Academic literature on the topic 'War Crimes (WWII)'
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Journal articles on the topic "War Crimes (WWII)"
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Stec, Monika, and Krystyna Badurka. "Tak zwani partyzanci. Z Krystyną Badurką rozmawia Monika Stec." Studia Litteraria et Historica, no. 1 (December 31, 2012): 1–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/slh.2012.024.
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So-called partisans. Monika Stec in an interview with Krystyna Badurka Referring to the story of her father’s death in 1945, Krystyna Badurka-Rytel discusses the times before and after World War II. Before WWII, her father, Felix Badurka, was a soldier of the Home Army, while after the war he served as the chairman of the National Council and built "the new system". For decades, the Badurka family has been trying to find out who is responsible for his murder.The story of tracking perpetrators is presented against a broader background: the attitude of the population and the Church towards the underground army during and after WWII; the socio-political changes (specifically in rural areas) after World War II, as well as the modern times, in particular the attitude to the past. Krystyna Badurka-Rytel objects to the current Polish political history, because, as she believes, it glorifies the war crimes committed by the so-called “conspiracy” by honouring the participants with books and monuments.
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Losano, Mario G. "la riabilitazione dei "traditori in guerra" tedeschi: un conto ancora in sospeso." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 2 (October 2009): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-002006.
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- Among its present problems of transitional justice, Germany faces a specific unresolved issue: the rehabilitation of the so called « war traitors » (Kriegsverräter). After the paradigm change in the German historiography concerning the supposed relative independence of Wehrmacht vis-ŕ-vis of the Nazi Party, two discussed exhibitions on Wehrmacht's crimes during WWII have strengthened the request of rehabilitating the last « war traitors ». The article explains the juridical background of the judgements issued by German war courts, and the wearing story of the sluggish rehabilitation of deserters, defeatists and civil « war traitors » (concluded in 2002 only). Politicians and jurists are now divided about the still pending issue of rehabilitating the military « war traitors », or, more precisely, the last survivors among them.
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Bohrer, Ziv. "International Criminal Law's Millennium of Forgotten History." Law and History Review 34, no. 2 (2016): 393–485. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s073824801600002x.
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At the close of World War II (WWII), Winston Churchill suggested summarily executing the remaining Nazi leadership. Franklin Delano Roosevelt disagreed, insisting on prosecuting them in an international military tribunal. This is considered the “birth” of International Criminal Law (ICL), following a consensus that “[t]he Nazi atrocities gave rise to the idea that some crimes are so grave as to concern the international community as a whole.” A few earlier instances of penal action against violators of the laws of war are acknowledged, but they are dismissed as unrelated to current ICL, because (presumably) these cases are sporadic domestic legal actions that lack a common doctrine.
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Goujon, Alexandra. "Memorial Narratives of WWII Partisans and Genocide in Belarus." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 24, no. 1 (2009): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325409355818.
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The memory of WWII always played an important role in Belarus, which was characterized as a “Partisan Republic” during the Soviet time. Soviet historiography and memorial narrative emphasized the heroics of the resistance to fascism and allowed only a description of the crimes of the Nazis. New ways of looking at war events appeared during the perestroika and after the independence of the country. But after Alexander Lukashenko came to power as president in 1994, a neo-Soviet version of the past was adopted and spread. The Great Patriotic War (GPW) has become an increasingly publicized event in the official memorial narrative as the culminating moment in Belarusian history. Since the mid-2000s, this narrative tends to be nationalized in order to testify that the Belarusian people’s suffering and resistance behavior were among the highest ones during WWII. Political and academic dissenting voices to the Belarusian authoritarian regime try to downplay this official narrative by pointing out that the Belarusians were also victims of the Stalinist repression, and their attitude towards the Nazi occupation was more than ambivalent. Behind the memorial discourses, two competitive versions of Belarusian national identity can be distinguished. According to the official version, Belarusian identity is based on the East-Slavic identity that incorporates the Soviet history in its contemporary development. According to the opposition, it is based on a national memory that discards the Soviet past as a positive one.
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Watanabe, Tomie. "Interpretation at the Tokyo War Crimes Tribunal: An Overview and Tojo’s Cross-Examination." TTR 22, no. 1 (2010): 57–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/044782ar.
