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Fajardo, Margaret A. "Comparing war stories : literature by Vietnamese Americans, U.S.-Guatemalans, and Filipino Americans /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2007. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3277200.
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Christy, Peter K. "Telling the old story in old stories story preaching to retired persons in era-specific stories." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 2009. http://www.tren.com/search.cfm?p075-0077.
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Dozier, Kimberly S. Hesse Douglas Dean. "Reading Vietnam teaching literature using historically-situated texts /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1998. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9914567.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Illinois State University, 1998.Title from title page screen, viewed July 10, 2006. Dissertation Committee: Douglas Hesse (chair), C. Anita Tarr, Charles Harris. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 232-241) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Milakovic, Amy E. "The National Endowment for the Arts' "Operation Homecoming" shaping military stories into nationalistic rhetoric /." [Fort Worth, Tex.] : Texas Christian University, 2009. http://etd.tcu.edu/etdfiles/available/etd-10162009-150448/unrestricted/Milakovic.pdf.
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Lambert, Karen Hunt. "Burmese Muslim Refugee Women: Stories of Civil War, Refugee Camps And New Americans." DigitalCommons@USU, 2011. https://digitalcommons.usu.edu/etd/1008.
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This thesis includes the narratives of three Burmese Muslim refugee mothers who made their homes in Logan, Utah, within three years of locating in the United States. Each woman’s life is written about in a different style of writing – journalism, ethnography and creative nonfiction –and is then followed by analysis looking at each piece in terms of representation
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Yamaguchi, Precious Vida. "World War II Internment Camp Survivors: The Stories and Life Experiences of Japanese American Women." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1276884538.
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Robinson, Matthew Dean. "The Horse Latitudes." PDXScholar, 2015. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/2371.
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The Horse Latitudes is a collection of stories that documents one infantry squad's time in Baghdad, Iraq. The missions are long stretches of boredom, broken up by flashes of violence. The single sniper shot fired. An IED loosely buried in the roadside, waiting. A schoolyard of kids throwing fist-sized rocks at gun-trucks. The enemy is vast and changing. The downtime is a combination of homesickness, RPGs, and mortar fire. These men suffer through the war, heat, and each other.
These stories look into the fire-fights and their aftermath to get to soldiers' struggles within themselves: how to fight a faceless enemy, what it means to serve, how one soldiers, what makes a man, what makes a good man, what will it mean to die here, and what does it mean not to. This collection dismisses what we think we know about war -- violence, camaraderie, masculinity, enemy, victory -- in order to tell a harder, truer story.
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Woolf, Adam Gregory. "Competing Narratives: Hero and PTSD Stories Told by Male Veterans Returning Home." Scholar Commons, 2012. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/4260.
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This qualitative study seeks to extend the existing body of scholarly literature on returned veteran civilian reintegration by exploring "hero" and "Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder" narratives. The character of the hero, as a social construct located within hegemonic notions of masculinity, is widely portrayed and believed to possess highly prized, extraordinary, almost superhuman personal qualities. However, this widely disseminated belief stands at odds with some of the stories returned veterans tell. This qualitative study explores and illuminates the enigmatic intersectionality of hero and PTSD narratives.
Extant hero and PTSD narratives contain paradoxical implicit meanings embedded within them. The hero is understood to be fearless, strong, independent, and physically and emotionally tough. PTSD, on the other hand, implies personal deficiencies, enervation, dependence, diffidence, and other personal shortcomings. The apparent contradictions between these two cultural narratives elucidate how hero narrative are founded less in the lived reality as experienced by returned veterans and more in socially circulating stories about returned combat veterans as disembodied people. Most problematic is the tendency for widely circulating stories about them as the hero character to disguise the reality of day-to-day life as returned combat veterans live it. Through narrative analysis it is revealed that the popular cultural image of veterans as strong, independent, and courageous "warriors" may conflict with reality as lived by combat veterans. Paradoxically, however, returned combat veterans may employ the hero narrative in making sense of themselves. As a result, returned combat veterans may find it difficult to act in ways inconsistent with the hero narrative, such as asking for help, admitting a damaging personal problem, exacerbating the civilian reintegration experience and potentially significantly lowering returned combat veterans' quality of life. This problem may be especially salient for veterans experiencing symptoms of PTSD who may feel trapped between two the cultural narratives of hero and victim.
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Finch, Edward F. Holsinger M. Paul. "An hour or two using naval fiction in the United States history course /." Normal, Ill. Illinois State University, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ilstu/fullcit?p9960413.
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Thesis (D.A.)--Illinois State University, 1999.Title from title page screen, viewed July 26, 2006. Dissertation Committee: M. Paul Holsinger (chair), Lawrence W. McBride, John B. Freed, Steven E. Kagle. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 225-239) and abstract. Also available in print.
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Churchill, Amanda Gann. "Peonies for Topaz." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc12097/.
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A collection of three, interwoven short stories set in Japantown, San Francisco and the Topaz Internment Camp in central Utah during World War II. The pieces in this collection feature themes of cultural identity and the reconstruction of personal identity in times of change and crisis. Collection includes the stories "Moving Sale," "Evacuation," and "Resettlement."
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Dougherty, Matthew. "A Way In: Stories and a Novel-in-Progress." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1399904159.
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Pavan, Anna <1990>. "When war becomes a media event. A linguistic and historical analysis of American media coverage during the wars in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/4680.
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The text aims to explore American media coverage during the wars in Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan. After a first introduction to the role of language in the American media, it focus on the manipulation and propaganda issue during conflicts. The intent is to show how those wars were presented to the public opinion, which words were chosen to transmit a message, what were the sorces, briefly how they were reported and became media events. Particular attention is finally given to the historical and linguistic analysis of articles coming from American newspapers or TV broadcasts.
