Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'War in Chechnya'

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The Russo-Chechen conflict has been the bloodiest war in Europe since the Second World War. It continues to drag on, despite the fact that it hits the headlines only when there is some 'terrorist spectacular'. Providing a comprehensive overview of the war and the issues connected with it, the author examines the origins of the conflict historically and traces how both sides were dragged inexorably into war in the early 1990s. The book discusses the two wars (1994-96 and 1999 to date), the intervening truce and shows how a downward spiral of violence has led to a mutually-damaging impasse from which neither side has been able to remove itself. It applies theories of conflict, especially theories of terrorism and counter-terrorism and concludes by proposing some alternative resolutions that might lead to a just and lasting peace in the region.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs) Naval Postgraduate School, September 1999.
"September 1998." Thesis advisor(s): Maria Rasmussen, Mikhail Tsypkin. Includes bibliographical references (p. 79-85). Also Available online.

The Russian invasion of Chechnya in December 1994 represented the culmination of a crisis that was perceived to threaten the very foundations of federal security. The conflict is intrinsic to an understanding of post-communist Russia and this study identifies the issues behind the evolution of Russia's conflict with Chechnya, investigating why a political crisis was permitted to deteriorate into a full-scale war. Existing studies of the causes of the conflict contain little theoretical interpretation regarding the role of Russia's transitional status. Given that Russia has been undergoing democratisation throughout the duration of its contemporary struggle with Chechnya, it is pertinent to investigate the link between the process and the potential for internal conflict. Edward Mansfield and Jack Snyder are the most notable advocates of the proposition that the characteristic instability of a transitional period greatly increases the likelihood of both international and intrastate war. They ascribe the increased risk of conflict to domestic political competition between old and new elites, who exploit nationalistic sentiments in order to mobilise popular support for their faction, facilitated by the weak institutionalisation of the democratising state. The lack of any formal regulatory mechanisms encourages abuse of power within state structures, as officials and members of the ruling elite cannot be held fully accountable to the electorate. Thus, in order to assess the impact of the transition process upon the deterioration of Russian-Chechen relations and provide a more rigorous theoretical framework against which to examine the causes of the war, existing models of transition, particularly the democratisation and war thesis, are analysed and applied to the case-study of Russian decision-making with regards to Chechnya. The persistent crisis is investigated within the context of the Federation's transition away from communist rule, focusing on the extent of any potential correlation between the Russian democratisation project and its violent struggle with a constituent part. The study reveals that the conflict is attributable to both the democratisation project and the wider concept of systemic transformation, and conclusions are drawn on the process of post-communist democratic transition.

Abstract This thesis will examine Vladimir Putin's controversial political decisions regarding the Second Chechen War justifying the conflict both inside and outside of Russia. It opens with Putin identifying with the United States after the terrorist activities of September 11, 2001 and how he used the American War on Terror to explain his own decisions regarding the Caucasus. For further understanding the paper looks at the history of Russian-Chechen relations to show how the centuries of hostility and mistrust culminated in two Chechen Wars within a ten year time period (1994-2004). It will also study the Russian view, held by Putin, which Chechnya was not declaring independence but was attempting to secede from the Russian Federation. It concludes with a look at Putin's solution to the conflict, the Chechnization of the Second Chechen War, where the Russian military withdrew from the region to be replaced by Putin's handpicked regime, the Kadyrovs.

The aim of this study is to increase the understanding of the causes of the first war between Russia and Chechnya. Empirical data consists of four half-structured interviews with former Russian and Chechen war participants that tell about their perspective of the causes of the war between Russia and Chechnya. The study used narrative method and the theoretical framework consists of International Relations theories such as Realism, Geopolitics, Liberalism and Marxism. Geopolitics sees the geostrategic interest, territory as a cause of war. According to realism warfare occurs because of the state’s endeavor after power and influence in term of territory. Liberalism sees political actors and misconceptions between the actors as a main reason behind war. According to Marxism war occurs because of differences between the classes. The capitalists’ volition to control means of production leads to war.   The result of the analysis concludes that theories explanations of war are found in war participants’ narrative about the war.  Chechen participants are more or less agree that geopolitical interests are largely the basis for war. The Russian participants, however, agree that the economic interests and political actors are the basis for war. Thus there is clear difference between the Russian and the Chechen war participants’ ways of looking at the causes of war.

