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Journal articles on the topic 'War of the Malvinas'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

BENWELL, MATTHEW C. "Reframing Memory in the School Classroom: Remembering the Malvinas War." Journal of Latin American Studies 48, no. 2 (December 11, 2015): 273–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x15001248.

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AbstractNarratives of memory have received considerable attention in Argentina but rarely have these been examined in relation to the 1982 Malvinas War. This article focuses on national memory narratives of the war manifest in educational resources and explores how and under what conditions local ways of remembering can transform and/or reproduce such narratives, through research within secondary schools in Río Gallegos, a city in the south of Argentina. It shows how the city's connections with the military and the war generated sensitivities that influenced how the Malvinas was engaged in the classroom. The localised framings deviated from predominant national memory narratives by underplaying the broader context of state terror and overlooking histories associated with the Malvinas before 1982.

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2

Bochicchio, Ana Laura. "Cold War and American Intervention in Malvinas (1982)." Quinto Sol 25, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.19137/qs.v25i1.4179.

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This article analyzes the Malvinas war from a global perspective, understanding the direction that it took on as intertwined with the international context of the Cold War. To this end, the emphasis is placed on the analysis of the United States policy, first a diplomatic one and then an interventionist one, as an ally of Great Britain. Analyzing the bilateral conversations between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan together with official statements and publications of different US state agencies, it can be seen the way in which the development of the Malvinas war, beyond the regional particularities that triggered it, was inserted within the anti-Soviet logic of the second Cold War. Added to this is a global context of the imposition of neoliberal policies that radicalized the US intervention in Latin America in favor of the imposition of its capitalist imperialist model.

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3

Mundel, Juan, Yadira Nieves-Pizarro, Douglas Wickham, and Melinda Aiello. "Malvinas/Falkland Islands War: a look into ads." Journal of Historical Research in Marketing 11, no. 2 (May 20, 2019): 227–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jhrm-01-2018-0002.

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Purpose Little is known about patriotic appeals and Latin American symbols in ads. The purpose of this study was to content analyze Argentine and English print newspaper ads to examine how advertising expression and content differed in the two countries while they were fighting the Malvinas/Falkland Islands War. Design/methodology/approach A total of 3,707 ads were analyzed from La Nación and The Times from April 1, 1982, to December 31, 1982. Appeals, advertised products, cultural values and code-switching were studied. Findings The War resulted in marginal changes to advertising in Argentina and England. Interestingly, while the use of national symbols was scarce across both countries, Argentina accounted for the majority of the references to the war. A number of Argentine brands that adapted their names from English to Spanish are taken into account. Research limitations/implications By drawing comparisons to English ads, this paper illustrates the boundaries of strategies and appeals in two different cultures over the same time period. This study extends the literature on the use of advertising during periods of conflict. Practical implications This content analysis provides a look at the strategies, tactics and symbols used by print advertisers in Argentina and England during the War. Originality/value The study provides a depiction of advertising campaigns featured in Argentine and English newspapers during one of the most recent armed conflicts in South America. The study provides a summary of changes in advertising as a result of the War. In doing so, the paper extends the advertising literature to an understudied market.

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4

Dodds, K.-J. "War Stories: British Elite Narratives of the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 11, no. 6 (December 1993): 619–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/d110619.

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I focus on British parliamentary discussions during the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War campaign. By drawing on the recent literature of critical geopolitics and dissident international relations theory, I explore how the British government discursively justified the war campaign. Focusing on the war stories of the Thatcher government is a useful way of examining how certain organising scripts were used to demarcate sovereign identities and spaces. Finally, I highlight how the war stories were controlled and naturalised as the war campaign unfolded.

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5

Krepp, Stella Paresa. "Between the Cold War and the Global South: Argentina and Third World Solidarity in the Falklands/Malvinas Crisis." Estudos Históricos (Rio de Janeiro) 30, no. 60 (April 2017): 141–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s2178-14942017000100008.

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Abstract This article looks at Argentine attempts to mobilize the Third World support by framing the Falklands/Malvinas War as a North-South conflict. Despite fundamental ideological divisions, the Organization of American States (OAS) and the Non-Aligned Movement offered support to Argentina, while the NATO powers - the European Economic Community (EEC) and the United States − backed Great Britain. The Falklands/Malvinas was thus a conflict where nationalist agendas linked up with global narratives of decolonization and the Global South.

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6

Marino, Hector. "Trench foot. Experience gleaned in the Malvinas war. (Spanish)." Plastic and Reconstructive Surgery 81, no. 4 (April 1988): 648. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006534-198804000-00065.