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Burke, Dawne Raines. "Storer College: A Hope for Redemption in the Shadow of Slavery, 1865 - 1955." Diss., Virginia Tech, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/27264.
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This historical study investigated the genesis, unfolding, contributions, and demise issues associated with the institution of Storer College. The primary goal was to produce an institutional narrative of Storer College that acknowledged the depth and dimension of its 90-year history, and recognized its three utmost administrators: the Doctors Brackett, McDonald, and McKinney. The inquiry incorporated a broad range of primary and secondary sources, including previously untapped archival resources, in reconstructing the institution’s narrative. The study is predominantly set against the divergence of compounding social, economic, and political forces, including its relationship with the State of West Virginia that outlined the institution’s development over time. The global questions that framed the study were: What was Storer College? How did it change over time? Following the Civil War’s destruction, the nation underwent an extended period of reconstruction. Storer College grew out of several efforts exerted by the Free Will Baptists, a northern denomination under the aegis of the Northern Baptist Convention, who believed that education should be the primary focus for improving freedmen in the Shenandoah Valley. Storer College was first established in West Virginia by the Free Will Baptists Home Mission Society through its Shenandoah Mission center, as the Harper’s Ferry Mission School in 1865. In time, the institution experienced four overlapping developmental phases: (a) Mission School, 1865 â 1867, (b) Secondary Division, 1867 â 1884, (c) Secondary Expansion Division, 1884 â 1921, and (d) Collegiate Division, 1921 â 1955 before its closure in the wake of the 1954 Brown et al. v. Board of Education, Topeka, Kansas decision. With the outgoing class of 1955, the institution was ultimately dismantled and subsumed under the federal aegis of the United States Department of Interior by 1960. Despite limited funding, Storer College functioned as a social change agent since through its institutional development it correspondingly contributed to the individual development of its students’ literacy, morality, self-dependency, self-advocacy, and self-assertion. These collective actions were among the first efforts toward community-building between and among the African-American community and consequently the community’s greater relationship with the American society.Ph. D.
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Broadwater, John D. "Yorktown Shipwreck 44YO88: Stores and Cargo from a British Naval Supply Vessel from the American War for Independence." W&M ScholarWorks, 1989. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625489.
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Taioli, Francesca <1995>. "The trade war in the context of Sino-American economic and diplomatic relations: past, present and future." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/16722.
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Every day, news of the ongoing trade war between China and the United States appear on the first page of newspapers and online articles and people suddenly started worrying about a possible “Third World War”. However, it is possible to retrace in their diplomatic and economic history some crucial events that shaped into the current state of affairs, as the swift “renaissance” of the Chinese superpower changed forever the balance of the world outlook.
Therefore, the main objectives of this thesis consist of analyzing the history of U.S.-China relations and compare today’s trade war with some of the trade wars of the past to figure out what the possible outcomes of this conflict could be. In order to do so, we will analyze the diplomatic and economic relations between China and the United States before the trade war in the first chapter, together with some major events that laid the foundations for today’s antagonism.
In the second chapter, we will proceed to explore some of the strategies used during the trade war by both countries, as well as the economic consequences they endured.
Finally, in the third chapter, we will confront it to some of the economic conflicts from last century to formulate some hypothesis about what could happen during the course of the trade war.
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Grego, Valerio <1996>. "Deconstructing Diplomacy: a Critical Analysis on the Strategic Use of Language by American Political Figures During the Vietnam War." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2022. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/21765.
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Diplomacy is the main ‘soft power’ tool through which international relations are conducted amongst different actors today, and has been at least since the birth of modern states. Diplomacy is heavily dependent on communication, and communication is built on the use of language, which is an ever-changing part of human history. What happens when the use of language becomes strategic, thus revealing the existence of structural conditions of dominance, power and control that can influence international politics?
This dissertation aims at analysing the relationship between language and politics through the eyes of a doctrine born in the 1970s, that is, Critical Discourse Analysis, which is the theoretical ground on which this dissertation will be constructed. This relatively new doctrine extensively analyses the underlying meanings behind the use of language (from non-verbal to verbal), in order to reveal hidden social power abuses, dominance or inequalities of any kind that can be manifested through language itself.
In fact, texts, documents, and speeches by US former presidents will be critically analysed for the theoretical purposes of this dissertation, that is again, the strategic use of language. In order to provide instead a practical overview of how language and politics are interwoven, the dissertation will focus on a prime example of diplomacy: the Vietnam war. The Vietnam war is a perfect case study because American diplomacy gained several facets during that time, ranging from direct to back-channel negotiations, and depended on a great deal of factors (public opinion, internal and external pressures, political actors). What will emerge from the critical analysis of speeches and documents of that time is the intrinsic relationship between language and politics, and how that can be relevant for the current political climate, in which social media are constantly providing new shapes to the political universe.
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Ratcliffe, Viola. "To Be A Witness: Lynching and Postmemory in LaShawnda Crowe Storm's "Her Name Was Laura Nelson"." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1435789289.
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Osmanović, Šemso. "The Role of the United States of America to End a War in Bosnia and Herzegovina: 1992-1995." Doctoral thesis, Università degli studi di Trieste, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10077/10084.