This dissertation seeks to analyse the upsurge of insurgent violence in the North Caucasus following the end of the counter-terrorist operation in Chechnya in 2009. By looking at the development of radical Islam and the impact of the Chechen spillover in the region, this research suggests that these factors should be analysed and contextualized in each republic. By comparing the cases of Kabardino-Balkaria, Ingushetia, and Dagestan, this dissertation seeks to demonstrate the importance of vendetta, criminal activity, religious repression and corruption as local factors that contribute to the increase of violence. By focusing on the case of Dagestan, the author proposes a political ethnographic approach to study the mechanisms and details of religious repression and corruption in everyday life. This analysis permits us to map out the different pathways towards the participation in insurgent groups in Dagestan. By doing so, it demonstrates that one can identify three different generations of insurgent fighters in Dagestan. This dissertation demonstrates that the role of Salafist ideology is often marginal in the early stages of the process of violent radicalisation, and slowly gains importance as the involvement in violence increases. The emphasis should be placed on vengeance and religious repression as crucial triggering factors as they provoke a cognitive opening for young people in Dagestan to engage in violence.

Under det nyligen avslutade kriget i Irak, 2003, har kriget inom den fjärde arenan,informationsoperationer, blivit påtaglig. Vilken kapacitet har Ryssland inom denna arena?Syftet med uppsatsen är att lägga en grund till fördjupad kunskap om ryskainformationsoperationer, dels vad doktrinerna uttrycker men även praktiskt genomförande.Uppsatsen inleds med en analys av det första Tjetjenienkriget 1994 – 1996 och däreftermilitära doktrinen samt doktrinen om informationssäkerhet, båda undertecknade år 2000.Genom en analys av det andra Tjetjenienkriget, 1999 – , redovisas vilken ”Lessons Learned”som har skett mellan de två krigen via doktrinerna. I min påföljande diskussion och syntesredovisas vilken kurs Ryssland har lagt ut för informationsoperationer.I arbetet utnyttjar jag en deskriptiv metod med induktiv slutledning. Beskriven teori,manöverteorin, samt analysverktyg, OODA-loopen, och de där dragna slutsatser kommer attutnyttjas i en diskussion om det resultat som min kvalitativa textanalys ger. I min diskussionsvarar jag på ställda frågor och verifiera eller falsifierar de i utredningen ställda hypoteserna.
During the last war in Iraq, the war of Information Operations has been evident.What capacity does Russia have in this arena?The purpose of this essay is to lay the foundations for deeper knowledge about theRussian information operations, in doctrines as well as in reality. This is donethrough an analysis of the 1st Chechnya War 1994-96. Thereafter, the militarydoctrine and the doctrine of information security are analysed, both signed in2000. Through an analysis of the 2nd Chechnya War, one can clearly see theprogress, lessons learned, from the 1st War to the 2nd based on the doctrines. In thefollowing discussion and synthesis, I account for the policy Russia has takenregarding Information Operations.During my essay, I use a descriptive method with an inductive conclusion.Described theory, manoeuvre theory and a tool of analysis (the OODA-loop) withconclusions will be used in a discussion about the result of my qualitative textualcommentary. The discussion will answer questions asked and verify or falsify thestipulated hypothesis.
Avdelning: ALB - Slutet Mag 3 C-upps.Hylla: Upps. ChP 01-03