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7

Howkins, Adrian. "Icy relations: the emergence of South American Antarctica during the Second World War." Polar Record 42, no. 2 (April 2006): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247406005274.

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During the Second World War, both Chile and Argentina advanced sovereignty claims to the Antarctic Peninsula and surrounding sub-Antarctic islands that overlapped substantially with claims that the United Kingdom had made in 1908 and 1917. This article explores the emergence of the concept of a South American Antarctica during this period. Although, at one level, the two South American countries attempted to create a united front against the British, they actually decided to press their claims to Antarctica for different and sometimes conflicting reasons. In Argentina, nationalists connected the question of sovereignty in Antarctica with their claims to the Malvinas and with a broader struggle against a supposed British economic imperialism. In Chile, patriotic officials were less concerned with British claims to the Antarctic Peninsula and more worried about Argentina's growing interest in the region. The article concludes that a better understanding of the complex and contradictory history of the emergence of the idea of South American Antarctica during the Second World War leads to an enhanced appreciation of the subsequent development of the so-called ‘Antarctic Problem’ as it developed over the next 15 years. In order to avoid the artificiality of the term ‘Falklands (Malvinas)’, the British terms ‘Falklands’ and ‘Falkland Islands’ have been used when discussing the United Kingdom's position, and the Argentine term ‘Malvinas’ when discussing that of Argentina.

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8

Perera, Verónica. "Soberanía estallada: Memorias de Malvinas en Campo minado de Lola Arias." Investigación Teatral. Revista de artes escénicas y performatividad 9, no. 13 (April 27, 2018): 159–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.25009/it.v9i13.2560.

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El trigésimo aniversario de la guerra de Malvinas en el 2012 apareció como huella del pasado y fue recuperado en Argentina por la imaginación de una generación joven de dramaturgos y dramaturgas. Según Rosana Guber, este conflicto bélico operó históricamente como metáfora de la nación; sin embargo, el presente artículo argumenta que la obra Campo minado de Lola Arias subvierte esa metáfora. Asimismo, propone que esta obra estrenada en Brighton, Inglaterra, en mayo del 2016 y seis meses más tarde en Buenos Aires, descentra la noción de comunidad nacional, pues, mediante la actuación de seis excombatientes (tres argentinos, dos ingleses y un gurkha) y una historia basada en sus testimonios, narra el conflicto bélico sin tonos épicos y explora la cuestión de la soberanía nacional, aunque sin silenciar sus efectos sobre los cuerpos en la guerra. Finalmente, sugiere que la obra de Arias crea un espacio plurinacional y multilingüe, donde surgen nuevas imágenes y memorias sobre la guerra de Malvinas, atravesadas hoy por la experiencia común, pero también por el disenso y el conflicto entre los enemigos de entonces.Bursted Sovereignty: Falklands Memories in Campo minado (Minefield) by Lola AriasAbstractThe thirtieth anniversary of Malvinas (Falklands) War in 2012 became a trace of the past, recovered by a young generation of playwrights. According to Rosana Guber, that war has worked as a metaphor of the nation, but this paper argues that Campo minado (Minefield) by Lola Arias subverts that metaphor. The play was premiered in Brighton, England, on May 2016 and six months later in Buenos Aires. It is based on veterans’ testimonies who actually take part in the show (three Argentineans, two English, one Gurkha) and by these means the play achieves to decenter the notion of national community. The article discusses how Minefield narrates the war without epic tones and explores the question of national sovereignty, but without silencing its effects on the bodies at war. Finally, the paper suggests that Arias’ play creates a plurinational and multilingual space from where new images and new memories of Malvinas emerge. These images and memories are permeated with the common experience of the enemies at that time, but also with the conflict and dissent between them.Recibido: 01 de junio de 2017Aceptado: 28 de noviembre de 2017

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9

DODDS, KLAUS, and LARA MANÓVIL. "Back to the Future? Implementing the Anglo-Argentine 14th July 1999 Joint Statement." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 777–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006186.

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This article is concerned with the implementation of the Anglo-Argentine 14th July 1999 Joint Statement relating to the Falklands/Malvinas and the South West Atlantic. Initial consideration is given to the recent historical and political context of the Falklands/Malvinas dispute. The arrest of General Pinochet in London is shown to have been a significant factor in Anglo-Argentine relations during the period of 1998–1999. Thereafter, the background relating to the 14th July 1999 Joint Statement is considered in some detail as it relates to fishing, travel, place names, land mines and an Argentine war memorial on the Falkland Islands. Each element of the Joint Statement is shown to be problematic, and the article concludes with the belief that the provisions of the Joint Statement will continue to strengthen the rapprochement between Britain and Argentina without making any substantial progress towards the eventual solution of the dispute over the Falklands/Malvinas.

