Relevant bibliographies by topics / War revenue law of 1898

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
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Academic literature on the topic 'War revenue law of 1898'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "War revenue law of 1898"

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Smiley, Will. "Lawless Wars of Empire? The International Law of War in the Philippines, 1898–1903." Law and History Review 36, no. 3 (June 13, 2018): 511–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248017000682.

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Writing for his fellow military officers in early 1903, United States Army Major C.J. Crane reflected on the recent Philippine–American War. The bloody struggle to suppress an insurgency in the Philippines after the United States had annexed them from Spain in 1899 had officially concluded the previous July. The war had been accompanied by fierce racist sentiments among Americans, and in keeping with these, Crane described his foes as “the most treacherous people in the world.” But Crane's discussion drew as much on concepts of law as it did on race. The average American officer, Crane argued, had “remembered all the time that he was struggling with an enemy who was not entitled to the privileges usually granted prisoners of war,” and could be summarily executed, without benefit of “court-martial or other regular tribunal.” If anything, the Americans had been too generous. “Many [American] participants in the struggle,” he maintained, “have failed to fully understand that we were practically fighting an Asiatic nation in arms and almost every man a soldier in disguise and a violator” of the laws of war. But what did those laws mean to the United States during the conflict, and what does this indicate about the broader history of international law's relationship to empire?
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Mehrotra, Ajay K. "Lawyers, Guns, and Public Moneys: The U.S. Treasury, World War I, and the Administration of the Modern Fiscal State." Law and History Review 28, no. 1 (February 2010): 173–225. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248009990071.

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World War I was a pivotal event for U.S. political and economic development, particularly in the realm of public finance. For it was during the war that the federal government ended its traditional reliance on regressive import duties and excise taxes as principal sources of revenue and began a modern era of fiscal governance, one based primarily on the direct and progressive taxation of personal and corporate income. The wartime tax regime, as the historian David M. Kennedy has observed, “occasioned a fiscal revolution in the United States.”
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Parslow, Joakim. "JURISTS OF WAR AND PEACE: SIDDIK SAMİ ONAR (1898–1972) AND ALİ FUAD BAŞGİL (1893–1967) ON LAW AND PREROGATIVE IN TURKEY." International Journal of Middle East Studies 50, no. 1 (January 31, 2018): 45–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743817000939.

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AbstractThe jurists who entered Turkish academia during the 1930s built the foundations of their discipline under a regime that became increasingly authoritarian as war drew closer. Like their peers in Italy and France, therefore, they had to produce coherent doctrines but also support the frequent use of exceptional emergency powers. How did they solve this contradiction? More importantly, what consequences did their solutions have for the use of emergency powers after the war? This article adopts a Deleuzian reading of two strategies with which Turkish jurists met that challenge, approaching their work not simply as theories about law but also as models for the role law should play in the articulation of public authority. Focusing on Ali Fuad Başgil and Sıddık Sami Onar, law professors at Istanbul University, I argue that although both professors supported the regime, only a situational doctrine of the kind Onar produced was capable of ensuring that jurists would have a place in the exercise of “exceptional” state powers after the 1950 transition to democracy.
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Queralt, Didac. "War, International Finance, and Fiscal Capacity in the Long Run." International Organization 73, no. 4 (2019): 713–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818319000250.

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AbstractIn this article I revisit the relationship between war and state making in modern times by focusing on two prominent types of war finance: taxes and foreign loans. Financing war with tax money enhances the capacity to assess wealth and monitor compliance, namely fiscal capacity. Tax-financed war facilitates the adoption of power-sharing institutions, which transform taxation into a non-zero-sum game, carrying on the effect of war in the long run. Financing war with external capital does not contribute to long-term fiscal capacity if borrowers interrupt debt service and, as part of the default settlement, war debt is condoned or exchanged for nontax revenue. The empirical evidence draws from war around the world as early as 1816. Results suggest that globalization of capital markets in the nineteenth century undermined the association between war, state making, and political reform.
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Bernstein, Michael A. "Tocqueville versus Weber." Law and History Review 28, no. 1 (February 2010): 235–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248009990095.

