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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'War in Afghanistan 2001-2014'
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Morgan, Edwards Lucy Helen. "Western support to warlords in Afghanistan from 2001-2014 and its effect on political legitimacy." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/25388.
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This is an integrative paper aiming to encapsulate the themes of my previously published work upon which this PhD is being assessed. This work; encompassing several papers and various chapters of my book are attached behind this essay. The research question, examines the effect of Western support to warlords on political legitimacy in the post 9/11 Afghan war. I contextualise the research question in terms of my critical engagement with the literature of strategists in Afghanistan during this time. Subsequently, I draw out themes in relation to the available literature on warlords, politics and security in Afghanistan. I highlight the value of thinking about these questions conceptually in terms of legitimacy. I then introduce the published work, summarising the focus of each paper or book chapter. Later, a ‘findings’ section addresses how the policy of supporting warlords has affected legitimacy through its impact on security and stability, the political settlement and ultimately whether Afghans choose to accept the Western-backed project in Afghanistan, or not. I argue that this issue is important as it has security implications not just in the immediate region, but increasingly, throughout the Middle East and possibly further.
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Dyke, John R. Crisafulli John R. "Unconventional counter-insurgency in Afghanistan." Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2006. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/06Jun%5FDyke.pdf.
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Armstrong, Bradley J. "Rebuilding Afghanistan : counterinsurgency and reconstruction in Operation Enduring Freedom." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FArmstrong.pdf.
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Thesis (M.S. in Defense Analysis)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Hy S. Rothstein, Kalev K. Sepp. Includes bibliographical references (p. 162-175). Also available online.
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Karlsson, Josefine. "Krigsjournalistik : En kritisk diskursanalys av New York Times rapportering av kriget i Afghanistan 2001." Thesis, Örebro : Örebro University. School of Humanities, Education and Social Sciences, 2008. http://www.diva-portal.org/smash/get/diva2:175140/FULLTEXT01.
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Vant, Megan. "In Legal Limbo? The status and rights of detainees from the 2001 war in Afghanistan." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2448.
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During the 2001 war in Afghanistan hundreds of people associated with the Taliban or al Qaeda were arrested by United States forces and transported to the Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. The legal status and treatment of these detainees has been an ongoing problem over the last five years. The majority have been given no recourse to justice and allegations of inhuman treatment and torture have been frequent. The first issue raised by the incarceration of these people is whether any of them may be entitled to Prisoner of War status. The evidence shows that, in general, the Taliban and al-Qaeda fighters were not lawful combatants, and hence they are not entitled to Prisoner of War status. While the rights of Prisoners of War are well documented and generally uncontested, the rights of people not entitled to Prisoner of War status are not so easily definable. Despite classification as unlawful or unprivileged combatants, the detainees are not in legal limbo - they are still entitled to the benefit of certain fundamental human rights. There are applicable protections under the Fourth Geneva Convention, Additional Protocol I, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the United Nations Convention Against Torture. The main rights upheld by these documents are the right to liberty and freedom from arbitrary detention; the right to a fair trial; and the right to life. Furthermore, there is a requirement of humane treatment and an absolute prohibition on torture. Reports from international humanitarian watchdogs such as the International Committee of the Red Cross, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch suggest that the United States Government is not upholding the rights held by the detainees. It is essential that the United States Government recognises the fundamental rights owed to the detainees and ensures that they receive the requisite treatment and access to justice.
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Williamson, Myra Elsie Jane Bell. "Terrorism, war and international law: the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2594.
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The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.
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Goodhart, Andrew T. "The Goldwater Nichols Act of 1986 and American Counterinsurgency: Comparing Afghanistan and Vietnam." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1219627255.
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Papadopoulos, Christos. "State-building in the post-2001 era in Afghanistan : A deep dive in the chaotic reality of the war-torn nation." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-91205.
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Abstract The aim of this essay was to examine the complicated process of state-building in Afghanistan after the fall of the Taliban regime in 2001. This was done by using a theory-consuming case study and utilizing Charles T. Call theory on state-building and his three gaps: capacity, security and legitimacy. By utilizing the previously mentioned theory one can see the glaring issues that exist in all three sectors of the Afghan state. Corruption is a recurrent variable that disturbs performance and trust towards officials while the Taliban are the main military force that meddles with attempts of democratization and progress. The matter of dealing with local leaders and warlords still lacks a cohesive solution and the huge influence of opium remains a considerable source of income for not only terrorists but also a part of the poor population. With the democratic institutions being so fragile and the fear of the US leaving the state by itself, the near future is going to be critical in determining the path Afghanistan will walk in.
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Domanskaitė, Gota Vėjūnė. "Long-term psychological after-effects of participation in war activities." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2014. http://vddb.library.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2014~D_20140430_132635-52588.