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2012/2013Between 1991 and 1995, close to three hundred thousand people were killed in the former Yugoslavia. The international responses to this catastrophe was at best uncertain and at worst appalling. While both the United States and the European Union initially viewed the Balkan wars as a European problem, the Europeans chose not to take a strong stand, restricting themselves to dispatching U.N. “peacekeepers” to a country where there was no peace keep, and withholding from them the means and the authority to stop the fighting. In Bosnia the Europe sought to avoid military involvement, citing every excuse she could think of not to intervene to prevent the genocide of 250.000 Bosnian Muslims, who ultimately died at the hands of their Serbian tormentors. The British and French, too, who had primarily responsibility for dealing with this European problem, had persuaded the United Nations to impose an arms embargo on both sides in the Bosnian war. As often happens, the embargo did little damage to Serbia’s military capacities, since their army had inherited the extensive military hardware Yugoslavia had amassed under its former Communist regime. But the embargo did deny the means of self-defense to the poorly equipped majority Muslim population in Bosnia. Unarmed, they could do little to repel the invaders or to protect their villages. Some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of the Balkans, fearing it might become a base for exporting extremism, a result that their neglect made more, not less, likely. However, from the beginning of Yugoslavia’s collapse, Americans divided into two groups, broadly defined: those who thought that Americans should intervene for either moral or strategic reasons, and those who feared that if they did, they would become entangled in a Vietnam-like quagmire. As awareness of ethnic cleansing and genocide spread, the proportion of those who wanted the United States to “do something” increased, but they probably never constituted a majority. Nevertheless, when the situation seemed most hopeless in July 1995 - the United States put its prestige on the line with a rapid and dramatic series of high-risk actions: an all-out diplomatic effort in August, heavy NATO bombing in September, a cease-fire in October, Dayton in November, and, in December, the deployment of twenty thousand American troops to Bosnia. Finally, in late 1995, in the face of growing atrocities and new Bosnian Serb threats, the United States decided to take part in Bosnia, the war was over and the America’s role in post-Cold War Europe redefined. There is a lesson here to be learned by Europe that Bosnian Muslims are the best Christians in the world. The policy-makers cannot have a double heart, one for love and other for hate because some European leaders were not eager to have a Muslim state in the heart of Europe. They spoke of a painful but realistic restoration of Christian Europe. Of course Christianity, like any other religion has nothing to do with the barbarities and the greatest collective failure of Europe. The lesson that Western civilization thought it had drawn from the genocide of World War II – “Never again!”- must now be qualified to read: “except when politically inconvenient.”
La tragedia della ex-Jugoslavia e al suo interno quella della Bosnia Erzegovina riguardano pagine straordinariamente sconvolgenti della storia del mondo posto-Ottantanove, addirittura — si può dire — la conseguenza più grave, anche se non diretta, della dissoluzione dell'Unione Sovietica e conseguentemente di quel bipolarismo che aveva "ingessato" tutte le ipotesi o i tentativi di trasformazione degli esiti e delle conseguenze della seconda guerra mondiale. In un'impostazione sostanzialmente di storia politico-sociale, il candidato ricostruisce le vicende che vanno dal 1990 al 1995, ovvero da quella che il candidato chiama "la morte della Jugoslavia" fino all'intervento, decisivo in termini militari, della NATO nel conflitto, che aveva già visto negli anni precedenti emergere la guerra in Slovenia, in Croazia, prima di colpire anche la Bosnia Erzegovina, con la finale Conferenza che porta agli Accordi di Dayton. L'attore centrale di tutta questa vicenda è naturalmente la Serbia di Milosevic, ricordare il quale non fa che aiutarci a veder riapparire i fantasmi di vicende atroci di sterminio di civili, di stupro etnico, di "pulizia etnica", di genocidio. Il candidato fa opportunamente precedere la sua analisi da una cronologia, piuttosto lunga, che consente di scandire con precisione i diversi passaggi di una storia eccezionalmente drammatica. Segue il programma del suo lavoro, con l'indicazione del metodo di ricerca e degli strumenti di cui si è valso. Le cinque parti sostanziali in cui si suddivide il lavoro riguardano la dissoluzione della Jugoslavia, a partire dai falliti tentativi di Tito di salvaguardare l'integrità di quella Federazione, e analizzando attentamente i due "scivolamenti" della guerra in Slovenia dapprima e in Croazia poi. Il candidato analizza la società e la storia della Bosnia Erzegovina, condizione ovviamente preliminare per comprendere gli eventi successivi. Le tre categorie alle quali il candidato riconduce quella vicenda sono il multiculturalismo, la multietnicità e il multiconfessionalismo — tre dimensioni che potrebbero poter essere rispettate e addirittura apprezzate e che invece, in ogni parte del mondo, e più che altrove in Bosnia trovano ostacoli e resistenze violente e sanguinose. Risulta, come il candidato fa notare, adottare l'arma del nazionalismo e delle sue retoriche, impedendo così a ogni pur volenteroso tentativo di portare la democrazia nel proprio paese di trionfare. Il candidato chiarisce, in questo quadro, che la cosiddetta "balcanizzazione" che si fa discendere da quella parte del mondo, non deve essere intesa come un termine negativo ma come la pura e semplice conseguenza dei frequenti interventi esterni che là si sono realizzati. Il candidato dedica non poca attenzione al ruolo degli Stati Uniti nella vicenda, e alle diverse strategie — politiche e militari — adottate: con i devastanti risultati che tuttavia, purtroppo, conosciamo. L’Unione Europea non esce ovviamente meglio dell'alleato d'oltre Atlantico dalla ricostruzione del candidato, che poi giunge anche a ripercorrere le vicende di alcuni importanti uomini politici locali, sopra tutti Izebegovic e Karadzic, l'un contro l'altro schierati. Né sono passate sotto silenzio le vicende di alcune delle pagine più drammatiche: il massacro di Srebrenica, i bombardamenti su Sarajevo e in particolare il secondo bombardamento sul mercato. La risoluzione della crisi giunse, come per incanto, quando la NATO accolse l'invito ONU di intervenire: l'intervento fece tacere le armi, portò agli accordi di Dayton, ma non alla riconciliazione, che dal 1995 ha comunque incominciato il suo lento, ma — sperabilmente — solido cammino.
XXV Ciclo
1982
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Mazon, Jeremy J., Christopher L. Castro, David K. Adams, Hsin-I. Chang, Carlos M. Carrillo, and John J. Brost. "Objective Climatological Analysis of Extreme Weather Events in Arizona during the North American Monsoon." AMER METEOROLOGICAL SOC, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/622579.