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Ajay Mehrotra has afforded us an opportunity to better appreciate and understand the development of state capacity in modern U.S. history. With detailed research findings and a well-organized narrative, he focuses on the elaboration of revenue generation and management systems appropriate and adequate to the growing responsibilities and commitments of the national government in the early twentieth century. It is the burden of Mehrotra's argument that “bureaucratic professionals” were as important a part of the “fiscal revolution” in modern U.S. politics as were changing governmental structures and evolving events and contingencies. Using World War I as his case study, Mehrotra seeks to refine and extend the narrative of organizational change and the rise of the modern state in the United States.
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Grinberg, Mariya. "Wartime Commercial Policy and Trade between Enemies." International Security 46, no. 1 (2021): 9–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00412.

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Abstract Why do states trade with their enemies during war? States make deliberate choices when setting their wartime commercial policies, and tailoring policies to match the type of war the states are expecting to fight. Specifically, states seek to balance two goals–maximizing revenue from continued trade during the war and minimizing the ability of the opponent to benefit militarily from trade. As a result, states trade with the enemy in (1) products that their opponents take a long time to convert into military capability, and (2) products that are essential to the domestic economy. Furthermore, states revise their wartime commercial policies based on how well they are doing on the battlefield. An analysis of British wartime commercial policy in World War I finds that a product's conversion time into military capabilities determines if and when that product will be prohibited from trade during the war. Alternatively, domestic political pressures play only a marginal role in wartime commercial policy decisions.
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McPherson, Susan. "War of conscience: antivaccination and the battle for medical freedom during World War I." Medical Humanities 47, no. 3 (May 24, 2021): e7-e7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medhum-2020-012069.

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The nineteenth century British antivaccination movement attracted popular and parliamentary support and ultimately saw the 1853 law which had made smallpox vaccination compulsory nullified by the 1898 ‘conscientious objector’ clause. In keeping with popular public health discourse of the time, the movement had employed rhetoric associated with sanitary science and liberalism. In the early twentieth century new discoveries in bacteriology were fuelling advances in vaccination and the medical establishment was increasingly pushing for public health to move towards more interventionist medical approaches. With the onset of war in 1914, the medical establishment hoped to persuade the government to introduce compulsory typhoid inoculation for soldiers. This article analyses antivaccination literature, mainstream newspapers and medical press along with parliamentary debates to examine how the British antivaccination movement engaged with this new threat of compulsion by expanding the rhetoric of ‘conscience’ and emphasising medical freedom while also asserting scientific critique concerning the effectiveness of vaccines and the new laboratory based diagnostic practices. In spite of ‘conscience’ fitting well with an emerging public health discourse of individual subjectivity, the mainstream press ridiculed the idea of working-class soldiers having a conscience, coalescing around the idea that ‘conscientious objection’ be reserved for spiritual, philosophical and educated men who objected to military service. Moreover, in spite of engaging in reasoned scientific critique, parliament and press consorted in the demarcation of scientific knowledge as exclusive to medical scientists, reflecting a growing allegiance between the state and the medical establishment during the war. Any scientific arguments critical of medical orthodoxy were subjugated, labelled as ‘crank’ or ‘faddist’ as well as unpatriotic. The antivaccination narratives around conscience contributed to or were part of an evolving discourse on consent and ethics in medicine. Potential parallels are drawn with current and likely future debates around vaccination and counterhegemonic scientific approaches.
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Magaziner, Daniel R. "Removing the Blinders and Adjusting the View: A Case Study from Early Colonial Sierra Leone." History in Africa 34 (2007): 169–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2007.0011.

