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1

Rigi, Jakob. "The War in Chechnya." Critique of Anthropology 27, no. 1 (March 2007): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x07073818.

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2

Allakhverdov, A. "Chechnya War Threatens Science." Science 267, no. 5198 (February 3, 1995): 610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.267.5198.610.

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3

Manilov, Valerii. "The war in Chechnya." RUSI Journal 145, no. 3 (June 2000): 28–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03071840008446529.

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4

Lambeth, Benjamin S. "Russia's air war in Chechnya." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 19, no. 4 (January 1996): 365–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576109608436016.

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5

Schaefer, Robert. "Chechnya at War and Beyond." Caucasus Survey 3, no. 2 (May 4, 2015): 182–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23761199.2015.1049417.

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6

Coppieters, Bruno. "Chechnya at war and beyond." Global Affairs 1, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 363–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23340460.2015.1055096.

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7

Choltaev, Zaindi, and Michaela Pohl. "Between Budennovsk and Beslan." Focaal 2004, no. 44 (December 1, 2004): 155–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/092012904782311353.

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This article discusses the hostage tragedy in Beslan (North Ossetia) and its connection to Russia's war in Chechnya and to Vladimir Putin's domestic policies. The authors argue that Russia is embracing the war on terror, but Russia's leaders are not really interested in putting an end to the terror. They have not made an effort to find out or tell the truth about its causes, to fight the all-pervasive corruption that is an important factor in all of the latest major attacks, nor to find convincing social and political solutions in Chechnya. The current initiatives leave society with lies and terromania and strengthen those who profit from a continuation of the war on terror and the war in Chechnya.
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8

Solvang, Ole. "Chechnya and the European Court of Human Rights: The merits of Strategic Litigation." Security and Human Rights 19, no. 3 (2008): 208–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187502308785851859.

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AbstractIn May 1998, eighteen months before the start of the second war in Chechnya, Russia ratified the European Convention on Human Rights, thereby granting the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR) jurisdiction to hear complaints against the Russian authorities from Russian citizens. When the second war in Chechnya started in December 1999, therefore, human rights organizations had access to a new potentially powerful tool with which to fight human rights abuses in Chechnya: the European Court of Human Rights. Several litigation projects emerged and hundreds of complaints have been filed from Chechnya. Ten years after the ratification of the European Convention on Human Rights, the record shows that bringing cases to the ECHR has produced concrete positive results, but that the full potential of ECHR litigation is still to be realized.
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9

Matveeva, Anna. "Chechnya: Dynamics of War and Peace." Problems of Post-Communism 54, no. 3 (June 2007): 3–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/ppc1075-8216540301.

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10

Draganova, Diana. "Peace or Perpetual War in Chechnya?" Peace Review 17, no. 2-3 (April 2005): 315–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14631370500333054.

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11

Aleksiyevich, Svetlana. "The play of war." Index on Censorship 25, no. 5 (September 1996): 151–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/030642209602500528.

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12

Cho, Sungtaek. "Chechnya Separation Movement and Russia s Response: Focusing on Chechnya War and TERRORISM." J-Institute 6, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.22471/terrorism.2021.6.3.01.

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13

Cho, Sungtaek. "Chechnya Separation Movement and Russia s Response: Focusing on Chechnya War and TERRORISM." J-Institute 6, no. 3 (September 30, 2021): 1–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.22471/terrorism.2021.6.3.01.

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14

Legvold, Robert, and Valery Tishkov. "Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society." Foreign Affairs 83, no. 5 (2004): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20034108.

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15

Fraser, Derek, and Valery Tishkov. "Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society." International Journal 60, no. 4 (2005): 1156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40204105.

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16

Lapidus, Gail W. "Putin's War on Terrorism: Lessons From Chechnya." Post-Soviet Affairs 18, no. 1 (January 2002): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1060586x.2002.10641512.

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17

Russell, John. "Chechnya: Russia's ‘war on terror’ or ‘warofterror’?" Europe-Asia Studies 59, no. 1 (January 2007): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668130601072761.

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18

Kern, Lucian. "War in Chechnya: A game - theoretic analysis." Risk Decision and Policy 2, no. 3 (December 1, 1997): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/135753097348384.

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19

Mathers, Jennifer G. "The lessons of Chechnya: Russia's forgotten war?" Civil Wars 2, no. 1 (March 1999): 100–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13698249908402398.

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20

Bakshi, G. D. "The war in Chechnya: A military analysis." Strategic Analysis 24, no. 5 (August 2000): 883–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09700160008455257.

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21

Makarychev, Andrey. "The War in Chechnya in Russian Cinematographic Representations." Transcultural Studies 12, no. 1 (November 22, 2016): 115–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23751606-01201006.