Low Intensity Conflict (LIC) is a significant feature of the contemporary world and it is a particular challenge to the armed forces of many states which are involved is such conflict, or are likely to become so. This thesis is not concerned with how such difficult conflict situations arise. Rather it is concerned with how, from the point of view of the state, they may be contained and ultimately brought to a satisfactory resolution. The work is thus concerned with the practicalities of ending LIC. More specifically, the purpose of this research is to establish a framework of doctrinal and military principles applicable to the prevention and resolution of LIC. The principles of this thesis are based in numerous historical examples of LIC and six in depth case studies. These distilled principles are analysed in two central chapters, and are then applied in two latter defence force chapters so as to ensure there practicality and resilience. Numerous defence academics and military practitioners have been consulted in the production of this thesis; their contribution has further reinforced the functionality of the principles examined in this research. The research illustrates the criticality of a holistic approach to LIC. The function of this approach is to guarantee the stability of the sovereign state, by unifying civil, police, intelligence and military services. The effectiveness of the military elements must also be ensured, as military force is central to the suppression of LIC. Consequently, the research makes strategic and operational prescriptions, so as to improve the capability of defence forces that are concerned with preventing or resolving LIC.

This dissertation explores how the social and political consequences of armed conflict affect legal pluralism; specifically, the coexistence of Russian state law, Sharia, and customary law in Chechnya. The study draws on qualitative and quantitative data gathered during seven months of fieldwork in Chechnya. The data include over one hundred semistructured interviews with legal authorities and religious and traditional leaders; an original survey of the population; and a novel dataset of all civil and criminal cases heard in state courts. First, the dissertation argues that armed conflict disrupted traditional social hierarchies in Chechnya, which paved the way for state penetration into Chechen society. The conflict particularly disrupted gender hierarchies. As a result of the highly gendered nature of the conflict, women in Chechnya became breadwinners in their families and gained experience in serving important social roles, most notably as interlocutors between communities and different armed groups. This change in women’s bargaining power within households and increase in their social status came into conflict with the patriarchal social order, which was based on men’s rigid interpretations of religious and customary norms. In response, women started utilizing the state legal system, a system that at least formally acknowledges gender equality, in contrast to customary law and Sharia. State law is corrupt, inefficient, slow, and its use is associated with community and family ostracism. Nevertheless, this dissertation shows that many Chechen women use and support state law. Second, the dissertation establishes that the political context of the conflict moderates the effect of war on legal pluralism. The penetration of state law through disruption of social hierarchies is driven by the Second Chechen War (1999-2009). In contrast, communities that were exposed to violence during the First Chechen War (1994-1996) ultimately rejected Russian state law and rely predominantly on Sharia and customary law. In these communities, the structural effects of disrupted hierarchies were overpowered by alienation from the Russian state. The study explains this discrepancy by showing how communities victimized during the First War developed strong collective identities that filtered blame for the war. Third, the dissertation shows that war-induced female empowerment in Chechnya faced a strong backlash from the Chechen government. The most notorious manifestations of the neotraditionalist policies of the Chechen government are the semiformal introduction of polygamy, support for the practice of honor killings, and a restrictive female dress code. Furthermore, the officials in charge of state law actively disrupt its functioning in gendered cases. The study finds that state officials in Chechnya are less supportive of state law than the average Chechen. This is the result of the incorporation of former rebels into the government, which is a structural legacy of the conflict. In addition, the dissertation argues that the Chechen regional government promotes legal pluralism and undermines state law strategically, as part of its coalition-building effort. The government allows men to keep control over their families, relying on custom and religion in exchange for their political loyalty. Finally, the dissertation suggests that government promotion of legal pluralism is a political strategy that has several objectives: (1) it allows the government to borrow legitimacy from tradition and religion, which both have large appeal among the Chechen population; (2) it increases the government’s discretion and allows it to cherry-pick norms across alternative orders while avoiding regulations embedded in them; and (3) it gives the regional government additional leverage vis-à-vis the federal center by signaling to the Kremlin that it cannot rule Chechnya directly and that its local intermediaries are indispensable. Overall, the dissertation shows that legal pluralism is not just a reflection of ‘political culture’ or ‘weak state capacity,’ but rather is an inherently political phenomenon, an arena for the pursuit of interests by the government and individuals alike.