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10

López Malagamba, Ivett. "Mapping Invisibility: Subverting Continental Desire in Contemporary Malvinas War Fiction." Hispanic Research Journal 20, no. 2 (March 4, 2019): 171–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14682737.2019.1603469.

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11

Mundel, Juan, and Yadira Nieves-Pizarro. "Advertising in times of war: Themes in Argentine print advertising during the Malvinas/Falklands War." Journal of Marketing Communications 25, no. 2 (July 5, 2017): 158–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13527266.2017.1345777.

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12

Little, Walter, and Virginia Gamba. "The Falklands-Malvinas War: A Model for North-South Crisis Prevention." Bulletin of Latin American Research 8, no. 1 (1989): 132. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3338905.

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13

Stephen, David. "The Falklands/Malvinas war: a model for North-South crisis prevention." International Affairs 64, no. 2 (1988): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2621938.

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14

Pineau, Pablo, and Alejandra Birgin. "The Malvinas War: experiencing and remembering the conflict in Argentine schools." Paedagogica Historica 55, no. 2 (November 13, 2018): 314–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00309230.2018.1534871.

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15

DUBATTI, Ricardo Adrián. "DEL SOL NACIENTE (1983/1984), DE GRISELDA GAMBARO: GUERRA DE MALVINAS, DICTADURA Y PATRIARCADO." Signa: Revista de la Asociación Española de Semiótica 29 (April 8, 2020): 273. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/signa.vol29.2020.24156.

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Resumen: En nuestra investigación relevamos aquellos textos dramáticosargentinos que se refieren a la Guerra de Malvinas (1982), acontecimientoque constituye una presencia sensible en la sociedad argentinacontemporánea (Lorenz, 2012). Estudiamos las representaciones (Chartier,1992) por las que el teatro opera como constructo memorialista (Vezzetti,2002) que activa los trabajos de la memoria (Jelin, 2002) y habla de lo “nodecible” (Mancuso, 2010). Analizamos en Del sol naciente (1983/1984),de Griselda Gambaro, cómo la poética configura una lectura de la guerradesde una crítica antipatriarcal y antidictatorial desde una concepción dela memoria como gran compartir. Abstract: In the frame of our research we examine those Argentine dramatic texts about the Malvinas War (1982), an event which constitutes asensitive presence in contemporary Argentine society (Lorenz, 2012). Westudy the representations (Chartier, 1992) through which drama operatesas a memorialist construct (Vezzetti, 2002) that triggers the workings ofmemory (Jelin, 2002) and speaks of the “unspeakable” (Mancuso, 2010).In Del sol naciente (1983/1984), a dramatic text by Griselda Gambaro, we analyze how its poetics yields a reading of the above-mentioned war from an anti-patriarchal and anti-dictatorial criticism and a conception of memory as great sharing.

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16

Bellot, Andrea Roxana. "Keeping the Memories of the Malvinas/Falklands War Alive: Exploring Memorial Sites in the UK, Argentina and the Falkland Islands." Metacritic Journal for Comparative Studies and Theory 7, no. 1 (July 8, 2021): 116–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/mjcst.2021.11.07.

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The remembrance of war and commemoration practices shape the collective memories of society and, as such, war has been one of the most productive topics in memory studies. Commemorating past wars is one of the ways of constructing a commonly shared memory that would enhance group cohesion and shape collective identity. This paper will provide three examples of sites of memory in reference to the Malvinas/Falklands War, one from each side of the dispute— United Kingdom, Argentina and a third example from the actual territory of the Falkland Islands to illustrate how war memorials are an expression of patriotism, built to frame the deaths in terms of a national narrative of glorious sacrifice for cause and nation. Therefore, war commemoration recalls past experiences of suffering, but at the same time, of resistance.

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17

Goodwin, Paul B., and Ruben O. Moro. "The History of the South Atlantic Conflict: The War for the Malvinas." Journal of Military History 54, no. 2 (April 1990): 250. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1986058.

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18

Porter, Brian. "The fight for the ‘Malvinas’: the Argentine forces in the Falklands War." International Affairs 66, no. 3 (July 1990): 647–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2623194.

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19

Gordon, Dennis R. "The Paralysis of Multilateral Peacekeeping: International Organizations and the Falkland/Malvinas War." Peace & Change 12, no. 1-2 (April 1987): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-0130.1987.tb00093.x.