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The paper explores the identitarian context of Russia’s cinematic narratives on the war in Chechnya. It draws on various strategies of war representation through films and uncovers their ideological and political underpinnings. The author explicates how the cinematographic imagery grounded in the Chechen war experience boosts the hegemonic discourse of the Kremlin, and then discusses whether fictional films deliver critical or counter-hegemonic arguments.
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22

Lazarev, Egor. "Laws in Conflict: Legacies of War, Gender, and Legal Pluralism in Chechnya." World Politics 71, no. 04 (August 28, 2019): 667–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887119000133.

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AbstractHow do legacies of conflict affect choices between state and nonstate legal institutions? This article studies this question in Chechnya, where state law coexists with Sharia and customary law. The author focuses on the effect of conflict-induced disruption of gender hierarchies because the dominant interpretations of religious and customary norms are discriminatory against women. The author finds that women in Chechnya are more likely than men to rely on state law and that this gender gap in legal preferences and behavior is especially large in more-victimized communities. The author infers from this finding that the conflict created the conditions for women in Chechnya to pursue their interests through state law—albeit not without resistance. Women’s legal mobilization has generated a backlash from the Chechen government, which has attempted to reinstate a patriarchal order. The author concludes that conflict may induce legal mobilization among the weak and that gender may become a central cleavage during state-building processes in postconflict environments.
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23

Radeljić, Branislav. "Contemporary Violence: Postmodern War in Kosovo and Chechnya." Perspectives on European Politics and Society 13, no. 2 (June 2012): 246–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15705854.2012.675655.

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24

Yelenevskaya, Maria. "Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society (review)." Anthropological Quarterly 78, no. 3 (2005): 765–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2005.0046.

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25

Kramer, Mark. "The Perils of Counterinsurgency: Russia's War in Chechnya." International Security 29, no. 3 (January 2005): 5–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/0162288043467450.

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26

Zabyelina, Yuliya. "Contemporary Violence: Postmodern War in Kosovo and Chechnya." Europe-Asia Studies 65, no. 4 (June 2013): 784–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.778586.

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27

Druey, Cécile. "The Role of Historical Memory in the Socio-Political Processes of Chechnya (1986—1994)." ISTORIYA 12, no. 10 (108) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840017206-5.

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During the years that preceded and followed the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the Autonomous Republic of Chechnya in the south of Russia has experienced an intensive movement of civil society mobilisation, nationalist radicalisation and armed conflict. Referring to the case of the society “Kavkaz” as an example for the emerging movement of civil society, this paper traces the mobilising role of history and historical memory during the period of reform under Mikhail Gorbachev in the late-1980s, until the onset of the first Chechnya War in 1994. It argues, that the use of historical memory is not that much a cause, than it is an indicator of conflict and radicalisation in society, and that these processes of radicalisation are closely linked to their context at a local, national and international level. Drawing on data collected from interviews with representatives of the Chechen national movement, from local newspapers and legal acts, the paper tracks the evolution of civil society movements in Chechnya in the late 1980s and early 1990s. Doing so, it departs from a relational approach to conflict analysis (della Porta, 2018; Alimi, Bosi, and Demetriou, 2012; Tilly and Tarrow, 2015; Hughes and Sasse, 2016). Located at the intersection between conflict- and memory studies, the paper thus adds insights to the study of the pre-war period in post-Soviet Chechnya, and in general to the conceptual discussion about the link between historical memory, mobilisation, radicalisation and conflict.
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28

Hellesøy, Kjersti. "Civil War and the Radicalization of Islam in Chechnya." Journal of Religion and Violence 1, no. 1 (2013): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/jrv20131117.

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29

Gammer, Moshe. "One Soldier's War; The Angel of Grozny. Inside Chechnya." Middle Eastern Studies 48, no. 4 (July 2012): 673–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00263206.2012.683609.

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30

Evangelista, Matthew. "Chechnya's Russia Problem." Current History 102, no. 666 (October 1, 2003): 313–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2003.102.666.313.

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As long as President Putin insists on framing the war in Chechnya as a struggle with international terrorism … and as long as the West tacitly acquiesces to his approach, there may be no end to the bloodshed.
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31

WOLFE, THOMAS C. "Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society:Chechnya: Life in a War-Torn Society." American Anthropologist 108, no. 3 (September 2006): 623–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2006.108.3.623.

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32

Szklarski, Artur. "Kulisy rosyjskiej polityki wobec Republiki Czeczenii i jej konsekwencje." Rocznik Administracji Publicznej 6 (2020): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24497800rap.20.011.12905.

