Relevant bibliographies by topics / War in Afghanistan 2001-2014

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters
  5. Conference papers
  6. Reports

Academic literature on the topic 'War in Afghanistan 2001-2014'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 24 April 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "War in Afghanistan 2001-2014"

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Willasey-Wilsey, Tim. "Unwinnable: Britain's war in Afghanistan 2001–2014." International Affairs 94, no. 1 (2018): 217–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iix273.

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Burke, Edward. "Unwinnable: Britain’s War in Afghanistan, 2001–2014." RUSI Journal 163, no. 3 (2018): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071847.2018.1495365.

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Bury, Patrick. "Unwinnable: Britain’s war in Afghanistan 2001–2014." Defence Studies 17, no. 4 (2017): 399–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14702436.2017.1382311.

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Zafar, Muhammad Umair, Nazir Hussain Shah, Tahira Parveen, and Tayyaba Syed. "Indo- Afghan Nexus: Implications for Pakistan (2001- 2014)." Academic Journal of Social Sciences (AJSS ) 4, no. 4 (2021): 782–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.54692/ajss.2020.04041231.

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Afghanistan, unlike India and Pakistan, has never been colonized throughout its history. People of Afghanistan have always enjoyed cordial relations with the people of undivided sub-continent. However, the creation of a new state ‘Pakistan’ was considered as both, a threat and a geo-graphical de linkage between the people of Afghanistan and India. Both Indo- Afghan strengthen their bi-lateral relations through the treaty of friendship 1950. On the contrary, Afghanistan was the only country to vote against Pakistan’s admission to United Nations Organization. Despite of lingual, cultural and religious ties, Pak- Afghan relations failed to form strong basis. Since the emergence of Pakistan, India has been engaged in derailing Pakistan’s stability and security through its multidimensional approaches. India’s aim to isolate Pakistan in its neighbors is a serious implication for Pakistan. Indian consulates in Kandahar and Jalalabad near the Pak- Afghan border have further raised serious concerns for Pakistan about the Indian presence in Afghanistan. The US war against terror campaign and Pakistan’s policy reversal against Taliban grew severe resentments among the Afghan Taliban against Pakistan. This article analyzes the Indian designs and its involvement in Afghanistan which directly affects the security and stability of Pakistan.
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Grau, Lester W. "The Unfinished War in Afghanistan 2001–2014, by Chandra, Vishal." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 28, no. 3 (2015): 597–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518046.2015.1061833.

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Alizai, Ghulam Shah Adel. "UNDERSTANDING LEGAL BARRIERS TO FOREIGN INVESTMENT IN AFGHANISTAN: A CASE STUDY IN HERAT INDUSTRIAL ZONE." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 8, no. 12 (2020): 80–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v8.i12.2020.2515.

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Since a century ago, there have been many efforts to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. These efforts include the codification of laws and policies and the provisionof facilities for participation of foreign companies in the Afghan economy through partnership with the government and partnership with private sector in this country. Since 2001, with the support of the market economy system in Afghanistan's constitution and the reform of some governmental institutions, these efforts have been accelerating, hoping thatencouraging foreign investors and their presence in the market will improve the economic situation. Unfortunately, these efforts have failed to meet the market expectations and the Afghanistan’s government purposes in order to attract foreign investment in Afghanistan. Even in 2014, and after that, the outflow of capital (domestic and foreign) has also beenreported from the economy of Afghanistan. Various variables can be considered as an obstacle to the development of foreign investment in Afghanistan, war, corruption, lack ofinfrastructure, lack of energy, lack of trained workforce and non-accountability of the legal system are in this category. In this research, it was assumed that the existing challenges in different sectors of legal framework of foreign investment in Afghanistan are the main obstacles to the growth of foreign investment in this country. In order to prove the hypothesis, the study was carried out using the experimental research method by referring to the investors and experts in the economic zone of Herat in western Afghanistan. The research results indicate that in some sectors, the legal system needs to be reformed, but in general and by comparing the legal system with other variables, the measure of investors' satisfaction is satisfactory, and regulations are not as the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan, thus based on the analysis of data, the existing challenges in the laws and policies is not the main obstacle to the growth of foreign investment in Afghanistan. Therefore, it is necessary for Afghanistan's government to take into account the challenges such as security problems, corruption, lack of infrastructure, lack of energy and lack of trained workforce and take steps to address them.
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Dixon, Paul. "Frock Coats against Brass Hats? Politicians, the Military and the War in Afghanistan 2001–2014." Parliamentary Affairs 73, no. 3 (2019): 651–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pa/gsz015.