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Recognising the failure of both internal and external parties to achieve a peaceful resolution of the Russo - Chechen war, this article seeks to establish what scope remains for international involvement to end the violence in Chechnya. By applying theories from the disciplines of conflict resolution and counterinsurgency to the confrontation, distinctions are drawn between opportunities of peacekeeping, peacemaking and peacebuilding, as well as between legitimate 'need' and exploitative 'greed' at a time of 'violent' politics. Key findings include the scope for international assistance in addressing the root contradictions of the conflict and for curtailing the influence of the 'entrepreneurs of violence'.

This paper examines the impact of traditional Chechen culture, especially the continued practice of blood feuds, on violence in the republic. First, an in depth discussion of clannish society is used to show how and why such traditional characteristics and ancient customs have been allowed to thrive among the Chechen people, especially those living in the highlands. The focus then turns to the strong concept of honor that flourishes in Chechen society as the main motivator of blood feuds. The more detailed discussion of blood feud itself and its ancient and modern practice show the potential for and realization of widespread violence in Chechnya. The Chechens are a people with deep historical roots and a strong collective memory. The events of the past, especially conflict with Russia, greatly influence the events of the present and future. The modern Chechen identity is a unique mentality, which combines role of teip and its strong influence on society with the rise of nationalism, and later Islamic nationalism. The recent wars in Chechnya have also had a defining characteristic on the Chechen people and their psyche. When this kind of crisis is combined with the traditional Chechen culture and a propensity for violence, the outcome can be devastating, especially when violence is radicalized and...

This study considers the ontological value of metaphor as a site of ceaseless interaction among multiple (gendered) subjects, drawing on the theoretical work of Max Black, Victor Turner, Jacques Derrida, Paul Ricœur, George Lakoff, and Mark Johnson. Its focus is on the particular function of metaphor, locally and internationally, in three of the “new wars” of the twentieth century. The first chapter examines how the bridge metaphor, undergirded by cultural discourses on Mostar’s Old Bridge and Ivo Andrić’s The Bridge on the Drina, shaped knowledge of gendered experiences in the Bosnian War. The second chapter historicizes the cockroach metaphor, which features in many representations of the Rwandan Genocide, and identifies how “the cockroach” is gendered by metaleptic reference to ubuhake, or pastoral clientship—which gained metaphoric significance through populist movements in the 1950s, when Saverio Naigiziki published The Optimist. The third chapter explores depictions of female civilians, combatants, and suicide-bombers as “prisoners,” considering this metaphor’s gendered variations from Aleksandr Pushkin’s “Prisoner of the Caucasus” to discourses on the Chechen Wars. These three metaphors are of central importance to the production of knowledge about how and in what ways post-cold-war conflicts are gendered. Frequently, the international community objectifies “distant conflicts” through the same metaphors that, for local agents, articulate political self-identifications and enact gendered violence. Locally-initiated metaphors, thusly circulating among multiple discourses, produce interactive sites of semantic investment and imaginary exchange. Global and regional representations in metaphor of the Bosnian War, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Chechen Wars enter into common if asymmetrical networks of geopolitical and temporal interactions structured in part by human rights norms in the 1990s. By tracing the historical, cultural, and modal transformations of bridge, cockroach, and prisoner metaphors, this study investigates how fiction, poetry, journalism, memoir, testimony, film, and performance gender knowledge of the Bosnian War, the Rwandan Genocide, and the Chechen Wars.