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The aims of the dissertation were to assess: the psychological peculiarities of Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans; the risk factors and the intensity of risk factors relations with posttraumatic reactions. A sample of 268 Lithuanian men who served in the Soviet Army in 1979–1989 was investigated on the average 17 years after the service: 174 men – study group and 94 – comparison group. The questionnaire was completed focusing on life-threatening experience, posttraumatic stress reactions, and mediating variables – social support, adaptation, sense of coherence, consumption of alcohol and drugs (HTQ, TSC-35, CSS, SOC13, structured and open questions). Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans have more long-term psychological after-effects than the comparison group. Lithuanian Afghanistan war veterans experienced significantly more service-related and non-service-related traumatic events and conditions. Their adaptation after the service and nowadays were poorer and alcohol consumption is far more hazardous than in the comparison. Sense of coherence, adaptation after the service, violent assault, loss of the family member and alcohol consumption nowadays predict PTSD. The model of Afghanistan war veterans’ psychological after-effects is presented and discussed.<br>Tyrimo tikslai buvo nustatyti: 1) kokie psichologiniai ypatumai būdingi Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranams; 2) veiksnius, susijusius su vyrų dalyvavusių Afganistano kare potrauminės simptomatikos išreikštumu ir įvertinti tų veiksnių sąsajų su potraumine simptomatika stiprumą. Tyrimo dalyviai – 268 Lietuvos vyrai atlikę privalomąją karo tarnybą Sovietų armijoje 1979-1989 metais. Tiriamoji grupė – 174 vyrai tranavę Afganistano-Sovietų Sąjungos kare, palyginamoji grupė – 94 vyrai tarnavę SSRS teritorijoje, kur karo veiksmų nebuvo. Jie buvo apklausti vidutiniškai 17 metų po sugrįžimo iš tarnybos. Klausimyną sudarė Harvardo traumos klausimynas, Traumos simptomų klausimynas, Paramos krizėje skalė, Vidinės darnos skalė ir struktūruoti bei atviri klausimai apie trauminį patyrimą, potraumines pasekmes bei tarpinius kintamuosius – prisitaikymą, socialinę paramą, vidinę darną bei alkoholio ir narkotikų vartojimą. Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranų ilgalaikiai potrauminiai padariniai yra sunkesni, nei palyginamosios grupės. Lietuvos Afganistano karo veteranų traumininė patirtis, susijusi su tarnyba ir viso gyvenimo yra sunkesnė, adaptacija iš karto po tarnybos ir dabartiniu metu prastene bei jiems labiau būdingas žalingas alkoholio vartojimas dabartiniu metu, nei palyginamosios grupės vyrams. Potrauminio streso sutrikimo pasireiškimą geriausiai prognozavo vidinė darna, prisitaikymas po tarnybos, patirtas smurtinis užpuolimas, šeimos nario netektis ir alkoholio vartojimas dabartiniu... [toliau žr. visą tekstą]
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Mielcarek, Romain. "L'influence limitée de la communication militaire française sur le récit médiatique de la guerre en Afghanistan (2001-2013)." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018STRAG003/document.
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L’Afghanistan a été au début du XXIème siècle l’opération majeure des armées françaises. C’est aussi une période tout au long de laquelle la stratégie de communication de cette institution se développe. La communication militaire, partagée entre un volet opérationnel sur le théâtre, un volet institutionnel au sein des armées et un volet politique au cabinet du ministre, s’est avérée un exemple original en matière de relations publiques. Nourris d’éthique et d’une forte conviction, les communicants ont opté pour une pratique plus tournée vers l’ouverture d’un dialogue avec les journalistes plutôt que vers la quête de résultats. En résulte une satisfaction relative du travail accompli dans ces deux groupes, sans que l’un ou l’autre n’ait dû renoncer à remplir sa propre mission. Le récit médiatique est relativement équilibré, même s’il est de plus en plus négatif au fil des années qui passent. Mais il contient également toute la symbolique valorisante de soldats dévoués et persévérants, soucieux de remplir leur mission<br>In the early XXIst century, Afghanistan was the major operation for french armed forces. All along that period, communication strategy of that institution has evolved, to face the standards of time and requirements of a professionalizing force. Military press relations, shared between communication about operations on the field, institutionnal communication inside the armies and a political communication in the minister’s office, has been an original example of public relations. Fostered by ethic and a strong conviction, press officers have opted for an open dialogue with journalists rather than for a search of outcomes. The result is a relative satisfaction of work done in those two groups, without any obligation for both of them to renounce to its own objective. Ensue a media narrative relatively balanced, even if it goes more and more negative over the years. Journalists reach that way their information duty by disclosing dysfunctions of this operation. But it also contains every positive symbols about devoted and persistents soldiers, concerned with fulfilling their mission
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Berry, Philip Andrew. "The U.S. and the UK's war on the Afghan opium industry : a critical evaluation of Anglo-American counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan 2001-2011." Thesis, University of Dundee, 2015. https://discovery.dundee.ac.uk/en/studentTheses/2d223112-6dea-4718-9f75-d364bf7e54cb.
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Western counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan failed dismally after opium cultivation surged to unprecedented levels. At the centre of this failed battle against illegal narcotics was the Anglo-American partnership. Far from working harmoniously, the alliance was separated by competing and opposing views of how to address the opium problem. These disputes led to open diplomatic clashes and friction within the wider Anglo-American relationship. This work provides the first definitive account of the United States’ and United Kingdom’s counter narcotics policies in Afghanistan and details the inside story of the policy-making process which underpinned their formulation and implementation. Through interviews with key policy practitioners on both sides of the Atlantic, this study reveals the complex picture of counter narcotics policies; highlighting key points of cooperation and contention and detailing the often contradictory and competitive objectives of the overall war effort in Afghanistan. An integral part of that explanatory analysis is also a more comprehensive account of the development of British counter narcotics policies than hitherto available. Building on the limited volume of work by previous scholars, this study presents previously unknown details regarding the decision-making process that underpinned key policies, including: compensated eradication (2002); UK appointment as ‘G8 lead nation’ (2002); and the transition of the UK’s role as ‘partner nation’ to the UNODC (2011). Furthermore, the study provides unique coverage of Anglo-American discord over aerial eradication (2004-2008). This issue was been covered by many academic and media reports over the course of the conflict but no research has provided in-depth analysis of events from policy makers’ perspectives in both governments within the context of their wider special relationship.