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Mende raiders caught Mr. Goodman, “an educated young Sierra Leonean clerk,” at Mocolong, where he “was first tortured by having his tongue cut out, and then being decapitated.” His was a brutal fate, not unlike those which befell scores of his fellow Sierra Leoneans in the spring of 1898. Others were stripped of their Europeanstyle clothes and systematically dismembered, leaving only mutilated bodies strewn across forest paths or cast into rivers. Stories of harrowing escapes and near-death encounters circulated widely. Missionary stations burned and trading factories lost their stocks to plunder. Desperate cries were heard in Freetown. Send help. Send gun-boats. Send the West India Regiment. Almost two years after the British had legally extended their control beyond the colony of Sierra Leone, Mende locals demonstrated that colonial law had yet to win popular assent.In 1898 Great Britain fought a war of conquest in the West African interior. To the northeast of the Colony, armed divisions pursued the Temne chief Bai Bureh's guerrilla fighters through the hot summer months, while in the south the forest ran with Mende “war-boys,” small bands of fighters who emerged onto mission stations and trading factories, attacked, and then vanished. Mr. Goodman had had the misfortune to pursue his living among the latter. In the north, Bai Bureh fought a more easily definable ‘war,’ a struggle which pitted his supporters against imperial troops and other easily identified representatives of the colonial government. No reports of brutalities done to civilians ensued. In the south, however, Sierra Leoneans and missionaries, both men and women, joined British troops and officials on the casualty rolls.
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Blockmans, Steven. "Moving Into UNchartered Waters: An Emerging Right of Unilateral Humanitarian Intervention?" Leiden Journal of International Law 12, no. 4 (December 1999): 759–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156599000394.

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With the black letter law of the UN Charter denying states to unilaterally intervene in third states on humanitarian grounds, this article tries to project a picture of the moral controversy of humanitarian intervention as a balance for order and justice. The author argues that some post-cold war armed interventions may be taken as evidence of an emerging rule of international law outside the UN Charter system allowing the use of unilateral humanitarian intervention to keep a third state from committing large-scale human rights violations on its own territory. However, in the absence of prior authorization from the relevant UN organs, it is necessary to address concerns of possible abuse and manipulations of such an emerging rule. The article includes recommendations to this end.To go to war for an idea, if the war is aggressive, not defensive, is as criminal as to go to war for territory or revenue; for it is as little justifiable to force our ideas on other people, as to compel them to submit to our will in any other respect. But there assuredly are cases in which it is allowable to go to war, without having been ourselves attacked, or threatened with attack; and it is very important that nations should make up their minds in time, as to what these cases are.John Stuart Mill, A Few Words on Non-Intervention (1859)
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Paine, Jack. "Rethinking the Conflict “Resource Curse”: How Oil Wealth Prevents Center-Seeking Civil Wars." International Organization 70, no. 4 (2016): 727–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020818316000205.

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AbstractA broad literature on how oil wealth affects civil war onset argues that oil production engenders violent contests to capture a valuable prize from vulnerable governments. By contrast, research linking oil wealth to durable authoritarian regimes argues that oil-rich governments deter societal challenges by strategically allocating enormous revenues to enhance military capacity and to provide patronage. This article presents a unified formal model that evaluates how these competing mechanisms affect overall incentives for center-seeking civil wars. The model yields two key implications. First, large oil-generated revenues strengthen the government and exert an overall effect that decreases center-seeking civil war propensity. Second, oil revenues are less effective at preventing center-seeking civil war relative to other revenue sources, which distinguishes overall and relative effects. Revised statistical results test overall rather than relative effects by omitting the conventional but posttreatment covariate of income per capita, and demonstrate a consistent negative association between oil wealth and center-seeking civil war onset.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "War revenue law of 1898"

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Wright, Crystal Renee Murray. "From the Hague to Nuremberg: International Law and War, 1898-1945." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc501222/.