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Abstract The ‘Dominant Military Narrative’ (DMN) on the Iraq and Afghan wars defends the effectiveness of the British military and its use of force by deflecting responsibility for failure onto the politicians and ‘Whitehall’. The politicians are blamed for over-stretching the military by fighting two wars, resulting in a shortage of equipment, inadequate troop numbers and without a clear ‘Strategic Narrative’. This article critiques the DMN and provides evidence to suggest that it was the military elite that sought maximum involvement in the Iraq and Afghan wars. The problem is that the military has too much rather than too little power to shape policy.
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SIDKY, H. "War, Changing Patterns of Warfare, State Collapse, and Transnational Violence in Afghanistan: 1978–2001." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (2007): 849–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0600254x.

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The war in Afghanistan was one of the most brutal and long lasting conflicts of the second half of the twentieth century. Anthropologists specializing in Afghanistan who wrote about the war at the time reiterated the United State's Cold War rhetoric rather than provide objective analyses. Others ignored the war altogether. What happened in Afghanistan, and why, and the need for objective reassessments only came to mind after the September 11th attacks. This paper examines the genesis and various permutations of the Afghan war in terms of causal dynamics embedded in the broader interstate relations of the world system and its competing military complexes during the second half of the twentieth century and changes in that system in the post-Cold War period.
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Friesendorf, Cornelius, and Thomas Müller. "Human costs of the Afghanistan war." Journal of Regional Security 8, no. 2 (2013): 137–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11643/issn.2217-995x132ppf34.

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The war in Afghanistan has been the longest war in United States history. This article argues that from the beginning of the US-led invasion of Afghanistan in late 2001, the US conduct of the war posed great dangers for Afghan civilians. It distinguishes between three phases, each of which held distinct risks for civilians. The first phase, from late 2001 to 2009, was marked by the fight against al Qaeda and insurgent forces; the second phase, from 2009- 2010, by counterinsurgency; and the third phase by the transition of security responsibilities from NATO to Afghan security forces. While risk transfer clearly marked the first and third phases, civilians also suffered during the second phase, when the US put a primacy on civilian protection. We argue that neglecting civilian protection has not only been morally problematic but also risks undermining the Western goal of ensuring that Afghanistan will no longer pose a threat to international security.
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Goodson, Larry P. "The U.S. and Afghanistan after 2014." Asian Survey 55, no. 2 (2015): 249–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2015.55.2.249.

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The attacks of 9/11 spurred the U.S. to pursue national security interests in Afghanistan through expensive, overlapping strategies. The Afghan War helped elicit changes in the region that produced new American interests there. Because of a modern “Great Game” between regional and global actors in and around Afghanistan, the U.S. cannot afford to withdraw from the region.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "War in Afghanistan 2001-2014"

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Morgan, Edwards Lucy Helen. "Western support to warlords in Afghanistan from 2001-2014 and its effect on political legitimacy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/25388.

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This is an integrative paper aiming to encapsulate the themes of my previously published work upon which this PhD is being assessed. This work; encompassing several papers and various chapters of my book are attached behind this essay. The research question, examines the effect of Western support to warlords on political legitimacy in the post 9/11 Afghan war. I contextualise the research question in terms of my critical engagement with the literature of strategists in Afghanistan during this time. Subsequently, I draw out themes in relation to the available literature on warlords, politics and security in Afghanistan. I highlight the value of thinking about these questions conceptually in terms of legitimacy. I then introduce the published work, summarising the focus of each paper or book chapter. Later, a ‘findings’ section addresses how the policy of supporting warlords has affected legitimacy through its impact on security and stability, the political settlement and ultimately whether Afghans choose to accept the Western-backed project in Afghanistan, or not. I argue that this issue is important as it has security implications not just in the immediate region, but increasingly, throughout the Middle East and possibly further.
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Dyke, John R. Crisafulli John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDyke.pdf.