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Masson, Anne-Sophie. "Le droit de la guerre confronté aux nouveaux conflits asymétriques : généralisation à partir du conflit Afghan (2001-2013)." Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH03.
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Le conflit afghan (à partir de 2001) peut être considéré comme un nouveau conflit asymétrique reprenant les caractéristiques des conflits asymétriques classiques (rapport de force disproportionné entre les belligérants) à l’exception de la territorialisation, remplacée par l’appartenance à une idéologie commune. En conséquence, le champ de bataille y est devenu secondaire, la guerre est devenue cognitive. La séparation entre la paix et la guerre s’est atténuée à tel point qu’il est devenu impossible de compartimenter le droit de la guerre en fonction de l’intensité du conflit ou de son internationalisation. Faute de s’y être adapté, le droit de la guerre a cessé de faciliter le rétablissement de la paix et a été perçu par les militaires occidentaux comme une entrave aux combats. C’est pourquoi, certains belligérants ont tenté de s’en affranchir en ayant recours à des méthodes de combats illégitimes. Ces effets ont été médiatisés et ont participé à la perte de légitimité des Etats occidentaux allant jusqu’à remettre en question la division du monde en Etats souverains. L’absence de résolution de ces conflits pourrait conduire à une guerre civile globalisée. En réponse, l’harmonisation du droit de la guerre autour de la garantie inconditionnelle des droits inaliénables doit être affirmée par les Etats et les nouveaux acteurs internationaux. Elle pourrait émerger d’un « Parlement mondial », garant du droit international. De plus, l’irréprochabilité morale des belligérants est attendue. Le droit et la place des armées au sein de la société doivent le refléter<br>The Afghan war (since 2001) may be seen as a new asymmetric conflict. It has all characteristics of the former asymmetric conflicts except territoriality, which has been replaced by ideology. Therefore, the battlefields have been displaced to the cognitive war. The distinction between war and peace became so small that it is now impossible to distinguish the law of war in regard to its intensity or to the implication of several states. The law of wars, due to its lack of adaptation stopped to ease the peace recovery, becoming a hindrance to combat. In consequence, some warriors have been tempted to use forbidden combat methods. Whose effects have been mediatized and took part of the western states legitimacy crisis (and questionning the World division in sovereign states). The lack of conflicts settlement could lead to a worldwide civil war. Unless, law of wars are harmonized through universal core rights mandatory for states and new international actors; a “World Parliament” could protect them. Furthermore, moral integrity of warriors is expected, it may be reflected into the military laws and their position into the civil society
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Hanagan, Deborah Lynn. "NATO and coalition warfare in Afghanistan, 2001-2014." Thesis, King's College London (University of London), 2017. https://kclpure.kcl.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/nato-and-coalition-warfare-in-afghanistan-20012014(1284a4bd-94af-4726-93fc-26b13997d4cb).html.
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This thesis analyzes the involvement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) in Afghanistan. Specifically, it analyzes multinational military adaptation and change at the operational level within the ISAF coalition which operated in the midst of a complex conflict that changed in character over time. NATO was not initially involved in military operations, but this changed slowly over time. First, it decided to take over ISAF in Kabul, and then it expanded ISAF, both geographically and operationally. ISAF then surged, followed by an organized withdrawal. Why did this happen and how did ISAF maintain coalition cohesion throughout the campaign in Afghanistan? Despite a multitude of forces that should have frayed coalition cohesion, such as intra-alliance friction over burden-sharing, operational inefficiencies related to national caveats, reluctance to commit forces, especially to engage in combat, and a widespread perception the war was a failure, the ISAF coalition did not fall apart and contributing nations did not abandon their partners. Instead, cohesion endured, the coalition increased in size and expanded what it did, and NATO members and partners stayed engaged for some thirteen years. This thesis proposes an analytical framework comprised of two drivers, political will and organizational capacity, to explain this puzzle.
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Lange, Sven. "Revolt against the West : a comparison of the Boxer Rebellion of 1900-1901 & the current war against terror /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2004. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/04Jun%5FLange.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2004.<br>Thesis advisor(s): Lyman Miller, Donald Abenheim. Includes bibliographical references (p. 99-103). Also available online.
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Mahmood, Tariq. "The Durand Line : South Asia's new trouble spot /." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2005. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion/05Jun%5FMahmood.pdf.
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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2005.<br>Thesis Advisor(s): Peter R. Lavoy, Feroz Hassan Khan. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-104). Also available online.
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Henrotin, Joseph W. C. H. G. "Hypertrophie de la stratégie des moyens et révolution dans les affaires militaires: la technologisation, dérive de l'innovation dans le discours politico-stratégique américan ?" Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/210564.