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This thesis examines the body of international law drawn upon during the Nuremberg trials after World War II. The work analyzes the Hague Conventions, the Paris Peace Conference, and League of Nations decisions to support its conclusions. Contrary to the commonly held belief that the laws violated during World War II by the major war criminals were newly developed ideas, this thesis shows that the laws evolved over an extended period prior to the war. The work uses conference minutes, published government sources, the official journal of the League of Nations, and many memoirs to support the conclusions.
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Books on the topic "War revenue law of 1898"

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Candelaria, Cordelia, and Gary D. Keller. 1848/1898@1998: Transhistoric Thresholds conference. Tempe, AZ: Bilingual Press, 2000.

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Jay, Benton Elbert. International law and diplomacy of the Spanish-American war. Clark, N.J: Lawbook Exchange, 2005.

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Mahler, Michael. United States Civil War revenue stamp taxes: A compendium of statutes, decisions, rulings, and correspondence pertaining to the documentary and proprietary taxes. Pacific Palisades, Calif: Castenholz and Sons, 1988.

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McCullough, Matthew. The cross of war: Christian nationalism and U.S. expansion in the Spanish-American War. Madison, Wisconsin: The University of Wisconsin Press, 2014.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act to amend the Franchise Act, 1898. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2002.

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Canada. Parliament. House of Commons. Bill: An act to amend the Franchise Act, 1898. Ottawa: S.E. Dawson, 2002.

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Superpower illusions: How myths and false ideologies led America astray-- and how to return to reality. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010.

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Government, New Jersey Legislature General Assembly Committee on State. Public hearing before Assembly State Government Committee: Assembly concurrent resolution no. 25 (ACS), proposes an amendment to the Constitution creating the New Jersey Redistricting Commission (ACR-65 of 1990) : Assembly concurrent resolution no. 125 (1R), proposes constitutional amendment to prohibit the use of one-time state revenue sources for state government operations and state aid and grants-in-aid spending. Trenton, N.J: The Committee, 1993.

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US GOVERNMENT. Environmental law treaties of the United States. Dobbs Ferry, N.Y: Oceana Publications, 1997.

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GOVERNMENT, US. The Solid Waste Disposal Act: As amended by the Hazardous and Solid Waste Amendments of 1984 (Public Law 98-616); the Safe Drinking Water Act Amendments of 1986 (Public Law 99-339); and the Superfund Amendments and Reauthorization Act of 1986 (Public Law 99-499). Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "War revenue law of 1898"

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Talvitie, Petri. "The Sales of Crown Farms and State Finances 1580–1808." In Civilians and Military Supply in Early Modern Finland, 119–47. Helsinki University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33134/hup-10-4.

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This chapter analyses the sales of crown farms as a form of financing the war. The early modern Swedish crown was a major landowner, as, under Swedish law, all farms deserted or unable to pay their taxes three years in a row became crown property. The article shows how the selling of these farms to private buyers became an important source of revenue in the 18th century, first to finance the Great Northern War and later to cover the massive public debt created by the war. By purchasing crown farms, private Swedish and Finnish individuals became indirectly important financers of war.
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Raitz, Karl. "Building James Stone’s Elkhorn Distillery." In Making Bourbon, 371–402. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813178752.003.0017.

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On the eve of the Civil War, Scott County farmer James M. Stone owned twenty-three enslaved people, farmed 137 acres of improved land along South Elkhorn Creek, and was one of the most prosperous farmers in the county. By 1867, his industrial distillery produced about thirty barrels of whiskey per week. He entered into a business partnership with James H. Shropshire, who assisted with management and provided some of the capital for expansion. Stone made extensive modifications to his works to comply with the new federal requirements imposed by the 1868 revenue law, including building a state-of-the-art stack-type warehouse of brick, with a metal roof and iron window shutters. Cooper Adam Michaels made barrels for Elkhorn and other distilleries. Elkhorn’s transport connections for grain, construction materials, fuel, and whiskey were unimproved roads and a track-side depot on the railroad some two and a half miles distant. Logistics proved to be problematic for the duration of Elkhorn’s operations. Elkhorn consumed more grain than was produced locally and required shipments from Outer Bluegrass counties; barley malt came from Canada, and hops arrived from brokers in Lexington and Cincinnati. Most grain was shipped in sacks. New mechanical equipment often proved unreliable or unsuited for its application, necessitating ad hoc repairs. The distillery operation included a large pen where hogs were fed slop.
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Nagy, Imre Gábor. "Die Vermögenswirtschaft der Stadt im Zeitalter des Dualismus." In Economic and Social Changes: Historical Facts, Analyses and Interpretations, 41–52. Working Group of Economic and Social History, Regional Committee of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences in Pécs, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15170/seshst-01-05.