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The Tokyo and the Nuremberg War Crimes Tribunals were two major international military tribunals organized immediately after World War II. Interpretation at the Nuremberg Trial has been described in a number of papers and books and is considered the origin of simultaneous interpretation. However, with regards to the Tokyo Trial, only the inadequate quality of interpretation has been mentioned in history books and political science publications, and this on very few occasions. This paper begins by offering an overview of the interpretation at the Tokyo Trial through interviews and the records of the proceedings and then analyzes a particular instance of interpretation, namely the cross-examination of Hideki Tojo, who was tried for his significant role in WWII as Minister of War and Prime Minister, and who was finally sentenced to death by the court. The Tokyo Trial was the first instance of an IBM Public Address System (simultaneous interpreting equipment) being installed with an interpreter’s booth in Japan. However, we must recall that it was actually consecutive interpretation that was provided through the use of the IBM system and the booth. Therefore the Tokyo Trial is the origin of the use of simultaneous interpretation equipment, but not the origin of simultaneous interpretation skills in Japan. The records of the proceedings show that twenty-seven Japanese served as interpreters. They were selected on the basis of their good command of English but were definitely laymen in terms of interpretational skills. In order to supervise the Japanese interpreters, four monitors were appointed by the Allied Powers. The monitors, who were second generation Japanese residents in the US, worked for ATIS (Allied Power’s Translation and Interpretation Section) during WWII and were then considered to have a good knowledge of the Japanese language, culture and history. Furthermore, the Language Arbitration System was established to address intractable translation issues related to Japanese culture and pre-war systems. The quality of the interpretation, as far as Tojo’s cross-examination is concerned, can be considered fairly good, if we consider that interpreters and monitors worked together as one unit in the interpretation service. The analysis of the interpretation based on the monitors’ interventions in Tojo’s cross-examination indicates that the monitors were concerned with the accuracy of the English interpretation in court and with the understandability of the Japanese interpretation for the accused and worked to ensure a fair trial.
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Rath;, J. "Biological Weapons, War Crimes, and WWI." Science 296, no. 5571 (2002): 1235c—1237. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.296.5571.1235c.
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Allahverdiyev, Alovsat. "Defining war crimes: a look to the prosecution by international criminal judicial bodies." Law Review of Kyiv University of Law, no. 2 (August 10, 2020): 427–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.36695/2219-5521.2.2020.84.
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The article is dedicated to the overview of the scope and application of international prosecution on war crimes. Although theterm “war crimes” is not a new concept in international law, different approaches exist in defining the precise limits of it. War crimesare always considered as one of the primary challenges and pecularities minimizing the whole efficiency of international law. Nevertheless,not all known prosecutions on war crimes ended with success. In traditional international law war crimes are always related tomilitary or armed conflicts what may be international or non-international conflict. History of international humanitarian law demonstratesthat almost all of the military conflicts were associated with war crimes. However, international law was not able to buil upstrong judicial mechanisms for the prosecution of war crimes for a long time. Modern type of international prosecution over war crimescan be linked to military tribunals established after World War I. At the same time, we should not forget that most of war crimes committedbefore and during WWI still remain unpunished. These problems demand new conceptual approach to the understanding of warcrimes as well as methodology of international prosecution. We know that first military tribunals were of quasi-international character.Although modern international law contains fully international military tribunals, still there are a lot of cases of failure to punish warcrimes. We need to understand that being a type of international crimes against peace and humanity, war crimes can be committed outsidethe active period of war. Thus, there is a need to re-define again the scope and subject matter of war crimes. On the other hand,prosecution of war crimes should be studied apart from other international law violations, human rights in particular.
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Ali, Rohaid, Ian D. Connolly, Amy Li, Omar A. Choudhri, Arjun V. Pendharkar, and Gary K. Steinberg. "The strokes that killed Churchill, Roosevelt, and Stalin." Neurosurgical Focus 41, no. 1 (2016): E7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3171/2016.4.focus1575.
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From February 4 to 11, 1945, President Franklin D. Roosevelt of the United States, Soviet Union Premier Joseph Stalin, and British Prime Minister Winston Churchill met near Yalta in Crimea to discuss how post–World War II (WWII) Europe should be organized. Within 2 decades of this conference, all 3 men had died. President Roosevelt died 2 months after the Yalta Conference due to a hemorrhagic stroke. Premier Stalin died 8 years later, also due to a hemorrhagic stroke. Finally, Prime Minister Churchill died 20 years after the conference because of complications due to stroke. At the time of Yalta, these 3 men were the leaders of the most powerful countries in the world. The subsequent deterioration of their health and eventual death had varying degrees of historical significance. Churchill's illness forced him to resign as British prime minister, and the events that unfolded immediately after his resignation included Britain's mismanagement of the Egyptian Suez Crisis and also a period of mistrust with the United States. Furthermore, Roosevelt was still president and Stalin was still premier at their times of passing, so their deaths carried huge political ramifications not only for their respective countries but also for international relations. The early death of Roosevelt, in particular, may have exacerbated post-WWII miscommunication between America and the Soviet Union—miscommunication that may have helped precipitate the Cold War.
