conflicts, to show their genesis, transformation and target groups. As the analyzed material, the diplomatic correspondence given in A. Toynbee's "A study of History" and in G. Kissinger's "On China" are compared; additional updated sources are considered. The identified inconsistencies in key issues are analyzed by comparing, as well as the situational and historical context of the appearance of these texts and their interpretations. The Cold War narrative about the Chinese delegation to Moscow in 1949-1950 has also been disassembled and deconstructed. The methodological basis of linguistic research of texts consists of content analysis, intent analysis, discourse analysis, narrative analysis. The results revealed distortions of the analyzed narratives about the conflict between the Chinese and British empires in the XVIII-XIX centuries; about the negotiations between the PRC and the USSR in 1949-1950. The primary sources that deserve attention and further research are indicated. Parallels have been drawn between the events under study, which were not previously considered in this way; an analysis has been carried out in the light of the identification of these correlations. The ambiguity and tendentiousness of many theses of Kissinger's work are substantiated. The reasons and the probable target group for which these narratives were created are analyzed. In conclusion, China's declared vision of the development of international relations in connection with the historical context is analyzed. A thesis is put forward on the applicability of the data obtained to predict the current conflict between China and the United States over Taiwan.