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Armstrong, Bradley J. "Rebuilding Afghanistan : counterinsurgency and reconstruction in Operation Enduring Freedom." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FArmstrong.pdf.

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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Hy S. Rothstein, Kalev K. Sepp. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-175). Also available online.
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Karlsson, Josefine. "Krigsjournalistik : En kritisk diskursanalys av New York Times rapportering av kriget i Afghanistan 2001." Thesis, Örebro : Örebro University. School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:175140/FULLTEXT01.

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Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.

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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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Williamson, Myra Elsie Jane Bell. "Terrorism, war and international law: the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2594.

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The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.
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Goodhart, Andrew T. "The Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986 and American Counterinsurgency: Comparing Afghanistan and Vietnam." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219627255.

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Papadopoulos, Christos. "State-building in the post-2001 era in Afghanistan : A deep dive in the chaotic reality of the war-torn nation." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91205.

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Abstract The aim of this essay was to examine the complicated process of state-building in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001. This was done by using a theory-consuming case study and utilizing Charles T. Call theory on state-building and his three gaps: capacity, security and legitimacy. By utilizing the previously mentioned theory one can see the glaring issues that exist in all three sectors of the Afghan state. Corruption is a recurrent variable that disturbs performance and trust towards officials while the Taliban are the main military force that meddles with attempts of democratization and progress. The matter of dealing with local leaders and warlords still lacks a cohesive solution and the huge influence of opium remains a considerable source of income for not only terrorists but also a part of the poor population. With the democratic institutions being so fragile and the fear of the US leaving the state by itself, the near future is going to be critical in determining the path Afghanistan will walk in.
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Domanskaitė, Gota Vėjūnė. "Long-term psychological after-effects of participation in war activities." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140430_132635-52588.

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The aims of the dissertation were to assess: the psychological peculiarities of Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans; the risk factors and the intensity of risk factors relations with posttraumatic reactions. A sample of 268 Lithuanian men who served in the Soviet Army in 1979–1989 was investigated on the average 17 years after the service: 174 men – study group and 94 – comparison group. The questionnaire was completed focusing on life-threatening experience, posttraumatic stress reactions, and mediating variables – social support, adaptation, sense of coherence, consumption of alcohol and drugs (HTQ, TSC-35, CSS, SOC13, structured and open questions). Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans have more long-term psychological after-effects than the comparison group. Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans experienced significantly more service-related and non-service-related traumatic events and conditions. Their adaptation after the service and nowadays were poorer and alcohol consumption is far more hazardous than in the comparison. Sense of coherence, adaptation after the service, violent assault, loss of the family member and alcohol consumption nowadays predict PTSD. The model of Afghanistan war veterans’ psychological after-effects is presented and discussed.<br>Tyrimo tikslai buvo nustatyti: 1) kokie psichologiniai ypatumai būdingi Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranams; 2) veiksnius, susijusius su vyrų dalyvavusių Afganistano kare potrauminės simptomatikos išreikštumu ir įvertinti tų veiksnių sąsajų su potraumine simptomatika stiprumą. Tyrimo dalyviai – 268 Lietuvos vyrai atlikę privalomąją karo tarnybą Sovietų armijoje 1979-1989 metais. Tiriamoji grupė – 174 vyrai tranavę Afganistano-Sovietų Sąjungos kare, palyginamoji grupė – 94 vyrai tarnavę SSRS teritorijoje, kur karo veiksmų nebuvo. Jie buvo apklausti vidutiniškai 17 metų po sugrįžimo iš tarnybos. Klausimyną sudarė Harvardo traumos klausimynas, Traumos simptomų klausimynas, Paramos krizėje skalė, Vidinės darnos skalė ir struktūruoti bei atviri klausimai apie trauminį patyrimą, potraumines pasekmes bei tarpinius kintamuosius – prisitaikymą, socialinę paramą, vidinę darną bei alkoholio ir narkotikų vartojimą. Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranų ilgalaikiai potrauminiai padariniai yra sunkesni, nei palyginamosios grupės. Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranų traumininė patirtis, susijusi su tarnyba ir viso gyvenimo yra sunkesnė, adaptacija iš karto po tarnybos ir dabartiniu metu prastene bei jiems labiau būdingas žalingas alkoholio vartojimas dabartiniu metu, nei palyginamosios grupės vyrams. Potrauminio streso sutrikimo pasireiškimą geriausiai prognozavo vidinė darna, prisitaikymas po tarnybos, patirtas smurtinis užpuolimas, šeimos nario netektis ir alkoholio vartojimas dabartiniu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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Mielcarek, Romain. "L'influence limitée de la communication militaire française sur le récit médiatique de la guerre en Afghanistan (2001-2013)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG003/document.