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20

TEICHERT, ERIKA. "Lola Arias’ Campo minado/ Minefield (2016): Exploring Dramatherapy in Documentary Theatre." Bulletin of Hispanic Studies 97, no. 10 (November 1, 2020): 1031–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/bhs.2020.63.

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Campo minado/ Minefield (2016) by Lola Arias brings to the stage three British and three Argentine veterans from the Malvinas/ Falklands War (1982), performing as themselves. Their re-enactments of the war and their lives thereafter trigger questions about the affective experience of their bodies on stage. While documentary theatre theory foregrounds a material understanding of the performing body - a mediating technology for documentary authenticity - this article explores how dramatherapy theory might provide additional vocabulary to conceptualize the emotional dimension of the veterans’ performance. In doing so, this analysis puts forward an understanding of authenticity as dependent on affective transformations rather than material evidence.

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21

Feldman, David Lewis. "The United States Role in the Malvinas Crisis, 1982: Misguidance and Misperception in Argentina's Decision to Go to War." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 27, no. 2 (1985): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165715.

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The Malvinas (Falklands) war of April-June 1982 has generated little attention among international scholars largely because neither its causes or consequences are. assumed to have great power significance.The thesis of this article is that the timing of the Malvinas invasion, and the subsequent miscalculation that the United States would tacitly assist Argentina, were partly shaped by U. S. policies. Although the principal motive for the invasion was to vindicate a claim stretching back to the early 19th century (U.S. House 1982c: 50-51; Etchepareborda, 1983:48-58), the abruptness of Argentina's actions was conditioned by Reagan administration overtures towards a grand “anti-Communist” alliance (Maechling, 1982:75-82; Sunday Times, 1982: 63); an increase in the frequency and prestige of high-level contacts between the U.S. and Argentina between 1980-1982; the cultivation of official links between Galtieri and high-ranking U.S. national security officials (U.S. House, 1982d: 67; Hastings and Jenkins, 1983:46); the intense, personal diplomacy of former Secretary of State Haig during the conflict (Hastings and Jenkins, 1983: 104-113); and by covert efforts by Argentina to extend and strengthen U.S.-Argentine ties (Cardoso et al., 1983: 60-61).

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22

Dubatti, Ricardo. "LA GUERRA DE MALVINAS (1982) EN LOS IMAGINARIOS SOCIALES Y EN EL TEATRO: PENSAR LAS REPRESENTACIONES A TRAVÉS DE LA DRAMATURGIA SALTEÑA." Acotaciones. Revista de Investigación y Creación Teatral 44 (June 10, 2020): 205–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32621/acotaciones.2020.44.07.

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La Guerra de Malvinas (2 de abril-14 de junio de 1982) constituye un acontecimiento indispensable para entender la historia argentina reciente. Consiste en el último conflicto bélico internacional argentino, el único ocurrido a lo largo del siglo XX y uno de los pocos que se ha entablado contra una potencia internacional como el Reino Unido. Al mismo tiempo, su presencia atraviesa de manera fundante tanto la posguerra como la posdictadura, proyectándose hasta la actua- lidad. El presente artículo se desprende de una investigación mayor (R. Dubatti, 2017a, 2019a) que busca reflexionar sobre las singularidades del teatro como medio para las representaciones (Chartier, 1992, 2007). Para ello, ofrecemos un análisis sobre el estado de la cuestión y los ante- cedentes de la bibliografía vinculada al tema. Finalmente, proponemos un breve análisis del texto dramático de En un azul de frío (2002) de Ra- fael Monti, dramaturgo nacido en la provincia de Salta.

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23

Corbacho, Alejandro Luis. "Prenegotiation and Mediation: Anglo-Argentine Diplomacy After the Falklands/Malvinas War, 1983–1989." International Negotiation 13, no. 3 (2008): 311–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180608x365244.

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AbstractThis paper studies the process of prenegotiation and the role of mediators between the Argentine and British governments concerning the sovereignty dispute of the Falkland/Malvinas Islands between 1982 and 1990. During this period, the relationship between both governments evolved from rupture and norelations to an agreement on the conditions to negotiate the renewal of full diplomatic relations which was concluded in early 1990. In a preliminary process of prenegotiation, the governments of Switzerland, initially, and the United States played a role in helping to reach an agreement. The former failed when the talks ended abruptly in July 1984. The latter succeeded in getting both parties to the table and keeping them there, thus avoiding a potential rupture until the two parties reached an agreement in principle. During the prenegotiation stage, the principal parties were able to reduce the risks of escalation; they defined and narrowed the boundaries of the dispute, clearly identified the trade-offs, and structured the agenda of formal negotiations. Consequently, the likelihood of successful negotiation improves significantly when the parties reach an agreement during prenegotiation on what will be discussed later. This case also illustrate that sometimes, when negotiations reach a point of stalemate, a mediator can help to find a “zone of agreement.” When this situation occurs, the degree of involvement and the resources of the mediator are particularly important. Finally, this case confirms the assertions that effective mediation is more a matter of leverage and influence than a matter of impartiality.