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Almost one-half of the annual precipitation in the southwestern United States occurs during the North American monsoon (NAM). Given favorable synoptic-scale conditions, organized monsoon thunderstorms may affect relatively large geographic areas. Through an objective analysis of atmospheric reanalysis and observational data, the dominant synoptic patterns associated with NAM extreme events are determined for the period from 1993 to 2010. Thermodynamically favorable extreme-weather-event days are selected on the basis of atmospheric instability and precipitable water vapor from Tucson, Arizona, rawinsonde data. The atmospheric circulation patterns at 500 hPa associated with the extreme events are objectively characterized using principal component analysis. The first two dominant modes of 500-hPa geopotential-height anomalies of the severe-weather-event days correspond to type-I and type-II severe-weather-event patterns previously subjectively identified by Maddox et al. These patterns reflect a positioning of the monsoon ridge to the north and east or north and west, respectively, from its position in the "Four Corners" region during the period of the climatological maximum of monsoon precipitation from mid-July to mid-August. An hourly radar gauge precipitation product shows evidence of organized, westward-propagating convection in Arizona during the type-I and type-II severe weather events. This new methodological approach for objectively identifying severe weather events may be easily adapted to inform operational forecasting or analysis of gridded climate data.
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Pillainayagam, Priyanthan A. "The After Effects of Colonialism in the Postmodern Era: Competing Narratives and Celebrating the Local in Michael Ondaatje’s Anil’s Ghost." Cleveland State University / OhioLINK, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=csu1337874544.
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NEIRONI, RAIMONDO MARIA. "REGIONALISMO E GUERRA FREDDA. L'"APPROPRIATE INVOLVEMENT" AMERICANO NEL SUD-EST ASIATICO E LE ORIGINI DEL L'ASEAN, 1958-1967." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/62152.
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Questa ricerca si propone di individuare ed esaminare il contributo del Governo americano al processo di integrazione economica, politica e culturale tra gli Stati non-comunisti della regione dell'Asia sud-orientale, prendendo le mosse dalla creazione della primigenia forma di cooperazione regionale nel febbraio 1959 – il Southeast Asia Friendship and Economic Treaty (SEAFET) – fino ad arrivare alla fondazione dell'Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), l'8 agosto 1967. L'impegno in prima linea degli Stati Uniti sarà analizzato sotto due aspetti in particolare: storico e diplomatico. Partendo proprio dalla documentazione consultata negli archivi americani di College Park e in quelli britannici di Kew Gardens, l'analisi percorre i principali avvenimenti della Guerra Fredda nel Sud-est asiatico che contraddistinsero l'ultima parte degli anni Cinquanta e tutti gli anni Sessanta: il periodo immediatamente successivo alla lunga e, per certi versi sanguinosa, fase della decolonizzazione; la crisi vietnamita e il Secondo conflitto indocinese (1954-1973); lo scisma sino-sovietico all'interno del campo comunista (1960); la Konfrontasi indo-malese (1962-1966); il disimpegno britannico dai territori “a est di Suez” (annunciato nel 1966 dal Governo Wilson). Nel contesto di questi eventi che cambiarono in un decennio la fisionomia politica ed economica del Sud-est asiatico, Washington favorì la formazione di una organizzazione regionale in funzione anti-comunista e, in particolare, anti-cinese che coinvolse gli Stati dell'Asia sud-orientale intenti a fronteggiare all'interno dei propri confini movimenti di ispirazione marxista che facevano riferimento – con diverse sfaccettature – chi a Mosca e chi a Pechino. Le nazioni chiamate in causa da questa ricerca sono cinque: Thailandia, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia e Filippine, i Paesi fondatori dell'ASEAN. Il Sud-est asiatico rappresentò per gli Stati Uniti il bastione del “Free World” nel continente asiatico, dove peraltro fioccavano gli investimenti delle compagnie americane dell'industria estrattiva. Era pertanto motivo ulteriore per Washington evitare che l'influenza comunista soggiogasse i Paesi della regione che stavano gradualmente percorrendo la via della democrazia e dello sviluppo. Anche sulla scorta di quanto mostrato in Europa, gli americani si affidarono alla carta del regionalismo: in primo luogo, per facilitare il riavvicinamento tra i Paesi del cosiddetto “lower arc” le cui relazioni erano tese per varie questioni territoriali e politiche. In secondo luogo, per favorire il processo di nascita di un “nuovo spirito asiatico” – guidato principalmente dalla Thailandia – finalizzato a trovare soluzioni locali a problemi locali nel pieno spirito di cooperazione.This study examines the U.S. contribution to the creation of ASEAN, by analysing the origins – since the foundation of the Southeast Asia Friendship and Economic Treaty (SEAFET) in February 1959 – and the ultimate evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism on 8 August 1967. Throughout the 1960s the United States was interested in the promotion of an ʻindependent nations zoneʼ in Southeast Asia as a means of accelerating the economic co-operation and social progress. The Department of State believed regionalism embodied a necessary element of ʻcontainment doctrineʼ, that should have pursued two main objectives: first, to preserve and strengthen the will of the peoples of the area to resist Communist threat; second, to assist these governments in copying with the major problems of development. Since historians have tended to concentrate on military issue, this proposal draws attention to U.S. plans taking into account two main aspects: diplomatic and economic. Washington had no territorial ambitions and, to some extent, the desire to secure the markets and raw materials of Southeast Asia for U.S. industry could offer an adequate explanation for the American commitment to the region. Regionalism in Southeast Asia during the Cold War is still an understudied field, partly due to the uneven attention given to the Second Indochina conflict. This research project is based on a vast array of textual records gathering from U.S., U.K., and Australian National Archives, as well as memoirs of the then Southeast Asian leaders. This study seeks to provide the U.S. point of view to understand the process of regional co-operation, hoping to bring a broader contribution to the field of both diplomatic history and ASEAN studies. This study concludes that United States has long worked actively to encourage regional cohesion among the nations of Southeast Asia and, albeit territorial disputes, Southeast Asian states were committed to establish a truly co-operative association that provided Asian solutions to Asian problems.