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Ben-Yehuda, Hemda, and Rami Goldstein. "Forced Migration Magnitude and violence in international crises: 1945–2015." Journal of Refugee Studies 33, no. 2 (2020): 336–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jrs/feaa039.
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Abstract This study focuses on forced migration and interstate violence during international crises, as a major security concern with salient implications for international relations stability. The empirical data consists of 229 crises designated as Forced Migration Crises (FMC), identified within the 374 crises of the International Crisis Behavior (ICB) project. The study outlines a framework for analyzing FMC compared with Non-Forced Migration Crises (NFMC), presents an index of Forced Migration Magnitude (FMM), and probes three hypotheses. It points to transformations in forced migration since WWII, compares crises with and without forced migration, and explores patterns of FMM and violence. Results lead to rejection of hypothesis 1 on similarities between FMC and NFMC, supporting hypothesis 2 on considerable diversity between them. Findings on extended scope, strategic locale, enduring forced migration problems and increased violence support hypothesis 3, challenging the placement of forced migration merely as a social or humanitarian domestic concern. Instead, results show a salient increase in FMM, coupled with more severe interstate violence and war, dangerously destabilizing regions worldwide. These patterns require the integration of forced migration within crisis frameworks, as a new research agenda, to understand the nature of forced migration in the 21st century and its impact.
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Voutira, Eftihia. "Ideology, history, and politics in service of repatriation." Focaal 2014, no. 70 (2014): 37–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fcl.2014.700104.
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This article discusses the post–Cold War repatriation to the Black Sea of people deported to Central Asia after World War II, Crimean Tatars and Pontic Greeks. It reflects on their novel ethnic and religious identifications, not available to them before their exile. Religious labeling is now used by officials as a criterion for allocating people to places, and by people as expressions of loyalty and belonging. Politically, such labeling is used for negotiating appropriate sites for resettlement schemes for the two groups in the region. The Crimean Tatar strategy is to argue in favor of “indigenous group” status, while the Pontic Greeks opt for dual commitment between repatriation to their “kin state” (Greece) and their pre-WWII places of residence in the Crimea. The comparison of the dilemmas faced by the two communities upon repatriation elucidates the role of the Black Sea region in the pragmatics of “returning home” and people's sentiments of belonging.
Dissertations / Theses on the topic "War Crimes (WWII)"
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Wang, Ying-bei. "History, narrative, and trauma: writing war crimes in Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture life." Thesis, University of Iowa, 2010. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/620.
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This thesis examines how Chang-rae Lee's A Gesture Life (1999) represents the issues of war crimes. Writing the comfort women issue, Lee handles the bitter history of the Second World War in a postmodernist way. Against the modernist perspective on war history that draws on a simple and moral conclusion, Lee's writing underscores the function of narrative and the influence of trauma in the representation of the war crime. It offers a literary approach to the issue that complicates the role of the perpetrator and the victim, thus distances itself from the common understanding of war crimes. I argue this literary representation of the history of war crimes could be more powerful than historical writings, because it will ultimately challenge the concept of war itself.
Books on the topic "War Crimes (WWII)"
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Belly of the beast: A POW's inspiring true story of faith, courage, and survival aboard the infamous WWII Japanese hell ship Oryoku Maru. New American Library, 2001.
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El-Hai, Jack. The Nazi and the psychiatrist: Hermann Göring, Dr. Douglas M. Kelley, and a fatal meeting of minds at the end of WWII. MJF Books, 2015.
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Xie zui yu fan an: Deguo yu Riben dui di er ci shi jie da zhan qin lüe zui xing fan xing de cha yi ji qi gen yuan = Offering an apology vs. reversing the verdict : the difference and its root between Germany and Japan facing their war crimes in the WWII. Jie fang jun chu ban she, 2001.
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Rosenstiel, Werner H. Von. Hitler's soldier in the U.S. Army: An unlikely memoir of WWII. University of Alabama Press, 2006.