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The Backstage of the Russian Policy towards the Chechen Republic and its Consequences The Russians lost the First Chechen War. Russia’s federal security service (FSB) organised kidnappings of western citizens to change the real image of the Chechen people in Russia and the West. The FSB agent Adam Deniyev founded the first Wahhabi organisation in Chechnya. Shamil Basayev, who collaborated with Russia’s military intelligence Service (GRU), carried out a series of terrorist attacks in Russia. Gradually, the Chechen national liberation movement was transformed into a jihadist movement. The FSB carried out the infamous bomb attacks in Russia, which, together with Basayev’s land offensive in Dagestan, became the reason for starting the Second Chechen War, won by the Russians. After the attack on the president of Chechnya Akhmad Kadyrov, power was taken over by his son, the dictator Ramzan Kadyrov, who is still ruling today, and is Vladimir Putin’s right-hand man in the North Caucasus.
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33

Szklarski, Artur. "Kulisy rosyjskiej polityki wobec Republiki Czeczenii i jej konsekwencje." Rocznik Administracji Publicznej 6 (2020): 203–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/24497800rap.20.011.12905.

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The Backstage of the Russian Policy towards the Chechen Republic and its Consequences The Russians lost the First Chechen War. Russia’s federal security service (FSB) organised kidnappings of western citizens to change the real image of the Chechen people in Russia and the West. The FSB agent Adam Deniyev founded the first Wahhabi organisation in Chechnya. Shamil Basayev, who collaborated with Russia’s military intelligence Service (GRU), carried out a series of terrorist attacks in Russia. Gradually, the Chechen national liberation movement was transformed into a jihadist movement. The FSB carried out the infamous bomb attacks in Russia, which, together with Basayev’s land offensive in Dagestan, became the reason for starting the Second Chechen War, won by the Russians. After the attack on the president of Chechnya Akhmad Kadyrov, power was taken over by his son, the dictator Ramzan Kadyrov, who is still ruling today, and is Vladimir Putin’s right-hand man in the North Caucasus.
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34

Malik, Anas. "Landscapes of War: From Sarajevo to Chechnya By Juan Goytisolo." Muslim World 97, no. 1 (January 5, 2007): 144–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-1913.2007.00164.x.

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35

Jarvis, Lee. "Book Review: Contemporary Violence: Postmodern War in Kosovo and Chechnya." Media, War & Conflict 4, no. 3 (December 2011): 306–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635211420632b.

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36

Lucas, Michael R. "The War in Chechnya and the OSCE Code of Conduct." Helsinki Monitor 6, no. 2 (1995): 32–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181495x00216.

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37

Baev, Pavel. "Examining the ‘terrorism–war’ dichotomy in the ‘Russia–Chechnya’ case." Contemporary Security Policy 24, no. 2 (April 2003): 29–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13523260312331271899.

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38

Borkowska, Aldona. "Transformacja mitu o bohaterstwie w rosyjskiej współczesnej prozie wojennej." Acta Polono-Ruthenica 3, no. XXIII (September 30, 2018): 19–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.31648/apr.2816.

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Contemporary “war prose” contains works on both the Second World War and the subsequent conflicts in Afghanistan and Chechnya. The aim of the article is to analyse the changes of the war hero myth in autobiographical texts of the wars’ participants. Among the authors are Oleg Yermakov, Zachar Prilepin, Arkady Babchenko. As we find out, the contemporary “war narrative” is interwoven with the lack of ideology and patriotic pathos. A soldier fails to accept his war; moreover, he questions the authorities in their decision to break out the military conflict. In these conditions, it is difficult to make heroic acts and sacrifice for the good of the homeland.
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39

Lieven, Anatol. "Through a Distorted Lens: Chechnya and the Western Media." Current History 99, no. 639 (October 1, 2000): 321–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2000.99.639.321.

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The media, along with human rights groups and the great majority of politicians and political commentators, have repeatedly called for a ‘political solution’ or a ‘peaceful solution’ to the Chechen war without ever detailing what that solution should be, or how it can be achieved. … This kind of approach may make everyone feel good about themselves, but it is also profoundly irresponsible.
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40

Bugnion, François. "17 December 1996: Six ICRC delegates assassinated in Chechnya." International Review of the Red Cross 37, no. 317 (April 1997): 140–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020860400085065.

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In the early hours of 17 December 1996, six delegates of the International Committee of the Red Cross were assassinated in a brutal attack by gunmen at the ICRC hospital in Novye Atagi, near Grozny.In late summer 1996, the ICRC had decided to open a field hospital in Chechnya because the main hospitals in Grozny had been seriously damaged, thus leaving large numbers of war-wounded without proper care.
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41

Swirszcz, Joanna. "The Role of Islam in Chechen National Identity." Nationalities Papers 37, no. 1 (January 2009): 59–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990802373637.