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Evaluation des mutations de la stratégie politico-militaire américaine depuis l'occurrence de la Revolution in Military Affairs jusqu'au processus actuel de "Transformation". L'analyse des évolutions vues - y compris à l'aune des opérations menées en Afghanistan et en Irak - montre, au delà du phénomène de technicisation (i.e. le processus d'intégration de nouvelles technologies aux armées) un phénomène de "technologisation". <p><p>Dans ce cadre, le discours stratégique américain, examiné au travers des débats stratégiques et des contributions doctrinales, tendrait à être sur-déterminé par la technologie, du niveau tactique au niveau politique, de sorte que ledit discours tendrait à devenir en soi une technologie.<br>Doctorat en Sciences politiques et sociales<br>info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished
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Cawkwell, Thomas William. "UK strategy in Afghanistan, 2001-2014 : narratives, transnational dilemmas, and 'strategic communication'." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/17181.
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The difficulties faced by the United Kingdom in realising its stabilisation objectives in the War in Afghanistan (2001-2014) have precipitated a change in rhetorical approach by successive British Governments, from one based on liberal normative principles to one that emphasises traditional, rationalist precepts of ‘national security interests’. This transformation of ‘narrative’ is identified in this work as chronologically analogous with the institutionalisation of ‘strategic communication’ practices and doctrine emanating from the defence establishment of the British state. In this work, I argue that changes in narrative approach and the emergence of strategic communication can be understood as a consequence of an overburdened British state attempting to free itself from a ‘transnational dilemma’ (King 2010): that is, to find a means of appealing coherently and succinctly to the benefits of participation in collective security whilst avoiding threatening the viability of collective security membership by acknowledging its costs. This transnational dilemma has been exacerbated by intra-state competition over the material and ideational aspects of British strategy in Helmand, and is traceable by close empirical analysis of three competing ‘policy narratives’ for Afghanistan: stabilisation, counter-narcotics, and counter-terrorism, respectively. Intra-state competition can, in turn, be conceptualised as the result of embedded inter-state relationships of political obligation and military cooperation referred to by Edmunds (2010) as the ‘transnationalisation’ of defence policy. UK policy in Afghanistan has been guided by transnational issues, specifically the maintenance of NATO as a collective security apparatus and of the ‘special relationship’ with the United States, through which Britain secures and projects its national interest. I argue that the UK’s grand strategic commitment to transnationalisation underscores an ‘unstatable’ ultimate policy of meeting the expectations of the United States and NATO, and that the development of various policies and narratives for Afghanistan can be understood primarily in such terms. In Afghanistan, transnationalisation and the concordant pursuit of satisfying American and NATO expectations has come at the cost of a significant divestment of strategic autonomy, which has uprooted traditional, nationally-based concepts of strategy and policy to the transnational level and resulted in a strategic vacuum wherein intra-state competition has flourished. This, I argue, has compromised the ability for Britain to link policy to operations (to ‘do’ strategy)d in Afghanistan, a point which can be empirically measured by reference to the discordant and contradictory aspects of aforementioned policy narratives, which have been rooted in the institutional interests of various elements of the state. Strategic communication has arisen out of this situation as a means for the state to overcome the transnational dilemma by promoting a unified ‘strategic narrative’ for Afghanistan that has reconfigured the narrative for the conflict to one that emphasises the conflict not in terms of collective security but in ‘national’ terms. This work concludes by arguing that, in sidestepping rather than confronting the core dilemmas of British strategy, the emergence of strategic communication can be seen as posing as many problems as solutions for the UK state.
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Edge, Shaun Joseph. "The growing role of Special Forces in modern warfare with specific reference to the United States of America." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/27310.
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The objective of this study is to assess the growing role of Special Forces in modern warfare, with specific reference to the United States of America. The main question that the study seeks to address is what are the implications of the growing role of Special Forces in modern warfare? The study also seeks to ascertain why exactly this growth is occurring and whether or not this will have a bearing on the future of not only the manner in which the US conducts conflict but also global conflict as a whole. In order to address these issues the study will look at conventional and unconventional warfare and forces; the roles and missions of Special Forces and the composition of US Special Forces; the role of US Special Forces in modern warfare prior to the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks; and the role of the US Special Forces in the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. An analysis of conventional and unconventional warfare as concepts, as well as the forces that constitute conventional and unconventional forces was first done in order to provide some perspective into what these concepts and forces are and more specifically, what differentiates them. Specific reference was made here to the United States’ approach to warfare from the days of the American Revolution up to and including the end of the Cold War. Emphasis is placed on the growing role of US Special Forces throughout the study and this is achieved through the use of four major case studies, namely the 1991 Gulf War; Somalia (1992-1993); the Balkans (1995-2001); and the 2001 ‘Special Forces war’ in Afghanistan. The case studies that dealt with the 1991 Gulf War, Somalia and the Balkans elucidated the growing role of both unconventional warfare and specifically US Special Forces and Special Mission Units since the end of the Cold War. The case study of the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan provided the culmination of the shift from conventional to unconventional warfare and the execution of the campaign as a ‘Special Forces war.’ The study demonstrates that since the end of the Cold War in the 1990’s, unconventional warfare has increasingly become more ubiquitous and can be said to be replacing, or at least equalling in stature, conventional warfare. This has the possibility of dramatically affecting how warfare is executed both currently and more importantly, in the future. The study went on to show that unconventional warfare is not akin to conventional warfare, especially with regard to the forces needed to respond to such conflicts and that Special Forces are the forces most applicable and most effective in dealing with unconventional warfare. The study confirms that Special Forces are the solution to the growing prominence of unconventional warfare and that countries, and specifically the United States can more effectively counter the threat of unconventional warfare and unconventional forces by shifting Special Forces from a supporting component to conventional forces to a supported component. This would require a massive shift in alignment both for the United States as well as other major states’ militaries but as the study has shown, this is pertinent given that unconventional warfare and forces will most likely remain the primary threat that states and militaries will now face<br>Dissertation (MSS)--University of Pretoria, 2010.<br>Political Sciences<br>unrestricted
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Muttaqi, Farid [Verfasser], Klaus [Akademischer Betreuer] Schlichte, Klaus [Gutachter] Schlichte, and Mushtaq [Gutachter] Kaw. "Iran's foreign policy towards Afghanistan (2001-2014) / Farid Muttaqi ; Gutachter: Klaus Schlichte, Mushtaq Kaw ; Betreuer: Klaus Schlichte." Bremen : Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Bremen, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1193177057/34.