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ARQUILLA, JOHN, and MARÍA MOYANO RASMUSSEN. "The Origins of the South Atlantic War." Journal of Latin American Studies 33, no. 4 (November 2001): 739–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x01006198.

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The most widely-accepted views of the origins of the South Atlantic War contend that it arose either out of the Argentine junta's need to divert attention away from a worsening economy or from misperceptions in both London and Buenos Aires. This article argues that the ‘demobilisation’ of Argentine civil society removed the need for a diversionary war; and that the lengthy crisis bargaining that followed in the wake of the ‘grab’ of the Falklands/Malvinas Islands substantially mitigated the impact of any misperceptions. This article advances an alternative to existing theories that explains the outbreak of this war by reference to both structural and organisational factors. A fast decreasing gap in relative power between Argentina and Britain may have encouraged the junta more seriously to consider the possibility of initiating a war between the two. Thereafter, however, the organisational pathologies of the Argentine military led to a suboptimally timed preemptive invasion, intransigent diplomacy and a ‘hedged’ approach to deployments that severely undermined Argentina's military effectiveness, allowing Britain to undertake reconquest of the islands with a very reasonable chance of success.

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25

Bluth, Christoph. "Just War Theory and the Falklands/Malvinas Conflict: A Reply to Mr. de Montmorency." Journal of Peace Research 25, no. 2 (June 1988): 189–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234338802500208.

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26

Schenoni, Luis L., Sean Braniff, and Jorge Battaglino. "Was the Malvinas/Falklands a Diversionary War? A Prospect-Theory Reinterpretation of Argentina’s Decline." Security Studies 29, no. 1 (November 29, 2019): 34–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09636412.2020.1693618.

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27

Calearo, Daniel Sampaio, and Camila De Souza Cardoso. "Falklands/malvinas war: 1st may 1982, the meteorology and naval battles that did not occur." Ciência e Natura 40 (March 27, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.5902/2179460x28554.

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28

Ehrmantraut, Paola. "Aftermath of Violence: Coming to Terms with the Legacy of the Malvinas/Falklands War (1982)." Arizona Journal of Hispanic Cultural Studies 15, no. 1 (2011): 95–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hcs.2011.0442.

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29

Bonnin, Juan Eduardo. "Authenticity, identity and narrative inequality: struggling in times of peace to be a Malvinas war veteran." Journal of Multicultural Discourses 11, no. 2 (March 31, 2016): 181–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17447143.2016.1165684.

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30

SOSA, CECILIA. "CAMPO MINADO/MINEFIELD: War, Affect and Vulnerability – a Spectacle of Intimate Power." Theatre Research International 42, no. 2 (July 2017): 179–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883317000293.

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This essay reflects on the different spectatorial, political, cultural, affective and bodily experiences of attending Lola Arias's MINEFIELD/CAMPO MINADO, both at the Royal Court in London and at a university auditorium in Buenos Aires. Drawing upon the 1982 Malvinas/Falklands War, the Argentine internationally recognized director's production featured six former soldiers who used to be enemies on the battlefield telling real stories about the conflict. Although there was almost nothing that could be called traditional theatre onstage, the production received standing ovations on both sides of the Atlantic. But what was applauded at the end of each performance? The audiences’ reactions, including my own, were very different at the two venues. I argue that Arias's production hinged upon a high-risk, highly exposed public encounter that envisioned a change of perspectives, not only for the ex-soldiers involved but also for the spectators. Rather than staging veterans as war heroes, Arias's social experiment exposed both teams on a common ground of vulnerability. MINEFIELD constructed a spectacle of intimate power that delineated a naked form of transnational citizenship.

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Bluth, Christoph. "The British Resort to Force in the Falklands/ Malvinas Conflict 1982: International Law and Just War Theory." Journal of Peace Research 24, no. 1 (March 1987): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002234338702400102.

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32

Basham, Victoria M. "Telling geopolitical tales: temporality, rationality, and the ‘childish’ in the ongoing war for the Falklands-Malvinas Islands." Critical Studies on Security 3, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21624887.2015.1014698.