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L’Afghanistan a été au début du XXIème siècle l’opération majeure des armées françaises. C’est aussi une période tout au long de laquelle la stratégie de communication de cette institution se développe. La communication militaire, partagée entre un volet opérationnel sur le théâtre, un volet institutionnel au sein des armées et un volet politique au cabinet du ministre, s’est avérée un exemple original en matière de relations publiques. Nourris d’éthique et d’une forte conviction, les communicants ont opté pour une pratique plus tournée vers l’ouverture d’un dialogue avec les journalistes plutôt que vers la quête de résultats. En résulte une satisfaction relative du travail accompli dans ces deux groupes, sans que l’un ou l’autre n’ait dû renoncer à remplir sa propre mission. Le récit médiatique est relativement équilibré, même s’il est de plus en plus négatif au fil des années qui passent. Mais il contient également toute la symbolique valorisante de soldats dévoués et persévérants, soucieux de remplir leur mission<br>In the early XXIst century, Afghanistan was the major operation for french armed forces. All along that period, communication strategy of that institution has evolved, to face the standards of time and requirements of a professionalizing force. Military press relations, shared between communication about operations on the field, institutionnal communication inside the armies and a political communication in the minister’s office, has been an original example of public relations. Fostered by ethic and a strong conviction, press officers have opted for an open dialogue with journalists rather than for a search of outcomes. The result is a relative satisfaction of work done in those two groups, without any obligation for both of them to renounce to its own objective. Ensue a media narrative relatively balanced, even if it goes more and more negative over the years. Journalists reach that way their information duty by disclosing dysfunctions of this operation. But it also contains every positive symbols about devoted and persistents soldiers, concerned with fulfilling their mission
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Books on the topic "War in Afghanistan 2001-2014"

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Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, ed. The unfinished war in Afghanistan: 2001-2014. Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, 2014.

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1931-, Bowman John Stewart, ed. Afghanistan War. Chelsea House, 2010.

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Carlisle, Rodney P. Afghanistan War. Edited by Bowman John S. Chelsea House, 2010.

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South Asian Strategic Stability Institute and National Defence University (Pakistan), eds. Afghanistan 2014: The decision point. South Asian Strategic Stability Institute (SASSI) University, 2013.

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The Afghanistan War. The Childs World, 2015.

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The war in Afghanistan. Lucent Books, 2004.

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The war in Afghanistan. Arcturus Pub., 2011.

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Williams, Brian. The war in Afghanistan. Arcturus Pub., 2011.

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Fiscus, James W. America's war in Afghanistan. Rosen Pub. Group, 2004.

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The war in Afghanistan. ReferencePoint Press, Inc., 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "War in Afghanistan 2001-2014"

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Bert, Wayne. "Afghanistan—2001–Present." In American Military Intervention in Unconventional War. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230337817_7.

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Dieck, Helene. "The Intervention in Afghanistan in 2001." In The Influence of Public Opinion on Post-Cold War US Military Interventions. Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137519238_8.