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Axelson, Klara. "Den humanitära stormakten på imperiernas kyrkogård : En studie om Utrikesdepartementets syn på Sveriges engagemang i ISAF 2001-2014." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9737.
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Fescharek, Nicolas. "European role convergence by default ? : the contributions of the EU Member States to security provision and Security Sector Reform during the military intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014)." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016IEPP0009/document.
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Basé sur un engagement collectif qui a débuté en 2001, cette thèse se penche sur le rôle des États membres de l'Union européenne (UE) dans la stabilisation de l’Afghanistan pendant l'intervention militaire de 2001 à 2014. La thèse analyse les contributions nationales et collectives des Etats membres à la stabilisation et la sécurité nationale de l'Afghanistan, de la réforme du secteur de sécurité à la formation de l'armée et de la police, du maintien de la paix aux combats et aux initiatives diplomatiques. La thèse montre que le Etats membres ont joué un rôle important dans les prestations de sécurité, mais leur impact collectif est en grande partie le résultat de synergies entre des contributions nationales, et ces synergies ont été réalisées en dehors des dynamiques ou des politiques européennes. Le leadership américain a été un facteur important dans l’émergence d’un rôle européen collectif par défaut. La thèse avance également un argument théorique-conceptuel : Loin d'être un obstacle à un rôle européen de sécurité et de défense, l'absence d'une politique ou d'un projet européen a agi comme un important catalyseur de la convergence des comportements, une fois qu’un leadership américain pouvait être invoqué. Cette convergence de comportements en matière de sécurité et de défense a eu lieu en dépit de la grande divergence des cultures stratégiques entre les Etats membres. Elle a été réalisée à partir d’actions conjointes mais sélectives qui furent insérées dans le cadre du leadership américain. Une politique collective et européenne n’a pas été nécessaire pour réaliser ce rôle<br>Based on a collective engagement that has lasted since 2001, this thesis looks at the role(s) of the EU Member States (MS) in the provision of security during the intervention in Afghanistan (2001-2014). It analyzes their national and collective contribution(s) to Afghanistan’s post-2001 national security and Security Sector Reform (SSR), from military and police training to peace keeping, war fighting and diplomatic initiatives. The dissertation shows the MS played an important role in security provision, but their collective impact was largely the result of synergies between national contributions that occurred outside of European dynamics or policy planning. US campaign leadership was an important enabler of this collective European role by default. The dissertation also advances a theoretical-conceptual argument: Far from being an impediment to a European role in security and defense, the absence of a European policy or project acted as an important enabler of behavioral convergence once a US lead could be relied upon. This behavioral convergence in security and defense occurred despite the great strategic cultural divergence between the MS. It consisted of, and was driven by, joined-up action on an opt-in/opt-out basis, while a collective European policy was not necessary
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Bricet, des Vallons Georges-Henri. "L’entreprise de guerre au XXIe siècle : Les sociétés militaires privées dans la politique étrangère et la stratégie militaire des Etats-Unis." Thesis, Paris 5, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA05D001.