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33

Santos, Alberto. "Quelques éléments sur les implications de la stratégie maritime américaine en Europe." Études internationales 18, no. 4 (April 12, 2005): 761–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/702251ar.

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It is generally accepted that maritime strategy, which has never ceased to be one of the main concerns of the American strategists since 1898, has contributed significantly to the changes which have occurred in strategic thought since 1981, and that it has an influence on the evolution of the Atlantic Alliance. In this study, an attempt is made to full the gaps in the thoughts on US maritime strategy by focussing on an analysis of the debate as revived by the 1982 war in the Malvinas although such debate was current under the Carter administration; a debate which has attracted very little attention, if any, from those who have been studying the question of expenditures in Europe. It opposes two of the main schools of thought in strategy, namely the maritimist and the coalitionist.

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34

Benwell, Matthew C. "Going back to school: Engaging veterans’ memories of the Malvinas war in secondary schools in Santa Fe, Argentina." Political Geography 86 (April 2021): 102351. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2021.102351.

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35

Prendergast, Muireann. "Hero, leader, traitor: The print media deconstruction of Argentina’s last dictator." Discourse & Communication 11, no. 6 (September 1, 2017): 610–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481317726929.

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The 1982–1983 period marked the end of Argentina’s last dictatorship, one of the most brutal in history, and a difficult time of transition for the country from dictatorship to democracy following defeat in the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War. Using the theoretical framework of critical discourse analysis, which approaches media as constructing rather than mirroring social reality and driven by the interests behind them, this article explores representations of Argentina’s last dictator, Leopoldo Galtieri, within broader discourses on nationalism in three newspapers that supported the regime. The methodological framework of the study is mixed, combining qualitative elements of the discourse-historical approach with corpus tools for an investigation into collocations and metaphors employed. Findings suggest that linguistic and discursive features used in relation to Galtieri change over the course of the year, reflecting shifting discourses on nationalism and Argentina’s period of socio-political crisis.

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36

Díaz, César Luis, and Mario Jorge Giménez. "La Nación y Clarín: dos propuestas para la democratización y reinserción en occidente a propósito de la guerra de malvinas." Revista Observatório 2, no. 1 (May 1, 2016): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.20873/uft.2447-4266.2016v2n1p194.

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La contribución de los diarios La Nación y Clarín con el golpe cívico militar de 1976 en la Argentina y la legitimación del terrorismo de Estado como método para aniquilar a la “subversión” y para restaurar el “orden”, particularidad a la que hemos denominado “periodismo hermesiano”, los convirtió en primer término en socios ideológicos de la dictadura. Este vínculo inicialmente virtual, encontraría su materialidad a partir de la conformación de la empresa productora de papel para diarios Papel Prensa S.A., en la cual se convertirían en socios económicos. En carácter de tales aceptaron y justificaron la supresión de los derechos políticos y sociales y las restricciones a la libertad de prensa, así como también acompañaron la posición de la dictadura argentina frente a su par chilena en el diferendo por el Beagle. La recuperación temporaria de las Islas Malvinas entre el 2 de abril y el 14 de junio de 1982, si bien fue tratada de manera dispar en términos cuantitativos por ambos (La Nación70 editoriales, Clarín 30) ambos coincidieron en jerarquizar, antes que el día a día de los acontecimientos bélicos, una serie de tópicos destinados a fortalecer identificaciones colectivas y a poner en la agenda ciertas temáticas vinculadas con el futuro institucional del país para contribuir a enderezar el rumbo político en la posguerra tanto en el orden interno, cuanto en el orden internacional. Palabras clave: Diarios, Socios, La Nación, Clarín, Malvinas AbstractThe contribution of the daily La Nacion and Clarin with civic military coup in 1976 in Argentina and the legitimation of state terrorism as a method to annihilate the “subersion” and restore “order” feature that we call “journalism hermesiano”, I became the first term in ideological partners of the dictatorship. This virtual link initially, would fin its material from the conformation from the company producing newsprint Newsprint SA, which woud become economic partners. In such character they accepted and justified the suppression of political and social rights and restrictions on press, and also they accompanied the position of the Argentina dictatorship against its Chilean counterpart in the dispute over the Beagle. The temporary recovery of the Malvinas Islands between April 2 and June 14, 1982, but was treated unevenly both in quantitative terms (La Nacion 70 publishers, Clarin 30) both agreed hierarchy, rather than the day to day of the war events, a number of topics aimed at strengthening collective identifications and put on the agenda certain issues related linked to the institutional future of the country to help straighten out the political direction in the postwar both internally, as in the international order. Keywords: Daily, partners, La Nacion, Clarin, Malvinas ResumoA contribuição dos jornais La Nación e Clarín com o golpe cívico-militar, de 1976 na Argentina, bem como o discurso de legitimidade do terrorismo de Estado como um método para aniquilar a "subversão" e para restaurar a "ordem", que chamamos de "jornalismo hermesiano", tornou-os parceiros na ditadura ideológica. Este vínculo inicialmente virtual, encontraria sua materialidade a partir da formação da empresa produtora de papel de jornal Papel Prensa S.A., que os tornariam parceiros econômicos. Nesse contexto, que aceita e justifica a supressão dos direitos e restrições políticas e sociais à liberdade de imprensa e também acompanhou a posição da ditadura Argentina contra o seu homólogo chileno na disputa sobre o Beagle. A recuperação temporária das Ilhas Malvinas entre 2 de abril e 14 de junho de 1982, foi tratado de forma desigual em termos quantitativos por ambos (os editores de Nación 70, Clarin 30) ambos coincidiram em hierarquia, com elementos do dia-a-dia dos eventos de guerra, uma série de tópicos que visam reforçar identificações coletivas e colocar na ordem do dia determinadas questões relacionadas com o futuro institucional do país para ajudar a endireitar o rumo político na guerra, tanto na ordem interna, como na ordem internacional.Palavras-chave: Jornais, parceiros, Nación, Clarín, Malvinas.Disponível em:Url:http://opendepot.org/2777/Abrir em (para melhor visualização em dispositivos móveis - Formato Flipbooks):Issuu / Calameo