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Uncovering the importance of Islam in Chechen national identity is not necessarily difficult. Alexei Malashenko has noted that Chechen identity today cannot be considered outside the context of Islamic tradition. Chechnya today is not an independent Muslim state. Its embracing of Islam came about during a time of colonization, when Chechens were struggling to halt Russian encroachment on their lands. Many works pertaining to Islam in Chechnya suggest that, at the time of Russian advancement in the eighteenth century, most Chechens were “nominally” Muslim. This has been attributed to the geographic isolation of the Caucasus. While the rugged mountainous landscape and thick forests which cover the region provided protection from invaders, it also hindered interaction among the various mountain peoples as well as the strength of outside religious influence. Soon after their defeat to the tsarist Russians, the Bolshevik Revolution occurred and Chechens spent the following 80 years under Soviet rule. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the Republic of Chechnya declared independence alongside the full-fledged Soviet Socialist Republics, though their independence was not recognized by the UN. The Chechen victory over the Russian Federation in the first war in 1994–1996 has been considered a remarkable military defeat. However, a weak economy, high unemployment, and criminality caused the young nation to fall into a state of lawlessness and radicalism, eventually causing it to suffer a defeat to the Russians in the second war, which began in 1999. The present day is characterized by exhaustion and a desire for peace, a desire that ultimately has meant deference to Russian rule.
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42

Gerber, Theodore P., and Sarah E. Mendelson. "Russian Public Opinion on Human Rights and the War in Chechnya." Post-Soviet Affairs 18, no. 4 (January 2002): 271–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.2747/1060-586x.18.4.271.

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43

Regamey, Amandine. "Women-Snipers from Chechnya to Ukraine: A Post-Soviet War Legend." Folklore: Electronic Journal of Folklore 69 (October 2017): 115–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/fejf2017.69.regamey.

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44

Cosgrove, Simon. "Terror in Chechnya: Russia and the Tragedy of Civilians in War." Europe-Asia Studies 65, no. 6 (August 2013): 1232–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09668136.2013.813156.

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45

Abdulvahabova, B. B. A., and F. G. Gadzhieva. "First World War Influence on the Social-Economic Development of Chechnya." Herald of Dagestan State University 36, no. 3 (August 20, 2021): 31–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.21779/2542-0313-2021-36-3-31-36.

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46

Petersson, Bo. "Julie Wilhelmsen: How War Becomes Acceptable: Russian Re-phrasing of Chechnya." Nordisk Østforum, no. 04 (December 16, 2014): 375–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn1891-1773-2014-04-05.

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47

Sagramoso, D., and A. Yarlykapov. "The Impact of Foreign Salafi -Jihadists on Islamic Developments in Chechnya and Dagestan." Journal of International Analytics 12, no. 4 (December 24, 2021): 28–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2587-8476-2021-12-4-28-49.

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This article intends to revisit the role of foreign fi ghters in the Chechen war and its aftermath, looking particularly at their impact on Islamic developments in Chechnya and Dagestan during the 1990s–2010s. The article challenges the argument, which is predominant in the literature, that foreign jihadists were primarily responsible for transforming the Chechen insurgency from a secular movement into a religious one. Instead, it argues that Islamist tendencies and Salafi circles were present in the North Caucasus before the outbreak of the First Chechen war. Secondly, this article contends that local Salafi jamaats, in conjunction with foreign jihadist fi ghters, provided the mobilization structures and the ideological framing for the radicalization of the Chechen/ North Caucasus rebel movement. By examining the Salafi -jihadist discourse of both foreign and local Salafi s operating in Chechnya and Dagestan in the 1990s and 2000s, the article shows how foreign Salafi s infl uenced and helped shape the ideological framing of local Salafi politicians and rebel jihadist groups. Yet, this article also shows that many of these Salafi -jihadist projects failed to gain broader societal support. They did not resonate with the local populations in Chechnya and Dagestan in the 1990s–2000s. A fi nal section of this article looks at events in the past decade, particularly at developments since the emergence of ISIS in Syria and Iraq. In this context, the article explains why many young Muslims in Dagestan became themselves foreign fi ghters and travelled to Syria/Iraq to fi ght for and live in the Islamic State. It concludes that Salafi projects, although not indigenous to the region, prospered as a result of the interaction between local Salafi s and foreign jihadist fi ghters and recruiters.
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48

Simunovic, Pjer. "The Russian military in Chechnya — A case study of morale in war." Journal of Slavic Military Studies 11, no. 1 (March 1998): 63–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13518049808430329.

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49

Oltramonti, Giulia Prelz. "War veterans in postwar situations: Chechnya, Serbia, Turkey, Peru and Côte d'Ivoire." Peacebuilding 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2014): 360–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2014.937075.

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50

Sonaglioni, Alessia. "The War in Chechnya and Actions Taken by the Council of Europe." European Yearbook of Minority Issues Online 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2002): 705–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221161103x00337.

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