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NEIRONI, RAIMONDO MARIA. "REGIONALISMO E GUERRA FREDDA. L'"APPROPRIATE INVOLVEMENT" AMERICANO NEL SUD-EST ASIATICO E LE ORIGINI DEL L'ASEAN, 1958-1967." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/62152.
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Questa ricerca si propone di individuare ed esaminare il contributo del Governo americano al processo di integrazione economica, politica e culturale tra gli Stati non-comunisti della regione dell'Asia sud-orientale, prendendo le mosse dalla creazione della primigenia forma di cooperazione regionale nel febbraio 1959 – il Southeast Asia Friendship and Economic Treaty (SEAFET) – fino ad arrivare alla fondazione dell'Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), l'8 agosto 1967. L'impegno in prima linea degli Stati Uniti sarà analizzato sotto due aspetti in particolare: storico e diplomatico. Partendo proprio dalla documentazione consultata negli archivi americani di College Park e in quelli britannici di Kew Gardens, l'analisi percorre i principali avvenimenti della Guerra Fredda nel Sud-est asiatico che contraddistinsero l'ultima parte degli anni Cinquanta e tutti gli anni Sessanta: il periodo immediatamente successivo alla lunga e, per certi versi sanguinosa, fase della decolonizzazione; la crisi vietnamita e il Secondo conflitto indocinese (1954-1973); lo scisma sino-sovietico all'interno del campo comunista (1960); la Konfrontasi indo-malese (1962-1966); il disimpegno britannico dai territori “a est di Suez” (annunciato nel 1966 dal Governo Wilson). Nel contesto di questi eventi che cambiarono in un decennio la fisionomia politica ed economica del Sud-est asiatico, Washington favorì la formazione di una organizzazione regionale in funzione anti-comunista e, in particolare, anti-cinese che coinvolse gli Stati dell'Asia sud-orientale intenti a fronteggiare all'interno dei propri confini movimenti di ispirazione marxista che facevano riferimento – con diverse sfaccettature – chi a Mosca e chi a Pechino. Le nazioni chiamate in causa da questa ricerca sono cinque: Thailandia, Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia e Filippine, i Paesi fondatori dell'ASEAN. Il Sud-est asiatico rappresentò per gli Stati Uniti il bastione del “Free World” nel continente asiatico, dove peraltro fioccavano gli investimenti delle compagnie americane dell'industria estrattiva. Era pertanto motivo ulteriore per Washington evitare che l'influenza comunista soggiogasse i Paesi della regione che stavano gradualmente percorrendo la via della democrazia e dello sviluppo. Anche sulla scorta di quanto mostrato in Europa, gli americani si affidarono alla carta del regionalismo: in primo luogo, per facilitare il riavvicinamento tra i Paesi del cosiddetto “lower arc” le cui relazioni erano tese per varie questioni territoriali e politiche. In secondo luogo, per favorire il processo di nascita di un “nuovo spirito asiatico” – guidato principalmente dalla Thailandia – finalizzato a trovare soluzioni locali a problemi locali nel pieno spirito di cooperazione.This study examines the U.S. contribution to the creation of ASEAN, by analysing the origins – since the foundation of the Southeast Asia Friendship and Economic Treaty (SEAFET) in February 1959 – and the ultimate evolution of Southeast Asian regionalism on 8 August 1967. Throughout the 1960s the United States was interested in the promotion of an ʻindependent nations zoneʼ in Southeast Asia as a means of accelerating the economic co-operation and social progress. The Department of State believed regionalism embodied a necessary element of ʻcontainment doctrineʼ, that should have pursued two main objectives: first, to preserve and strengthen the will of the peoples of the area to resist Communist threat; second, to assist these governments in copying with the major problems of development. Since historians have tended to concentrate on military issue, this proposal draws attention to U.S. plans taking into account two main aspects: diplomatic and economic. Washington had no territorial ambitions and, to some extent, the desire to secure the markets and raw materials of Southeast Asia for U.S. industry could offer an adequate explanation for the American commitment to the region. Regionalism in Southeast Asia during the Cold War is still an understudied field, partly due to the uneven attention given to the Second Indochina conflict. This research project is based on a vast array of textual records gathering from U.S., U.K., and Australian National Archives, as well as memoirs of the then Southeast Asian leaders. This study seeks to provide the U.S. point of view to understand the process of regional co-operation, hoping to bring a broader contribution to the field of both diplomatic history and ASEAN studies. This study concludes that United States has long worked actively to encourage regional cohesion among the nations of Southeast Asia and, albeit territorial disputes, Southeast Asian states were committed to establish a truly co-operative association that provided Asian solutions to Asian problems.
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Jones, William Timothy. "Paper Tower: Aesthetics, Taste, and the Mind-Body Problem in American Independent Comics." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1395604923.
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TANZILLI, FRANCESCO. "POVERI, POLITICI E PROFESSORI: IL DIBATTITO SULLO STATO SOCIALE AMERICANO DA KENNEDY A BUSH." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/382.
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Il presente lavoro intende esaminare il processo di decision making relativo alla politica sociale statunitense sviluppatosi a partire dalla fine degli anni Sessanta, fornendo un’analisi di carattere «istituzionalista» che ponga in rilievo gli snodi cruciali del dibattito relativo al welfare system federale svoltosi sia all’interno del Congresso, sia presso i think tank, i centri universitari, le organizzazioni culturali e religiose, le lobby e le altre realtà associative emerse dalla società civile. In particolare, la ricerca si concentra sull’intreccio tra ideologia politica, mentalità tradizionale, opinione pubblica e interessi specifici, e sull’influsso esercitato dalla dimensione culturale e istituzionale sul processo legislativo.