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McGuirk, Bernard. "Animot liberation or oh! what a beastly war: the Falklands–Malvinas conflict in the political cartoon, from Humor to The If… Chronicles." Journal of Romance Studies 8, no. 2 (June 2008): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/jrs.8.2.73.

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Acosta-Alzuru, Carolina, and Elli P. Lester-Roushanzamir. "All You Will See is the One You Once Knew: Portrayals from the Falklands/Malvinas War in U.S. and Latin American Newspapers." Journalism & Communication Monographs 1, no. 4 (December 1999): 302–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/152263799900100402.

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Vázquez, Carlos M. "Argentine Republic v. Amerada Hess Shipping Corp." American Journal of International Law 83, no. 3 (July 1989): 565–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203318.

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Plaintiffs and respondents, Amerada Hess Shipping Corp. and United Carriers, Inc., were respectively the charterer and owner of the Hercules, a crude oil tanker that was bombed in international waters by Argentine military aircraft during the war over the Malvinas or Falkland Islands. The ship was severely damaged and had to be scuttled off the coast of Brazil. After unsuccessfully seeking relief in Argentina, the companies filed suit against defendant and appellant, the Argentine Republic, in the Southern District of New York. Plaintiffs argued that the federal courts had jurisdiction under the Alien Tort Statute (28 U.S.C. §1350 (1982)), which confers federal jurisdiction over “any civil action by an alien for a tort only, committed in violation of the law of nations or a treaty of the United States.” The district court dismissed the suit for lack of subject matter jurisdiction, holding that the Foreign Sovereign Immunities Act of 1976 (28 U.S.C. §§1330, 1602-1611 (1982)) (FSIA) is by its terms the sole basis of federal jurisdiction over cases against foreign states. A divided panel of the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit reversed. The Supreme Court (per Rehnquist, C.J.) unanimously reversed the Second Circuit and held that the FSIA provides the exclusive basis of federal jurisdiction over suits against foreign states.

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Mitchell, C. R. "Book Review: Virginia Gamba The Falklands-Malvinas War: A Model for North-South Crisis Prevention (London: Allen and Unwin, 1987, 212pp., £25.00 hbk., £8.95 pbk.)." Millennium: Journal of International Studies 17, no. 1 (March 1988): 129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03058298880170010408.

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Benwell, Matthew C., and Alasdair Pinkerton. "Everyday invasions: Fuckland, geopolitics, and the (re)production of insecurity in the Falkland Islands." Environment and Planning C: Politics and Space 38, no. 6 (March 19, 2020): 998–1016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2399654420912434.