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Among the dead cities: Was the Allied bombing of civilians in WWII a necessity or a crime? Bloomsbury, 2006.
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Shadows of World War II (WWII Two): War Crimes and Espionage. Blitz Editions, 1995.
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Taken by Force: Rape and American GIs in Europe during WWII. Palgrave Macmillan, 2007.
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WWI Adventures in Crime-Fighting and Spy-Hunting: True Adventures of the Secret Service / Adventures of the D. C. I. (Department of Criminal Investigation). Coachwhip Publications, 2011.
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Green, Jeremy. The Political Economy of the Special Relationship. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691197326.001.0001.
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This book studies how America's global financial power was created and shaped through its special relationship with Britain. The rise of global finance in the latter half of the twentieth century has long been understood as one chapter in a larger story about the postwar growth of the United States. This book challenges this popular narrative. Revealing the Anglo-American origins of financial globalization, the book sheds new light on Britain's hugely significant, but often overlooked, role in remaking international capitalism alongside America. Drawing from new archival research, the book questions the conventional view of international economic history as a series of cyclical transitions among hegemonic powers. Instead, it explores the longstanding interactive role of private and public financial institutions in Britain and the United States—most notably the close links between their financial markets, central banks, and monetary and fiscal policies. The book shows that America's unparalleled post-WWII financial power was facilitated, and in important ways constrained, by British capitalism, as the United States often had to work with and through British politicians, officials, and bankers to achieve its vision of a liberal economic order. Transatlantic integration and competition spurred the rise of the financial sector, an increased reliance on debt, a global easing of regulation, the ascendance of monetarism, and the transition to neoliberalism. From the gold standard to the recent global financial crisis and beyond, this book recasts the history of global finance through the prism of Anglo-American development.
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Bock, Jozefien De. Settlers or Movers? The Temporality of Past Migrations, Political Inaction and its Consequences, 1945–1985. Edinburgh University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474428231.003.0004.
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Historically, those societies that have the longest tradition in multicultural policies are settler societies. The question of how to deal with temporary migrants has only recently aroused their interest. In Europe, temporary migration programmes have a much longer history. In the period after WWII, a wide range of legal frameworks were set up to import temporary workers, who came to be known as guest workers. In the end, many of these ‘guests’ settled in Europe permanently. Their presence lay at the basis of European multicultural policies. However, when these policies were drafted, the former mobility of guest workers had been forgotten. This chapter will focus on this mobility of initially temporary workers, comparing the period of economic growth 1945-1974 with the years after the 1974 economic crisis. Further, it will look at the kind of policies that were developed towards guest workers in the era before multiculturalism. This way, it shows how their consideration as temporary residents had far-reaching consequences for the immigrants, their descendants and the receiving societies involved. The chapter will finish by suggesting a number of lessons from the past. If the mobility-gap between guest workers and present-day migrants is not as big as generally assumed, then the consequences of previous neglect should serve as a warning for future policy making.
Book chapters on the topic "War Crimes (WWII)"
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Pavoni, Riccardo. "A Plea for Legal Peace." In Remedies against Immunity? Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-662-62304-6_5.
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AbstractThis chapter advocates legal peace between Germany and Italy as the most sensible and appropriate way to deal with the aftermath of Sentenza 238/2014 of the Italian Constitutional Court and its declaration of the unconstitutionality of the 2012 International Court of Justice (ICJ) Judgment in Jurisdictional Immunities. This plea does not only arise from frustration with the current impasse but also from the suspicion that the public good of legal peace has never seriously been canvassed by the Italian and German governments. Section II takes stock of the legal developments relating to the dispute between Germany and Italy since Sentenza 238/2014 was delivered. It especially focuses on the attitudes of the governments concerned, both in the context of the ongoing proceedings before Italian courts and elsewhere. It finds such attitudes opaque and unduly dismissive of the necessity to devise legal peace in the interest of the victims and of the integrity of international law. Section III highlights how the behaviour of the governments so far was at odds with the successful outcome of other intergovernmental negotiations concerning reparations for crimes committed during World War II (WWII), a process which has not been entirely finalized, as evidenced by the 2014 Agreement between the US and France on compensation for the French railroad deportees who were excluded from prior French reparation programmes. The Agreement between the US and France and all previous similar arrangements were concluded under mounting pressure of litigation before domestic courts against those states (and/or their companies) that were responsible for unredressed WWII crimes, thus a situation resembling the current state of the dispute between Germany and Italy. It is telling that litigation ended when the courts took cognizance of the stipulation of intergovernmental agreements establishing fair mechanisms for compensating the plaintiffs and victims of the relevant crimes. Such practice, therefore, is essentially in line with the proposition that state immunity (for human rights violations) is essentially conditional on effective alternative remedies for the victims. This and other controversial aspects related to the law of state immunity—such as the nature of state immunity, the North American remedies against immunity for state sponsors of terrorism, and the persistent dynamism of pertinent practice—are revisited in section IV. The purpose is to suggest that certainty about the law of international immunities, as allegedly flowing from the 2012 ICJ Judgment, is more apparent than real and that this consideration should a fortiori urge the realization of legal peace in the German–Italian affair.