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Garey, Julie. "September 11, 2001, and the War in Afghanistan." In The US Role in NATO’s Survival After the Cold War. Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-13675-8_4.

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Shen, Simon. "Response to US Patriotism: The 9/11 Incident and the War in Afghanistan (September–December 2001)." In Redefining Nationalism in Modern China. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230590007_4.

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Maley, William. "The Rise and Rule of the Taliban, 1994–2001." In The Afghanistan Wars. Macmillan Education UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-1840-6_11.

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Maley, William. "The Rise and Rule of the Taliban, 1994–2001." In The Afghanistan Wars. Macmillan Education UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-01361-3_11.

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Arai-Takahashi, Yutaka. "Disentangling Legal Quagmires: The Legal Characterisation of the Armed Conflicts in Afghanistan since 6/7 October 2001 and the Question of Prisoner of War Status." In Yearbook of International Humanitarian Law. T.M.C. Asser Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-90-6704-757-9_2.

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Hammond, Philip. "Afghanistan, 2001." In Framing post-Cold War conflicts. Manchester University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.7765/9781526130914.00011.

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"7 Britain’s War in Afghanistan, 2001–2014." In Learning the Lessons of Modern War. Stanford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781503612518-011.

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Lebovic, James H. "The Afghanistan War, 2001–?" In Planning to Fail. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190935320.003.0004.

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With the September 11, 2001 attack by al-Qaeda terrorists on the World Trade Center, the Bush administration conceded to decisional bias. It committed to Operation Enduring Freedom in Afghanistan without duly assessing the implications of a Taliban defeat or how it might serve the administration’s “global war on terrorism.” Once engaged, the administration defined the US mission in Afghanistan broadly yet remained detached from harsh realities—including Afghan government corruption and ineptitude, finite alliance resources (in the International Security Assistance Force), and a Taliban resurgence—that hampered the achievement of these goals. The Obama administration capped US involvement in pursuing the limited goal of “reversing” the Taliban’s momentum. Although the administration increased US force levels in Afghanistan, it did so modestly and temporarily and then pursued a troop exit despite the country’s ongoing violence and instability. The administration stuck to its plan, slowing, not reversing, the withdrawal as the country’s security conditions worsened.
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Conference papers on the topic "War in Afghanistan 2001-2014"

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Tamm, Gunnar, J. Ledlie Klosky, Jacob Baxter, Luke Grant, Isaac Melnick, and Jacob Young. "Waste Heat Recovery From Generators in the Deployed Army." In ASME 2014 8th International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the ASME 2014 12th International Conference on Fuel Cell Science, Engineering and Technology. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2014-6680.

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Electrical power generation in austere settings, such as combat zones, places a heavy burden on the US Army; high costs in both dollars and lives lost require that every drop of fuel be used effectively and efficiently. In remote locations such as combat outposts (COPs) and small forward operating bases (FOBs) in Afghanistan, electrical power derived from the Army’s standard Advanced Medium Mobile Power Sources (AMMPS) generator is even used to heat water for showers and heat living spaces. This heating requires conversion of thermal energy to mechanical energy, which is then converted to electrical energy and back to heat. Thus, a significant fuel savings could be realized through the more efficient production of heat. A combined heat and power system is proposed; efficiency is increased by routing the generator exhaust through simple ducting to a standard gas hot water heater to produce hot water with waste heat. With funding from the U.S. Army Rapid Equipping Force, cadets and faculty at the United States Military Academy designed, built and tested a system for under $1,000 in parts which was readily coupled to a 5 kW AMMPS generator to produce hot shower water. Results indicate a possible fuel savings of 1500–2000 gallons per year, 20–35% increased fuel utility, and the ability to provide 10–20 five gallon showers during every 5 hours of operation of each 5 kW generator. At a fuel cost of $20–50 per gallon in the deployed environment, and considering the large inventory of deployed generators, the payback for the Army could be tremendous.
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Reports on the topic "War in Afghanistan 2001-2014"

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Sultan, Sadiqa, Maryam Kanwer, and Jaffer Abbas Mirza. The Multi-Layered Minority: Exploring the Intersection of Gender, Class and Religious-Ethnic Affiliation in the Marginalisation of Hazara Women in Pakistan. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2020.005.