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In the annuel budgets of the city of Pécs between 1872 and 1914, revenues from city property were divided into five groups. The first group included revenues from the city’s property – the hundreds of acres of Megyer-puszta, urban pastures, urban factories, and urban buildings. The second group included revenues from the city’s 4,262 cadastral hungarian acres forests. The third group included interest on the city’s cash and securities. The fourth group included excise, duties and fees levied by the city with the permission of the state. The most important of these were incomes from the sale of spirits, wine, beer, the holding of markets and fairs, and the use of roads and railways. The fifth group included the income that arose after the pub law was acquired by the state in 1890: state compensation and various city tax supplements. Overall, revenues from urban property in the years 1870-1880 approached, and sometimes even exceeded, 60% of budget revenues. In the 1890s, their proportion fell below 40%, increased to nearly 50% by the turn of the century, and then gradually decreased to about 30% by 1914. The result of urban wealth management has been future urbanization and infrastructure investiments, with the inevitable indebtedness at a disadvantage.
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Bollard, Alan. "Richest Man in the World?" In Economists at War, 31–62. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198846000.003.0002.

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The assassination sent shockwaves through China, and soon led to the 1937 invasion by Japan. H. H. Kung was an American-educated Minister of Finance in the turbulent China of the 1930s. He was a member of the famous Soong family—both Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek were brothers-in-law, and his wife was the richest woman in China. As the Japanese invaded, the economy in China progressively worsened. With little regard for the law, Kung proved adept at raising revenue by forcing Chinese to pay taxes, by bank fraud, by manipulating the currency, always with something on the side for him and his family. As the war worsened, he extracted aid dollars from the American taxpayer. When the Communists took power Kung reinvented himself as a wealthy Wall Street banker.
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Lynch, John Roy. "Law Firm of Terrell and Lynch." In Reminiscences of an Active Life, edited by John Hope Franklin, 365–70. University Press of Mississippi, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.14325/mississippi/9781604731149.003.0037.

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This chapter looks at how John Roy Lynch formed a law partnership with Robert H. Terrell, under the firm name of “Terrell and Lynch.” This firm opened an office and carried on business at Washington, D.C. Terrell was an able and brilliant young man. He was a graduate from the college department of Harvard University. The firm continued in active business until the inauguration of President William McKinley, by whom, in June of 1898, Lynch was made a major and Paymaster of Volunteers to serve as such during the Spanish–American War. Subsequently, Terrell was also called into public service, having been appointed a justice of the peace for the District of Columbia, and later one of the judges of the municipal court of said district.
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Ingravallo, Ivan. "The Formation of International Law Journals in ItalyTheir Role in the Discipline." In A History of International Law in Italy, 190–214. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842934.003.0008.

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This chapter analyzes the role played by legal journals as ‘tools’ for international law studies in Italy. The author considers their role in the development of this subject in the domestic arena, where there were no specialized legal journals expressly devoted to these topics until 1898. The early journals represented ephemeral experiments, prior to the foundation of the Rivista di diritto internazionale in 1906 under the leadership of Dionisio Anzilotti. The Rivista represented a turning point in this branch of law and was followed by other periodicals established in the 1930s and 40s, which were partly inspired by the political milieu characterizing Fascist Italy, and by those that developed in the aftermath of World War II, which were influenced in turn by the theoretical and methodological premises of the time and by accentuated contrasts between different academic ‘schools’ of thought. Lastly, the author evaluates how the Italian journals of international law dealt with foreign scholars and foreign languages.
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Raustiala, Kal. "Territoriality in American Law." In Does the Constitution Follow the Flag? Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195304596.003.0004.