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Benussi, Cristina. "Ti devo tanto di ciò che sono. Il carteggio tra Claudio Magris e Biagio Marin." In Biblioteca di Studi di Filologia Moderna. Firenze University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-338-3.09.
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The correspondence between the elderly Biagio Marin and the younger Claudio Magris shows the evolution of an intense relationship from both an emotional and an intellectual point of view. Their letters help us develop the biographies of two writers who occasionally disagreed on personal and cultural grounds. For the poet from Grado, who lost his son, the Germanist was a spiritual heir. However, his Weltanschauung still expressed the proactive values of a generation that had been born before WWI. By contrast, Magris’ own values reflected the crisis and anxieties of the twentieth century.
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Astore, Marianna. "Una montagna di debiti. L'Italia e la gestione del debito pubblico tra le due guerre." In Studi e saggi. Firenze University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.36253/978-88-5518-202-7.10.
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The surge in public debt during the recent pandemic crisis has made high debt a prominent policy issue. Italy is an interesting case study since it has experienced high levels of debt for a significant part of its history. This article revisits the history of Italian public debts in the inter-war period. Italy emerged from WWI with public debt that peaked around 160 percent of GDP. In the mid-1920s a significant reduction of public debt occurred, in concomitance with a regime of fiscal austerity and two restructuring agreements that wiped more than 80 percent of Italian foreign debts. By the early 1930s, the US reaction to the Great Depression that opposed any form of international cooperation, led to an Italian default on war debts in 1934 and a move toward autarky.
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Baars, Grietje. "Capitalism’s Victor’s Justice? The Hidden Stories Behind the Prosecution of Industrialists Post-WWII." In The Hidden Histories of War Crimes Trials. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199671144.003.0008.
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Larsen, Signe Rehling. "Origins and Telos." In The Constitutional Theory of the Federation and the European Union. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198859260.003.0003.
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Why do states federate? This chapter argues that states constitute federal unions because they are incapable of maintaining their own political autonomy and existence. The main reasons for this are a military threat or because the states need to govern and have access to larger internal markets. In order to perpetuate the political autonomy of its Member States, a federation is therefore concerned with defence and/or economic government. After WWII, with the collapse of the fascist experiments and the decline of the European maritime empires, most European states were faced with a long overdue crisis and were incapable of securing their most basic aims. European integration is an integral part of the post-WWII reconstitution of Europe and a response to this crisis. Proposals for both ‘defence federation’ and ‘economic federation’ were launched after WWII; only the latter was successfully established with the Treaty of Rome.
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Tsobanoglou, George O. "Approaches to the Post-WWII Labour-Based Social Economy of Greece." In Handbook of Research on Policies and Practices for Sustainable Economic Growth and Regional Development. IGI Global, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-5225-2458-8.ch001.
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The current crisis in Greece, an EU member for over 30 years, has brought to the surface the character of the Greek politico-administrative system as it handles employment, migration and associated forms of social protection. The lack of a unified national labour system does not allow the formation of a national system of employment (qualifications) and, hence, a way to overcome nepotism and the political (party) patronage system which defines labour relations, under the extra-ordinary political situation that emerged after World War II (WWII). This chapter explores this hidden reality defining the organisation of the employment system in Greece, its politico-administrative controls that seem to aim at ‘arresting' the emergence of a social economy. This leads to a hidden social economy of a fragmented private labour market, regulated separately from the secure “public” employment sector. This rather anachronistic and discriminatory system of political order of labour divides workers in Greece.
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Kelly, Matthew Kraig. "“A Wave of Crime”." In Crime of Nationalism. University of California Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/california/9780520291485.003.0003.