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Academic and popular debates examining the geopolitics of the Falklands Islands/Islas Malvinas have focused overwhelming attention on the 1982 war and its aftermath in ways that foreground (in)security in predominantly militaristic terms. Notwithstanding these tendencies, this paper seeks to think through another example of ‘invasion’ of the Falkland Islands that has been important in provoking and sustaining insecurity among Islanders. The film Fuckland (2000), directed by José Luis Marqués, was shot covertly in the Falklands without the consent of Falkland Islanders who unwittingly star in it. By examining the scales, sites, practices and shifting temporalities of Fuckland, as well as the everyday insecurities it (re)produces, we show how the bodies, homes and community of Falkland Islanders have been territorialised in the Argentine geopolitical imagination, and therefore subject to modes of violence. Fuckland also exposes the enmeshing of practical, popular and everyday geopolitics in productive ways that allow us to address popular geopolitics’ approaches to ‘the cinematic’ (and other media). Rather than treating Fuckland’s production and consumption as distinctive temporal moments, we seek to account for how film can linger and reverberate in often subtle and sinister ways long after fading from mainstream public attention. We position the film as a lively geopolitical object with ongoing emotional and other effects/affects that have the potential to ‘feed back’ into practical/everyday geopolitical and diplomatic relations. Examining these kinds of events can be useful in understanding why the Falkland Islands Government (and the Islanders themselves) continue to be so cautious in their management of contemporary diplomatic relations with Argentina.

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Beck, Peter J. "Virginia Gamba: The Falklands/Malvinas War: A Model for North–South Crisis Prevention (Boston, London and Sydney: Allen & Unwin, 1987, £25.00 hb, £8.95 pb). Pp. xii + 212." Journal of Latin American Studies 20, no. 1 (May 1988): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x00002819.

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Leonhard, Alan T. "The Falklands, Politics, and War. By G. M. Dillon. New York: St. Martin's, 1989. 284p. $45.00. - The Sovereignty Dispute over the Falkland (Malvinas) Islands. By Lowell S. Gustafson. New York: Oxford University Press, 1988. 268p. $36.00." American Political Science Review 84, no. 2 (June 1990): 713–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1963611.

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Przybyszewski, Linda C. A. "Mrs. John Marshall Harlan's Memories: Hierarchies of Gender and Race in the Household and the Polity." Law & Social Inquiry 18, no. 03 (1993): 453–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1993.tb00663.x.

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While legal papers and case decisions have been the traditional focus of judicial biography, the family papers of Justice John Marshall Harlan the Elder demonstrate the importance for understanding a judge's conception of the polity of shifting our sights to the household. Historians of the 19th century have overestimated the distance between the private and the public spheres. The memoirs of Harlan's wife Malvina offer us unparalleled, and hitherto neglected, testimony. Her depiction of the antebellum Harlan household shows its two hierarchies based on assumptions of fundamental differences—those of gender and of race—and both positing a benevolent white male paternalist at their apex. Malvina Harlan's memoirs indicate the lifelong persistence of this paternalism in her own relationship with Justice Harlan and in his relationship with a black servant. These patterns of hierachy, separation, and mutual devotion were essential to Harlan's understanding of his family identity and personal duty. His famous dissents in favor of black civil rights protections and his lapses from his color-blind rule have their roots in this paternalism even as Harlan came to embrace the racial egalitarianism of the Civil War amendments.

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Cumhaill, Seán Mac. "Na "Malvinas"." Comhar 51, no. 9 (1992): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25571875.

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Guber, Rosana. "The Malvinas Executions." Latin American Perspectives 35, no. 5 (September 2008): 119–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x08321964.

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Dodds, Klaus. "Falklands or Malvinas?" Political Geography 20, no. 2 (February 2001): 260–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0962-6298(00)00059-7.

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Donot, Morgan. "« Las Malvinas son argentinas »." Mots, no. 109 (November 30, 2015): 53–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mots.22110.

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García, Gustavo Eduardo. "Malvinas en las escuelas." Perspectivas Revista de Ciencias Sociales, no. 9 (July 10, 2020): 544–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.35305/prcs.v0i9.176.

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El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo analizar a las prácticas socio-comunitarias como experiencia de extensión, implementadas por la Universidad Nacional de Río Cuarto en 2009. A la vez se intentará explicitar de qué manera la misma ha sido ejecutada y cuáles han sido los resultados obtenidos a la hora de la generación de conciencia sobre la cuestión Malvinas, tanto entre los estudiantes universitarios que participaron de las mismas, para los estudiantes, docentes y directivos de las escuelas del Gran Río Cuarto en las que las mismas se llevaron a cabo y los miembros de la agrupación de veteranos de guerra con quienes se trabajó durante todo el proceso.

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Waldegaray, Marta Inés. "Malvinas : delirios de guerra." America 37, no. 1 (2008): 169–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ameri.2008.1825.

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