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The Shia Hazaras in Pakistan are one of the most persecuted religious minorities. According to a 2019 report produced by the National Commission for Human Rights, a government formed commission, at least 509 Hazaras have been killed since 2013 (NCHR 2018: 2). According to one of the Vice Chairs of the Human Rights Commission Pakistan, the country's leading human rights watchdog, between 2009 and 2014, nearly 1,000 Hazaras were killed in sectarian violence (Butt 2014). The present population of Shia Hazaras is the result of three historical migrations from Afghanistan (Hashmi 2016: 2). The first phase of migration occurred in 1880 1901 when Abd al Rahman Khan came to power in 1880 in Afghanistan and declared war against the Hazaras as a result of a series of revolts they made against the regime.
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2

Kelly, Luke. Lessons learnt from humanitarian negotiations with the Taliban, 1996-2001. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.11.

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This rapid literature review finds that humanitarian actors responded in a variety of ways to Taliban actions limiting principled aid in the country during the period of their rule (1996-2001). The report is focused on the findings around humanitarian negotiation and the strategy of humanitarian actors in response to Taliban policies limiting women's ability to work for humanitarian organisations or access services. The findings are not intended to imply parallels with the current situation in Afghanistan. Evidence is in the form of a number of evaluations, academic articles and lessons learned papers on negotiating with the Taliban. It discusses the methods of negotiating with the Taliban (e.g. co-ordination, working with the leadership or rank-and-file), the content of negotiations and particularly the question of reaching agreement on women’s rights, as well as humanitarian actors’ negotiating capacity. There is less discussion on the negotiation of specific programmes (e.g. anti-gender-based violence programmes). Due to the different goals and principles of humanitarian actors, as well as different ideas of feasibility, conclusions on the effectiveness of negotiating tactics vary. Strategies therefore cannot be judged as 'successful' without reference to a conception of what is most important in humanitarian programming, and the constraints of the situation. The review highlights lessons on good negotiating practices. The main issue being negotiated was the clash between the Taliban's restrictions on women and humanitarian actors' aim of providing aid to all, including women, according to need. Various strategies were used to persuade the Taliban to consent to principled aid. This review considers aid agency negotiating strategy and tactics, as well as the underlying interests and constraints that may make negotiations more or less successful.
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3

Kelly, Luke. Lessons Learnt from Humanitarian Negotiations with the Taliban, 1996-2001. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.126.

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Abstract:
This rapid literature review finds that humanitarian actors responded in a variety of ways to Taliban actions limiting principled aid in the country during the period of their rule (1996-2001). The report is focused on the findings around humanitarian negotiation and the strategy of humanitarian actors in response to Taliban policies limiting women's ability to work for humanitarian organisations or access services. The findings are not intended to imply parallels with the current situation in Afghanistan. Evidence is in the form of a number of evaluations, academic articles and lessons learned papers on negotiating with the Taliban. It discusses the methods of negotiating with the Taliban (e.g. co-ordination, working with the leadership or rank-and-file), the content of negotiations and particularly the question of reaching agreement on women’s rights, as well as humanitarian actors’ negotiating capacity. There is less discussion on the negotiation of specific programmes (e.g. anti-gender-based violence programmes). Due to the different goals and principles of humanitarian actors, as well as different ideas of feasibility, conclusions on the effectiveness of negotiating tactics vary. Strategies therefore cannot be judged as 'successful' without reference to a conception of what is most important in humanitarian programming, and the constraints of the situation. The review highlights lessons on good negotiating practices. The main issue being negotiated was the clash between the Taliban's restrictions on women and humanitarian actors' aim of providing aid to all, including women, according to need. Various strategies were used to persuade the Taliban to consent to principled aid. This review considers aid agency negotiating strategy and tactics, as well as the underlying interests and constraints that may make negotiations more or less successful.
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