Sono stati individuati quattro principali indirizzi socio-politici, ciascuno dei quali ha avuto un particolare influsso su altrettante ‘fasi’ del processo di riforma del welfare system statunitense svoltosi tra il 1968 e il 2006. L’analisi del dibattito culturale e politico è stata suddivisa pertanto in quattro diversi capitoli (capp. 2-5) che consentono di delineare percorsi distinti per le diverse ipotesi socio-culturali individuate, ai quali viene anteposta una premessa storica relativa alle origini del sistema assistenziale e previdenziale statunitense e alle politiche riformiste degli anni Sessanta (cap. 1).The dissertation examines the process of decision making that determined the development of U.S. social policy from the end of the Sixties. It analyzes the institutional character of the debate that took place inside the Congress and inside the think tanks, the academic centers, the cultural and religious foundations and other associations. In particular, the research is focused on the tangle between political ideologies, traditional culture, public opinion and legislative process. The dissertation identifies four different socio-political streams: each of them influenced a particular “phase” of the reform of the U.S. welfare system from 1968 up to 2006. The analysis of the cultural and political debate has been divided in four chapters (chapters 2-5) that allow to delineate different developments for the four streams, after an historical premise (chapter 1) that presents the origins of American welfare system, from the colonial times to the Sixties.
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TANZILLI, FRANCESCO. "POVERI, POLITICI E PROFESSORI: IL DIBATTITO SULLO STATO SOCIALE AMERICANO DA KENNEDY A BUSH." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/382.
Full textAbstract:
Il presente lavoro intende esaminare il processo di decision making relativo alla politica sociale statunitense sviluppatosi a partire dalla fine degli anni Sessanta, fornendo un’analisi di carattere «istituzionalista» che ponga in rilievo gli snodi cruciali del dibattito relativo al welfare system federale svoltosi sia all’interno del Congresso, sia presso i think tank, i centri universitari, le organizzazioni culturali e religiose, le lobby e le altre realtà associative emerse dalla società civile. In particolare, la ricerca si concentra sull’intreccio tra ideologia politica, mentalità tradizionale, opinione pubblica e interessi specifici, e sull’influsso esercitato dalla dimensione culturale e istituzionale sul processo legislativo.
Sono stati individuati quattro principali indirizzi socio-politici, ciascuno dei quali ha avuto un particolare influsso su altrettante ‘fasi’ del processo di riforma del welfare system statunitense svoltosi tra il 1968 e il 2006. L’analisi del dibattito culturale e politico è stata suddivisa pertanto in quattro diversi capitoli (capp. 2-5) che consentono di delineare percorsi distinti per le diverse ipotesi socio-culturali individuate, ai quali viene anteposta una premessa storica relativa alle origini del sistema assistenziale e previdenziale statunitense e alle politiche riformiste degli anni Sessanta (cap. 1).The dissertation examines the process of decision making that determined the development of U.S. social policy from the end of the Sixties. It analyzes the institutional character of the debate that took place inside the Congress and inside the think tanks, the academic centers, the cultural and religious foundations and other associations. In particular, the research is focused on the tangle between political ideologies, traditional culture, public opinion and legislative process. The dissertation identifies four different socio-political streams: each of them influenced a particular “phase” of the reform of the U.S. welfare system from 1968 up to 2006. The analysis of the cultural and political debate has been divided in four chapters (chapters 2-5) that allow to delineate different developments for the four streams, after an historical premise (chapter 1) that presents the origins of American welfare system, from the colonial times to the Sixties.
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BORSANI, DAVIDE. "LA "RELAZIONE SPECIALE" ANGLO-AMERICANA E LA GUERRA DELLA FALKLAND (1982)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6226.
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Nell’aprile 1982, l’Argentina – un Paese alleato degli Stati Uniti attraverso il Patto di Rio – invase le isole Falkland, un Territorio d’Oltremare del Regno Unito, rivendicato da Buenos Aires sin dal XIX secolo. Margaret Thatcher, l’allora Primo Ministro britannico, rispose con vigore. Alla fine la Gran Bretagna – alleato NATO degli USA – riuscì a riconquistare le isole e a ristabilire lo status quo ante. Il conflitto va inquadrato nel framework della ‘seconda Guerra Fredda’. Il confronto tra gli Stati Uniti e l’Unione Sovietica fu particolarmente aspro nei primi anni Ottanta e la logica bipolare influenzò le dinamiche diplomatiche della guerra del 1982. Da un lato, l’Emisfero occidentale era al centro della rinnovata strategia americana anti-comunista e l’Argentina era il principale pilastro nel Cono Sud. Dall’altro lato, il rafforzamento della ‘speciale relazione’ anglo-americana costituiva la pietra angolare della grand strategy statunitense nel teatro europeo. Con questo sfondo, è naturale domandarsi quale ruolo Washington scelse di giocare nella guerra delle Falkland tra due dei suoi alleati. A causa di interessi divergenti, la ‘relazione speciale’ non fu infatti del tutto speciale.In April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.
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BORSANI, DAVIDE. "LA "RELAZIONE SPECIALE" ANGLO-AMERICANA E LA GUERRA DELLA FALKLAND (1982)." Doctoral thesis, Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10280/6226.