Dissertação de mestrado em Relações Internacionais
After the end of Cold War new security challenges became more prominent to the international security agenda such as terrorism. This phenomenon is not new, but its international component is, i.e., terrorism was first used for ethno-nationalist purposes (domestic terrorism). The terrorist threat after the Cold War is perpetrated by terrorist organisations outside the country, or by organisations linked to foreign terrorist organisations, most of them with “religious” claims. International Terrorism became prominent in Security Studies after the terrorist attacks in the United States (US), in September 2001. Our analysis focuses on how terrorism affects the Russian foreign policy, namely the Kremlin’s anti-terrorism policy, by taking into consideration the Russian domestic context of the North Caucasus. We stress that terrorism is, at the same time, an internal and external threat to the state. The Russian Federation has this premise very much present as it has been dealing with international terrorism inside its borders since 1998 officially. The Chechen secessionist movement that began as a secular movement has found inspiration in Islamist teachings and has radicalised. After the end of the First Chechen War (1996) the influence of foreign fighters was palpable not only in Chechnya, but throughout the North Caucasus region. In 2007, a terrorist organisation — the Caucasus Emirate (CE) — was created in Dagestan. Last year, it pledged its allegiance to the Islamic State of Syria and Levant (ISIL). The latter has declared jihad against Russia. Having territorial integrity and sovereignty as the Russia main national interests, this dissertation stresses the link between the Chechen separatist movement and the Russian anti-terrorism policy, namely how the “securitisation” of the Chechen separatism as an internal-external (IN-OUT) threat and the Russian intervention in Syria are related. In other words, this work emphasises the interconnection between the domestic and foreign policies in the face of an IN-OUT security challenge called terrorism.
Após o fim da Guerra Fria, novos desafios de securitários tornaram-se mais proeminentes para a a agenda internacional de segurança, como o terrorismo. Este fenómeno não é novo, mas a sua componente internacional sim, isto é, o terrorismo foi primeiramente utilizado com propósitos étniconacionalistas (terrorismo interno). A ameaça terrorista no pós-Guerra fria é perpetrada por organizações terroristas fora do país, ou então por organizações ligadas a organizações terroristas estrangeiras, a maioria delas com reivindicações “religiosas”. O terrorismo internacional popularizou-se nos Estudos de Segurança após os ataques terroristas nos Estados Unidos, em setembro de 2001. Este estudo foca-se em como o terrorismo afeta a política externa Russa, nomeadamente a política contra-terrorista do Kremlin, tendo em consideração o contexto doméstico do Cáucaso do Norte. É nosso argumento que o terrorismo é, simultaneamente, uma ameaça interna e externa ao Estado. A Federação Russa tem esta premissa bastante presente, pois tem vindo a lidar com o terrorismo internacional dentro das suas fronteiras desde 1998 (oficialmente). O movimento secessionista checheno, que começou secular, encontrou inspiração nos ensinamentos Islamistas e radicalizou-se. Depois do fim da Primeira Guerra da Chechénia (1996), a influência dos combatentes estrangeiros era palpável não apenas na Chechénia, mas na região do Cáucaso do Norte. Em 2007 foi criada, no Daguestão, uma organização terrorista — o Emirado do Cáucaso — que recentemente (2016) se aliou ao Estado Islâmico da Síria e do Levante. O último declarou jihad à Rússia. Tendo a integridade territorial e a soberania como os principais interesses nacionais russos, esta dissertação estabelece a ligação entre o movimento separatista checheno e a política contra-terrorista russa, nomeadamente como é que a “securitização” do movimento separatista checheno como uma ameaça interna-externa e a intervenção russa na Síria estão relacionadas. Por outras palavras, este trabalho enfatiza a conexão entre as políticas doméstica e internacional face a uma ameaça interna-externa chamada terrorismo.

The aim of this diploma thesis is to answer the question why the crisis caused by the Chechen struggle for independence gradually escalated into war, while the rest of North Caucasus remained relatively calm, despite the predictions of many authors. Also to determine to whether extend the repetition of Chechen scenario is nowadays possible. Or in other words what are the odds that a new ethnopolitical conflict will erupt in some other Muslim autonomous republic in the North Caucasus. The answers to these questions are sought via factors causing the emergence of ethnic conflict, as were defined by Svante E. Cornell in his book Autonomy and Conflict: Ethnoterritoriality and Separatism in the South Caucasus - Cases in Georgia. These factors are continually confronted with empirical data, which are provided by the case study of Chechen conflict in the first part of the thesis. Presence or absence of those factors in other Muslim autonomous republics is examined by method of Process Tracing. The data obtained are then processed quantitatively, in the way that presence or absence of the factor in question by a certain score.