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Les guerres d’Irak et d’Afghanistan ont vu la réapparition massive de sociétés de mercenariat d’un nouveau genre.Le mercenariat occidental est ainsi passé en moins de vingt ans de structures artisanales, arrimées à la politiquepost-coloniale des grandes puissances, à un stade professionnel et industriel tendant à une transnationalisationcroissante de ses activités. Des bavures de la célèbre Blackwater à l’implication d’employés de CACI dans lescandale de la torture au sein de la prison d’Abu Grahib, en passant par les activités de la tentaculaire Aegis, lessociétés militaires privées, omniprésentes sur le champ de bataille, ont rythmé et marqué le récit de ces guerresmajeures du début du XXIe siècle. Fait crucial : c’est la première fois dans l’histoire des opérations militairesaméricaines qu’on assiste à un basculement de la démographie des forces en faveur du secteur privé. Produit del’économie de guerre permanente et ramifications expéditionnaires du complexe militaro-industriel, ces sociétésreprésentent un changement d’expression de la puissance militaire étatsunienne sans précédent. Cettemercenarisation de l’american way of war est désormais une tendance structurelle de la politique étrangère del’Empire et pourrait bien révolutionner à terme le visage même de la guerre. Cette thèse trace le récit historique deces armées privées, décrit les conditions politiques qui ont permis à ce nouveau marché de la guerre d’émerger etse propose d’analyser la portée sociopolitique de ce phénomène de mondialisation de la violence privée quant à laquestion de l’Etat. Cette question du retour du mercenariat à grande échelle dans la politique étrangère des Etats-Unis permet non seulement de former une hypothèse aiguë sur le déclin de la puissance militaire américaine maisaussi sur les évolutions de l’identité sociohistorique du monopole de la violence étatique<br>Iraq and Afghanistan Wars have seen a massive return of mercenary companies of a new genre. The Westernmercenaries have transformed in less than twenty years from craft structures, linked to the post-colonial politics ofgreat powers, to a professional and industrial stage that tends to a growing transnationalization of their activities.From the blunders of the famous Blackwater to the involvement of CACI’s employees in the torture scandal inAbu Ghraib prison, through the activities of the sprawling Aegis, private military companies, everywhere on thebattlefield, have marked and labeled the story of these major wars of the early twenty-first Century. Crucial fact:this is the first time in the history of U.S. military operations that we are witnessing a shift in the demographics offorces in favor of the private sector. Product of the permanent war economy and overseas branches of themilitary-industrial complex, these companies represent an unprecedented change in expression of U.S. militarypower. This mercenarization of the American way of war is now a structural trend of the foreign policy of theEmpire and could eventually revolutionize the face of the war. This thesis traces the history of these privatearmies, described the political conditions that led to the birth of this new market of war, and analyzes the scope ofthis sociopolitical phenomenon of globalization of private violence. This return of mercenaries on a large scale inthe foreign policy of the United States not only help to form a decisive hypothesis on the decline of Americanmilitary power but also on the socio-historical changes of the identity of the State monopoly of violence
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Pichard, Alexis. "Représentations de la guerre contre le terrorisme : les séries télévisées américaines "24 heures chrono" (Fox, 2001-2010 ; 2014) et "Homeland" (Showtime, 2011-)." Thesis, Normandie, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017NORMLH27.
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Ce travail s’appuie sur les études culturelles et historiques, la géopolitique, la narratologie, et la sémiologie de l’image pour étudier la guerre contre le terrorisme et ses représentations dans les séries télévisées américaines "24 heures chrono" et "Homeland". Produites à dix ans d’intervalle, ces deux fictions majeures de l’après-11 Septembre ont souvent été mises en opposition du fait de leur idéologie supposée, dans la lignée de la présidence républicaine de George W. Bush pour la première, de la présidence démocrate de Barack Obama pour la seconde. Cependant, l’on trouve de nombreuses ressemblances qui tendent non seulement à rapprocher "24" et "Homeland", mais également les présidences Bush et Obama. Notre travail consistera ainsi à mettre au jour l’ambivalence politique des deux programmes afin de s’interroger plus généralement sur les ruptures et les continuités de cette guerre mondiale contre le terrorisme que les États-Unis mènent depuis bientôt deux décennies<br>This work uses cultural and historical studies, geopolitics, narratology, and visual semiotics to analyse the representations of the War on Terror in "24" and "Homeland", two emblematic post-9/11 American television series. These shows, which started airing almost a decade apart, have often been opposed to each other because of their presumed ideologies. Both dealing with the War on Terror, "24" has been said to reflect the conservatism of the Bush years, while "Homeland" would correspond to Obama’s liberal presidency. However, upon closer examination, many similarities can be found – which would not only bridge "24" and "Homeland", but also George W. Bush and Barack Obama’s presidencies. This work thus aims to deconstruct the preconceptions surrounding the two series by exploring their political ambivalence in order to question the ruptures and continuities in the global War on Terror which the United States has been conducting for almost twenty years now
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Chen, August, and 陳中吉. "Counterinsurgency and Strategic Communication:A Study of Afghanistan War（2001-2012）." Thesis, 2012. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/93anh8.
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博士<br>國防大學政治作戰學院<br>政治研究所<br>100<br>On September 11, 2001, 19 militants of al-Qaeda hijacked four airliners and committed suicide attacks against targets in the United States. Over 3,000 people were killed during the attacks. While tens of millions of Americans and people around the world watched in horror the collapse of the twin towers from TV screens, Osama bin Laden and Mullah Omar–the leaders of al Qaeda and its ally the Taliban-watched with jubilation in Kandahar, Afghanistan. Osama bin Laden and his affiliates as Thomas Freidman described ―super-empowered individual and groups‖. The basic idea is quite simple: the individual and groups have much more power to create difference-negative or positive-than he or they did in the near past.