Full textAbstract:
Nell’aprile 1982, l’Argentina – un Paese alleato degli Stati Uniti attraverso il Patto di Rio – invase le isole Falkland, un Territorio d’Oltremare del Regno Unito, rivendicato da Buenos Aires sin dal XIX secolo. Margaret Thatcher, l’allora Primo Ministro britannico, rispose con vigore. Alla fine la Gran Bretagna – alleato NATO degli USA – riuscì a riconquistare le isole e a ristabilire lo status quo ante. Il conflitto va inquadrato nel framework della ‘seconda Guerra Fredda’. Il confronto tra gli Stati Uniti e l’Unione Sovietica fu particolarmente aspro nei primi anni Ottanta e la logica bipolare influenzò le dinamiche diplomatiche della guerra del 1982. Da un lato, l’Emisfero occidentale era al centro della rinnovata strategia americana anti-comunista e l’Argentina era il principale pilastro nel Cono Sud. Dall’altro lato, il rafforzamento della ‘speciale relazione’ anglo-americana costituiva la pietra angolare della grand strategy statunitense nel teatro europeo. Con questo sfondo, è naturale domandarsi quale ruolo Washington scelse di giocare nella guerra delle Falkland tra due dei suoi alleati. A causa di interessi divergenti, la ‘relazione speciale’ non fu infatti del tutto speciale.In April 1982, Argentina – a country allied with the United States through the Rio Pact – suddenly invaded the Falkland Islands, a long-time Overseas Territory of the United Kingdom, disputed by Buenos Aires since the XIXth century. Margaret Thatcher, the then British Prime Minister, vigorously responded and finally Britain – a US NATO ally – was able to regain the Islands and re-establish the status quo ante. The conflict needs to be contextualized in the ‘second Cold War’ framework. The struggle between the United States and the Soviet Union was particularly tough in the first years of the 1980s and the bipolar logic strongly influenced the diplomatic course of the 1982 war. On the one hand, the Western hemisphere was at the core of the renewed anti-communist US strategy and Argentina was the main pillar in the Southern Cone. On the other hand, the strengthening of the Anglo-American ‘special relationship’ was the European cornerstone of the US grand strategy. Against this background, what kind of role the US chose to play in the Falklands war between two of their allies instinctively arises as the main question. Affected by diverging interests, the ‘special relationship’ was not indeed entirely special.
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Dallacheisa, Tony G. "Pop Goes The Story: A Collection." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1212417587.
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Alrayes, Samer. "Party on a Roof." Chapman University Digital Commons, 2020. https://digitalcommons.chapman.edu/creative_writing_theses/18.
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Settis, Bruno. "Il “contratto sociale” fordista : le relazioni industriali dall’America taylorismo all’Europa del miracolo economico." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019IEPP0016.
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La thèse porte sur la complexe évolution des théories et pratiques des relations industrielles, depuis les années trente jusqu'à la croissance économique de l’après-guerre. “Fordisme” est le mot d’ordre qu’on fait habituellement correspondre aux relations entre l’entreprise, le travail et le gouvernement dans cette période ; d’une façon plus générale, il est associé au contrat social qui est censé résulter de la structure de la production de masse elle-même, et à son prétendu cercle vertueux avec la consommation de masse. Dans ce sens plus large, le Fordisme a été souvent couplé, parfois superposé, à la macroéconomie keynésienne, au dirigisme économique, à l’état social. La thèse essaye donc de démêler et remettre en question ce concept de “Fordisme”, soi-disant simple, en traçant son histoire à multiples facettes et sa circulation internationale. Ainsi, elle engage une discussion générale des conflits entre le management et le mouvement ouvrier et se concentre sur trois études de cas : l’histoire de la doctrine des “relations humaines” d’Elton Mayo, entre ses origines en Australie et ses mises en oeuvre en Europe ; l’évolution du système de surveillance chez Fiat à Turin, à partir de la fin du fascisme jusqu’aux années soixante ; l’expérience du juriste Gino Giugni en tant qu’étudiant à Madison, Wisconsin, et par la suite en tant que traducteur en Italie des théories états-uniennes du mouvement ouvrier et des relations industrielles, entre les années cinquante et les années soixanteThe dissertation deals with the complex evolution of theories and practices of industrial relations between the interwar years and postwar growth. “Fordism” is the catchword usually associated with relations between the corporation, labor and government in this period and, more generally, with the supposed social compact arising from the very structure of mass production and its supposed virtuous circle with mass consumption. In this wider sense, Fordism has often been coupled, sometimes overlapped, with Keynesian macroeconomics, government economic interventionism, and the welfare state. The dissertation attempts to disentangle and discuss this supposedly simple notion of “Fordism” by tracing its manifold history and international circulation. Therefore, it involves a wide discussion of the conflict between labor and management in the mass production industries, and a focus on three case studies: the history of Elton Mayo’s “human relations” doctrine, from its origins in Australia to its applications in Europe; the evolution of the surveillance system at Fiat factories in Turin, from the last years of the Fascist regime to the late 1960s; labor scholar Gino Giugni’s experience as a student at Madison, Wisconsin, and later as a translator of American theories of the labor movement and of industrial relations, in the 1950s and 1960s
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(7901657), Jingyi Liu. "Storytelling and the National Security of America: Korean War Stories from the Cold War to Post-9/11 Era." Thesis, 2019.
Find full textAbstract:
My dissertation is an interdisciplinary study of the Korean War stories in America in relation to the history of the national security state of America from the Cold War to post-911 era. Categorizing the Korean War stories in three phases in parallel with three dramatic episodes in the national security of America, including the institutionalization of national security in the early Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union and the bipolar Cold War system in the 1990s, and the institutionalization of homeland security after the 9/11 attacks, I argue that storytelling of the Korean War morphs with the changes of national security politics in America. Reading James Michener’s Korean War stories, Invasion of the Body Snatchers (1956), and The Manchurian Candidate (1962) in the 1950s and early 1960s, I argue that the first-phase Korean War stories cooperated with the state, translating and popularizing key themes in the national security policies through racial and gender tropes. Focusing on Helie Lee’s Still Life with Rice (1996), Susan Choi’s The Foreign Student (1998), and Heinz Insu Fenkl’s Memories of My Ghost Brother (1996) in the 1990s, I maintain that the second-phase Korean War stories by Korean American writers form a narrative resistance against the ideology of national security and provide alternative histories of racial and gender violence in America’s national security programs. Further reading post-911 Korean War novels such as Toni Morrison’s Home (2012), Ha Jin’s War Trash (2005), and Chang-Rae Lee’s The Surrendered (2010), I contend that in the third-phase Korean War stories, the Korean War is deployed as a historical analogy to understand the War on Terror and diverse writers’ revisiting the war offers alternative perspectives on healing and understanding “homeland” for a traumatized American society. Taken together, these Korean War stories exemplify the politics of storytelling that engages with the national security state and the complex ways individual narratives interact with national narratives. Moreover, the continued morphing of the Korean War in literary representation demonstrates the vitality of the “forgotten war” and constantly reminds us the war’s legacy.