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In 1899 the English writer Rudyard Kipling penned a poem entitled “The White Man’s Burden.” The phrase is now famous, though few probably know that Kipling was its author. Fewer still know the full title: “The White Man’s Burden: The United States and the Philippine Islands.” Kipling published the poem to implore the United States, which had just defeated Spain in a war, to assume control of Spain’s former colonies. By the end of the nineteenth century the United States had grown into an economic giant and had shown itself capable of vanquishing a once great European nation. Now, Kipling suggested, it was time to step into its natural role as an imperial power. His final verse made clear the stakes: . . . Take up the White Man’s burden— Have done with childish days— The lightly proferred laurel, The easy, ungrudged praise. Comes now, to search your manhood Through all the thankless years Cold, edged with dear-bought wisdom, The judgment of your peers! . . . Many Americans at the time agreed that victory in the Spanish-American War of 1898 demonstrated that the United States was now a world power of the first rank. Yet as the poem suggests, they were not entirely sure about ruling Spain’s former colonial islands. Even if the United States did follow the lead of other great powers and build an overseas empire, it was unclear exactly how its colonies should be governed. Were the islands acquired from Spain subject to the same laws as ordinary American territory, or could the United States rule offshore territories differently simply because they were offshore? In short, as contemporaries put the question, did the Constitution follow the flag? This debate consumed the American public and elites alike. It became a central theme in the 1900 presidential contest between Republican incumbent William McKinley and Democratic challenger William Jennings Bryan. The Democratic Party platform emphatically declared an anti-imperial stance: “We hold that the Constitution follows the flag, and denounce the doctrine that an Executive or Congress deriving their existence and their powers from the Constitution can exercise lawful authority beyond it or in violation of it . . . Imperialism abroad will lead quickly and inevitably to despotism at home.”
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Bell, Derrick. "Brown Reconceived: An Alternative Scenario." In Silent Covenants. Oxford University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195172720.003.0007.

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Having Read An Early Draft Of This Manuscript, longtime friend and Harvard University professor Frank Michelman asked: “Was there any way that they, as a Court acting subject to certain public expectations about the differences among courts, legislatures, and constitutional conventions, could have framed their intervention differ­ently from, and better than, the way they actually chose?” I think the answer is yes. Despite decades of efforts to reverse Plessy v. Ferguson and the NAACP lawyers’ well-researched legal arguments supported by reams of social science testimony, the Supreme Court might have determined to adhere to existing precedents. Suppose that, while expressing sympathy for the Negroes’ plight, the Court had decided that Plessy v. Ferguson was still the law of the land? Suppose, moreover, they understood then what is so much clearer now: namely, that the edifice of segregation was built not simply on a troubling judi­cial precedent, but on an unspoken covenant committing the nation to guaranteeing whites a superior status to blacks? On this understanding, could the Court have written a decision that disappointed the hopes of most civil rights lawyers and those they represented while opening up opportunities for effective schooling capable of turning constitutional defeat into a major educational victory? Again, I think the answer is yes. And I have imagined such an alternative. Today we uphold our six decades old decision in Plessy v. Ferguson, 163 U.S. 537 (1896). We do so with some reluctance and in the face of the argu­ments by the petitioners that segregation in the public schools is unconstitutional and a manifestation of the desire for dominance whose depths and pervasiveness this Court can neither ignore nor easily divine. Giving full weight to these arguments, a decision overturning Plessy, while it might be viewed as a triumph by Negro petitioners and the class they represent, will be condemned by many whites. Their predictable outraged resistance could undermine and eventually negate even the most committed judicial enforcement efforts.
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Unowsky, Daniel. "Introduction." In The Plunder, 1–10. Stanford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.11126/stanford/9780804799829.003.0001.