Now Afghanistan is the quagmire in America’s longest war. The importance of war in Afghanistan as head of the British armed forces, General Sir David Richards, stated that a NATO ―failure (in Afghanistan) would have a catalytic effect on militant Islam around the world and in the region because the message would be that al-Qaeda and the Taliban have defeated the US and the British and NATO, the most power alliance in the world.‖ Al-Qaeda and Taliban not only utilize effectively videotapes, websites, CDs, smart phones and target their audiences with a resonance and empathy, but also use traditional methods of communications—radio, shabnamah, and taranas. The destination of these Islamic extremists seek the establishment of a global Caliphate uniting all Muslims into a single theocratic state, and force infidels apostates adoption of Islamic sharia law as the sole source of law.
I focus my dissertation on the counterinsurgency in Afghanistan that is not a war in traditional sense, but a mixture of kinetic warfare and a war of and sometimes about ideas and ideals. strategic communication perhaps is simply a way to affect perceptions,
attitudes and behavior of key audiences in support of objectives. Certainly communications means are very important in ultimately achieving those desired information effects. But how military operations are conducted is also a key component of strategic communication, since actions send very loud and clear messages. Because effective strategic communication requires an organizational culture attuned to the information environment and a recognition that strategic communication, as a way to achieve information effects, consists of many capabilities that are an integral process of the commander’s arsenal.
But American strategic communication is too ethnocentric to be effective. Effective strategic communication needs legitimacy and credibility. All soldiers, airmen, and marines are best practitioners. They know and can say what they are doing in a given operation, and must narrow ―say-do‖ gap-such to prevent collateral damage, and to respect the culture, religious of Islam. That is just the way to win hearts and minds.
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Williamson, Myra E. J. B. "Terrorism, war and international law the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001 /." 2007. http://adt.waikato.ac.nz/public/adt-uow20070716.103819/index.html.
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McGinty, Karen Davis. "Having our say stressors and readjustment issues of veterans of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan from the perspective of loved ones : a project based upon an independent investigation /." 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/9906.
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Rogers, Paul F. "Lost cause: consequences and implications of the war on terror." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/6159.
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By 2001, the al-Qaida movement had evolved into a transnational revolutionary movement with an eschatological dimension, facilitating the 9/11 attacks to gain religious support and incite a strong reaction. The Bush administration was particularly tough in its response, terminating the Taliban regime and then declaring the right of pre-emption against a wider axis of evil, which led on to regime termination in Iraq and the intended constraining of Iran. In the event, regime termination in Iraq and Afghanistan resulted in protracted wars that were intensely costly in human and resource terms, and Iranian influence actually increased. The al-Qaida movement was dispersed while being transformed into a potent idea with little in the way of an organised structure, yet was effective in catalysing movements from South Asia through the Middle East to sub-Saharan Africa. Analyses of events in Iraq and Afghanistan point to deep misconceptions over the potential for the use of military force and of imposed state building. After more than a decade after 9/11, there has been a re-orientation away from large-scale occupations towards more remote means of maintaining control, with an emphasis on armed drones, special forces and privatised military companies. This approach appears initially appropriate and attractive but may be as counterproductive as the previous approach.
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Cudney, Shane, Daryl Kinsman, and George Deibert. "Perspective vol. 45 no. 1 (Feb 2011)." 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/251196.
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Cudney, Shane, Daryl Kinsman, and George Deibert. "Perspective vol. 45 no. 1 (Feb 2011)." 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10756/277685.
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Štaif, Vít. "Úsilí o prvou hegemonii versus rozšiřování mocenské roztříštěnosti po Studené válce." Doctoral thesis, 2015. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-350307.
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An Abstract The text focuses on the aim of the state politics to gain the position of the first global hegemony after the end of the Cold War. It observes, with the regard to the wide-ranging influence of the USA at that time, and to the important American visions about its character, especially their particular decisions. It tries to describe the way, which the other influential participants of the global politics, the states as well as those of other kind, used to express their reactions to this activity, and their relation to the USA, the strongest contender in the effort to acquire the first global hegemony. The power contest is here mainly introduced by the insight into the course of the conflicts, which they, after the end of the Cold War, faced and influenced. The text concentrates on those political and security challenges with, apart from the policies of the USA, the strong presence of the intervention of the international organizations, above all the UN, the NATO and the EU, or of the occassionally created alliances. The prospects of hegemonial possibilities is presented in the conclusion.
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Łukasiewicz, Piotr. "Budowa instytucji państwa afgańskiego przez koalicję międzynarodową w latach 2001 - 2014." Doctoral thesis, 2017. https://depotuw.ceon.pl/handle/item/2677.