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Bonn, Maria Stella. "The literary cartography of the Vietnam war." 1990. http://books.google.com/books?id=WqZlAAAAMAAJ.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--State University of New York at Buffalo, 1990.eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 194-201).
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Nam, Camilla Jiyun. "Tiger bride: a collection of short stories." Thesis, 2018. https://hdl.handle.net/2144/27566.
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Please note: creative writing theses are permanently embargoed in OpenBU. No public access is forecasted for these. To request private access, please click on the lock icon and filled out the appropriate web form.A collection of short stories.
2031-01-01T00:00:00Z
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Nank, Christopher Fenstermaker John J. "World War I narratives and the American Peace Movement, 1920-1936." Diss., 2005. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-06072005-165446.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--Florida State University, 2005.Advisor: Dr. John Fenstermaker, Florida State University, College of Arts and Sciences, Dept. of English. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed Sept. 21, 2005). Document formatted into pages; contains iv, 150 pages. Includes bibliographical references.
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Baraban, Elena V. "Russia in the prism of popular culture : Russian and American detective fiction and thrillers of the 1990s." Thesis, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/15156.
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The subject matter of my study is representations of Russia in Anglo-American
and Russian spy novels, mysteries, and action thrillers of the 1990s. Especially suitable
for representing the world split between good and evil, these genres played a prominent
role in constructing the image of the other during the Cold War. Crime fiction then is an
important source for grasping the changes in representing Russia after the Cold War. My
hypothesis is that despite the changes in the political roles of Russia and the United
States, the end of the Cold War and the demise of the Soviet Union continued to have a
significant impact on popular fiction about Russia in the 1990s. A comparative
perspective on depictions of Russia in the 1990s is particularly suitable in regard to
American and Russian popular cultures because during the Cold War, Soviet and
American identities were formed in view of the other. A comparative approach to the
study of Russian popular fiction is additionally justified by the role that the idea of the
West had played in Russian cultural history starting from the early eighteenth century.
Reflection on depictions of Russia in crime fiction by writers coming from the
two formerly antagonistic cultures poses the problem of representation in its relationship
to time, history, politics, popular culture, and genre. The methods used in this
dissertation derive from the field of cultural studies, history, and structuralist poetics. A
combination of structuralist readings and social theory allows me to uncover the ways in
which popular detective genres changed in response to the sentiments of nostalgia and
anxiety about repressed or lost identities, the sentiments that were typical of the 1990s.
My study of Anglo-American and Russian spy novels, mysteries, and action thrillers
contributes to our understanding of the ways American and Russian cultures invent and
reinvent themselves after a significant historical rupture, how they mobilize the past for
making sense of the present. Drawing on readings of literature and culture by such
scholars as Mikhail Bakhtin, Tzvetan Todorov, Siegfried Kracauer, Andreas Huyssen,
Fredric Jameson, and Svetlana Boym, I show that differences in Anglo-American and
Russian representations of Russia are a result of cultural asymmetries and cultural
chronotopes in the United States and in Russia. I argue that Russian and American crime
fiction of the 1990s re-writes Russia in the light of cultural memory, nostalgia, and
historical sensibilities after the end of the Cold War and the fall of the Soviet Union.
Memories of the Cold War and coming to terms with the end of the Cold War played a
defining role in depicting Russia by Anglo-American detective authors of the 1990s; this
role is clear from the genre changes in Anglo-American thrillers about Russia. Similarly,
reconsideration of Russian history became an essential characteristic in the development
of the new Russian detektiv.
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Kotaska, Danielle Ann Stuckey-French Elizabeth. "The way of mothers and other stories." 2004. http://etd.lib.fsu.edu/theses/available/etd-04062004-151553.
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Thesis (M.A.)--Florida State University, 2004.Advisor: Dr. Elizabeth Stuckey-French, Florida State University, College af Arts and Sciences, Dept. of English. Title and description from dissertation home page (viewed June 21, 2004). Includes bibliographical references.
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Märker, Michael. "Lummi stories from high school: an ethnohistory of the fishing wars of the 1970s." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/7512.
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This study focuses on the stories and experiences of
Lummi students and their teachers at Ferndale High School
from 1970 to 1980. The conditions of schooling for Lummis
were affected by the climate of anti-Indian hostility which
was fueled by the attitudes about Native fishing rights.
This conflict, referred to as the "fishing wars," culminated
in the landmark 1974 Boldt Decision. Throughout the 1970s
the school was a site where the cultural and political
conflicts of the community were played out.
This study examines the ways that Lummi students saw
the school and the choices they made for survival and
resistance in a complex and adverse environment. It is also
a study of the teachers who were at Ferndale during the 70s
and how they conducted themselves in an explosive crosscultural
educational setting.
Utilizing an ethnohistorical perspective, this study
brings forth the stories of both Lummi students and non-
Native teachers and sets them within the context of the
culture-conflict climate of Whatcom County in the 1970s.
This study shows how political issues were inextricably
welded to cultural issues for Indian students in the 1970s.