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This chapter begins by observing a difference between the British and Zionist crimino-national framings of the rebellion. The British initially portrayed both the Arab work stoppage and violence as criminal behavior, but they acknowledged that the strike was widely popular among Arab Palestinians. The Zionists went further, insisting that the strike and the revolt were both the work of a criminal Arab leadership, which had coerced the docile Arab masses into supporting them. The chapter goes on to chart the steady British drift toward the Zionist position and to detail the political circumstances that occasioned this drift. Chief among these circumstances was a dilemma. The British had predicated their post-WWI occupation of the Middle East on London's support of the national aspirations of the region's inhabitants. They were therefore poorly positioned to recognize His Majesty's role in stifling those aspirations.
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Shoshan, Nitzan. "Afterword." In The Management of Hate. Princeton University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691171951.003.0010.
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IN RECENT YEARS, as tensions between Athens and Berlin over the former’s debt crisis have deepened, Germany’s past was staged not only on the streets of Greece, where portraits of Chancellor Merkel and Finance Minister Schäuble, rendered as Nazis, decorated demonstration posters. Under the shadow of sour negotiations, the Greek government announced it would seek 162 billion euros in damages from Germany over unpaid WWII reparations and a forced war-time loan. Later, citing a figure of 341 billion euros, Justice Minister Paraskevopoulos raised the possibility of property seizures should Germany fail to respect its alleged obligations. Prime Minister Tsipras and other prominent politicians spoke of “an open wound” and a “moral issue.” For the most part, Berlin and German media hit back with anger and denial, some complaining about “moral blackmail.” Germany’s debts and reparations have been legally, politically, and definitively resolved during its reunification, Merkel insisted; 1989, we see once more, continued to re-sequence history and signal a new “Stunde Null” and a new national project....
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Krell, Jonathan F. "Ethical Humanism and the Animal Question: Vercors’s You Shall Know Them (Les Animaux dénaturés)." In Ecocritics and Ecoskeptics. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781789622058.003.0005.
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Vercors’s You Shall Know Them, published shortly after WWII, grapples with the question of how to define humans and how to differentiate them from animals. This “animal question” is closely linked to the “law of the strongest” and a long history of racism, imperialism, and capitalism, as exposed in Hannah Arendt’s The Origins of Totalitarianism. Archeologists, looking for fossils, discover a tribe of intelligent ape-like hominids in New Guinea, and no one can determine if they are human or another species of great apes. A businessman wants to castrate most males, intern them in camps, and use them as cheap labor in his wool mills, an ominous reference to the Nazi concentration camps that had so recently shaken Vercors’s humanist convictions, laying bare the bestiality of humans. After a long trial, it is decided that the hominids should be considered human, because, worshipping fire, they manifest a spirit of religion. Like Camus’s “Human Crisis” lecture of 1946, You Shall Know Them is a call for the restoration of human dignity, annihilated by the savagery of the war.
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Högberg, Elsa. "“Peace as awakeness to the precariousness of the other”." In Virginia Woolf, Europe, and Peace. Liverpool University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781949979374.003.0006.
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In this chapter, Högberg traces a specific form of non-violent ethics across Woolf’s interwar and WWII writings, considering its political potential and limits. Focusing on Emmanuel Levinas’s idea of ‘The face as the extreme precariousness of the other. Peace as awakeness to the precariousness of the other’(Levinas, ‘Peace and Proximity’, 1984) alongside Judith Butler’s attempts to politicise his ethics of precariousness, this chapter shows how Woolf foregrounds vulnerability as an ethical injunction against violence. Arguing that Woolf’s work prompts a still unresolved question as to whether a pacifist ethics can be politically productive, Högberg reads Woolf’s pacifism as rooted in a concept of peace as proximity: the proximity of the ethical encounter, which prompts awakeness to the other’s vulnerability. The chapter ranges from Woolf’s Levinasian elevation, in Three Guineas, of a primary responsibility to Antigone’s Law of love, peace and proximity over the laws of the sovereign state to her literary articulations of an alternatively Levinasian and Butlerian ethics of peace and precariousness in Jacob’s Room, The Waves and Between the Acts. Voiced through poetic tropes of naked defencelessness and extra-linguistic, primal cries, Woolf’s pacifist ethics floods the boundaries defining Europe in a relocation of its ‘Greek’ origins, and in defiance against its political constructions of the other’s precarious face as a threat, which continue to justify the scandalous closing of European borders to ‘millions of bodies’ made vulnerable by war.