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The introduction offers an overview of the geographical and chronological scope of the violence before setting these events within existing scholarship on antisemitism, Habsburg and Polish history, and the history of violence in central Europe around 1900. Although these events have been largely overshadowed by more deadly examples of anti-Jewish violence before and after World War I, the 1898 riots constituted the most extensive anti-Jewish attacks in the Habsburg state in the post-1867 constitutional era. The 1898 Galician violence challenged the image of Austria-Hungary as a Rechtsstaat, a state governed by the rule of law. The introduction includes chapter previews.
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Barreto, Amílcar Antonio. "Spanish and Puertorriqueñidad." In The Politics of Language in Puerto Rico, 7–20. University Press of Florida, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9781683401131.003.0002.

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In the aftermath of the 1898 Spanish-American War, federal policymakers sought to transform Puerto Ricans from loyal Spaniards to trustworthy Americans. Public schools employing English as the language of instruction were the primary vehicles implementing this change. Behind this policy were deeply ingrained attitudes that took for granted the superiority of Anglo Saxons and, by extension, their English vernacular. Contrary to expectations, the Americanization effort backfired and even fueled Puerto Rican nationalism. The island’s intelligentsia took up the banner of preserving Puerto Rican identity (Puerto Ricanness) and canonized the Spanish language as a core feature of puertorriqueñidad. In tandem with a change in education policy was the adoption of a new language law—one that declared Spanish and English co-official languages of the Puerto Rican government. Repealing that law became a holy grail for the island’s nationalists.
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Conference papers on the topic "War revenue law of 1898"

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Anderson, Edward C. "War of the Worlds: a Mission Profile for the 1898 Martian Invasion of Earth." In 54th International Astronautical Congress of the International Astronautical Federation, the International Academy of Astronautics, and the International Institute of Space Law. Reston, Virigina: American Institute of Aeronautics and Astronautics, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/6.iac-03-iaa.8.2.02.

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Iden, Michael E. "Battery Storage of Propulsion-Energy for Locomotives." In 2014 Joint Rail Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/jrc2014-3805.

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Significant technical, regulatory and media attention has recently been given to the use of electrical storage batteries onboard a line-haul (long-distance) locomotive or “energy storage tender” (coupled adjacent to a locomotive) as a means of improving railroad fuel efficiency and reducing freight locomotive exhaust emissions. The extent to which electrical energy stored onboard could supplement or replace diesel generated power has yet to be quantified or proven. There are significant technical design, maintainability, logistical and safety challenges to making this technology commonplace, especially for over-the-road (line-haul) freight trains. The use of electrical batteries to provide some amount of point-source fuel- and/or emissions-free locomotive power is not a new concept. Recent claims that onboard storage of locomotive propulsion energy is “new locomotive technology” are unfounded. The world’s first all-battery-powered locomotive was built in 1838 only 34 years after the world’s first steam locomotive operated. A total of 126 identifiable locomotives using onboard batteries to store propulsion energy have been built and operated to some extent in the United States (US) since 1920. Almost all were low-power switching locomotives and none are currently in revenue freight service. Two high-horsepower line-haul experimental engineering test locomotives with an experimental battery design and regenerative dynamic braking have been built (in 2004 and 2007) but very little revenue service testing has occurred. This paper reviews propulsion battery-equipped locomotives over the past 95 years in the US, and discusses future options and possibilities including the technical and logistical challenges to such propulsion. Capturing dynamic braking energy (developed by locomotive traction motors during deceleration or downhill operation) could be a source of onboard battery recharging, but will require significant additional locomotive control system development work to achieve practicality. New battery technologies are being developed but none are yet practical for large-scale locomotive applications. Retrofitting of large amounts of onboard battery storage on existing (or even future) diesel-electric locomotives will be limited by onboard space constraints. The development and use of energy storage “tenders” will bring complications to locomotive and train operations to make effective use (if commercialized) practical and safe. This paper is also intended to provide technical background and clarity for various regulatory agencies regarding battery energy storage technologies for future locomotive propulsion.
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