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Dysertacja jest efektem studiów autora nad działaniami koalicji międzynarodowej w Afganistanie w latach 2001 - 2014. Działania te miały na celu obalenie rządu talibów i zniszczenie grup terrorystycznych w Afganistanie. Ich celem strategicznym było niedopuszczenie do odrodzenia się na terenie Afganistanu sił, które mogłyby ponownie zagrozić bezpieczeństwu obywateli Stanów Zjednoczonych oraz innych krajów koalicji międzynarodowej. W realizacji tego zadania koalicję miały wyręczać odbudowane i nowe instytucje państwa afgańskiego.Interwencja zbrojna rozpoczęła się na początku października 2001 roku. Pokonano i obalono poprzednie władze Afganistanu. Operacji wojskowej towarzyszyły przedsięwzięcia mające na celu umocnienie nowych władz i instytucji państwa. Działania koalicji w tym zakresie określano różnie: jako budowanie państwa, budowanie narodu, wzmacnianie zdolności instytucji. Ich prowadzenie wynikało z przekonania interwentów, że ważne instytucje państwa - siły bezpieczeństwa, wymiar sprawiedliwości, administracja, rząd, parlament - powinny wypełniać swoje funkcje na odpowiednim poziomie. Zapobiegną w ten sposób eskalacji konfliktu wewnętrznego w Afganistanie, poprawią działania wewnętrzne państwa i ograniczą destabilizujący wpływ Afganistanu na sytuację międzynarodową i na bezpieczeństwo obywateli koalicji.Obszarem prowadzonych w dysertacji badań było budowanie przez koalicję międzynarodową w Afganistanie w latach 2001 - 2014 różnych instytucji państwa afgańskiego. Badania prowadzone były w Afganistanie poprzez dostęp do źródeł, osób oraz informacji związanych z przedmiotem pracy, jak i przez analizę dostępnych źródeł i literatury poza Afganistanem.Celem dysertacji było określenie przyczyn słabości instytucji państwa afgańskiego, w których tworzenie i wsparcie zaangażowana była w latach 2001 - 2014 koalicja międzynarodowa pod przewodnictwem USA. Badane były: siły zbrojne i bezpieczeństwa, system sprawiedliwości, parlamentaryzm i partie, polityka makroekonomiczna. W dysertacji pokazano przyczyny dla których prowadzone przez koalicję działania nie powiodły się, a utworzone w Afganistanie instytucje państwa nie wypełniają prawidłowo swoich funkcji wobec własnych obywateli, jak i wobec otoczenia międzynarodowego.Zagadnienie odbudowy państw wychodzących z kryzysu (na przykład upadku instytucji, wojny domowej, katastrofy naturalnej) przez zewnętrznych aktorów mieści się w zakresie definicyjnym teorii politologicznej liberalizmu, dopuszczającej interwencje zagraniczne, również zbrojne, w celu ich przekształcenia (interwencjonizm liberalny). Dysertacja weryfikowała następującą hipotezę. Trwający w Afganistanie konflikt zbrojny spowodował, że budowanie instytucji państwa afgańskiego przez koalicję międzynarodową w latach 2001 - 2014 nie doprowadziło do stanu, w którym państwo to samodzielnie wypełnia swoje funkcje wobec obywateli i wobec otoczenia międzynarodowego.Dysertacja pozytywnie weryfikuje przyjętą hipotezę główną. Działania koalicji międzynarodowej oraz samych Afgańczyków doprowadziły do stworzenia instytucji ułomnych, nie dających sobie samodzielnie rady z pogłębiającym się kryzysem bezpieczeństwa. Misja koalicji międzynarodowej, jaką było zapobieżenie, by Afganistan stał się krajem wolnym od terroryzmu i niestabilności i by nie emitował tych zjawisk na zewnątrz, wciąż nie jest spełniona.<br>The proposed thesis is based on studies of international activities in Afghanistan between 2001 and 2014 which were intended to prevent Afghanistan becoming safe haven for terrorist groups again and thus secure coalition countries against malign influence of such groups. Rebuilt and renewed Afghan state institutions were intended to prevent such groups to find shelters in Afghanistan to plan, organize and conduct terrorist attacks against US and its allies.The intervention started in October 2014. Former government known as Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan (Taliban) was overthrown and its forces were destroyed. Almost immediately after main military operation was concluded the effort began to rebuild, strengthen and design Afghan state institutions. These efforts were branded variously as state-building, nation-building or institutional capacity-building. Their implementation was drawn from allies’ conviction that only healthy and modern state institutions could fulfil their functions. These included: armed forces, security forces, rule of law institutions, modern constitution, administration, parliament, etc. Area of research includes state-building activities of the Western coalition in Afghanistan. The research was conducted in Afghanistan between 2006 and 2014 through sources, facts, people and information checking and through literature and sources analysis outside Afghanistan.The goal of dissertation is to find and describe sources of weaknesses of the Afghan state institutions. They were developed and supported by the Western coalition between 2001 and 2014. The research includes: security forces, parliament, constitution and rule of law and macro economy.The topic of post-conflict reconstruction of failed states conducted by external actors belongs to the definition of liberalism, which allows international interventions to transform them into democratic entities. Liberal interventions are meant to transform states causing international instability into states with institutions that follow certain liberal and democratic patterns. The liberal theory seeks for the causes of war in the nature of states and their internal socio-political organization. Non-democratic states are often seen as causes for conflicts and international instability. Thus, the responsibility of democratic states should include „intervention principle” to transform governments. The dissertation will prove a following principal hypothesis. Military conflict in Afghanistan prevented state-building effort of international coalition to achieve desired goals and lead to the situation where the Afghan state does not fulfil its functions for own citizens and for international environment. The dissertation positively verifies the principal hypothesis. It was the military conflict that prevented a proper understanding of historical, political and local conditions in Afghanistan. These conditions influenced heavily coalition position in Afghanistan and made armed state-building a failed effort. The state institutions, by the end of 2014, had not been prepared for the purposes granted them by the international coalition: to prevent terrorist groups from using Afghan soil to threaten Western communities and international stability. The coalition’s effort was undermined by various factors and features of Afghan reality, but in author’s view one was dominant: the military conflict that undercut state-building.