Academic literature on the topic 'Washington (State). Governor'

The outcome of the November elections in Washington for House and Senate seats, along with the 36 governor offices up for votes means that there may be a very different political landscape come January. But perhaps the greatest promise of the results of the upcoming elections is that Congress and state houses could find some common ground and new leaders may emerge to move the nation toward addressing sorely neglected education issues.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to describe the Bree Collaborative’s background, history, structure, and work. Design/methodology/approach The Bree Collaborative was established by the Washington State Legislature to convene public and private health care stakeholders with the goal of identifying specific mechanisms to improve health care quality, outcomes, and affordability. These members are appointed by the Washington State Governor and represent public health care purchasers for Washington State, private health care purchasers (employers and union trusts), health plans, physicians and other health care providers, hospitals, and quality improvement organizations. Members annually select health care services that show high variation in care delivery, that are highly utilized without leading to better care or patient health, or that have known or suspected patient safety issues and develop recommendations for health care improvement. Findings Recommendations are meant to be implemented by the Washington State Health Care Authority and used to set a community standard across the state. Successful implementation depends on several factors including engaged health care purchasers, support from diverse partners, and a health care community willing to put the patient at the center of care. Originality/value Bottom-up, collective action through the Bree Collaborative can help achieve the triple aim for Washington State and should be used as a model nationally and internationally.

Abstract Introduction The COVID-19 pandemic caused a global disruption to daily routines. Studies using surveys and sleep-related applications on mobile devices suggest that the pandemic has contributed to increases in sleep disruption or onset of new sleep disturbances. We present results from a naturalistic at-home study in which objective sleep measurements were made using both a wrist actigraph (Actiwatch-2, Philips Respironics) and a non-contact monitoring device (SleepScore Max, SleepScore Labs), comparing sleep measurements obtained immediately before and after the start of the first mandatory COVID-19 stay-at-home order in Washington State. Methods As part of a larger study, nine Washington State residents (ages 22–48, 5 female, 4 male; 6 insomniacs, 3 normal sleeper) were enrolled in a 10-week at-home sleep monitoring study, which involved 1 week of actigraphy, 8 weeks of non-contact monitoring (data available for 6 subjects), and 1 week of actigraphy. During the study, the Washington State governor issued a stay-at-home order, effective March 15, 2020. We compared sleep measurements obtained before this date (mean ± SD: 25.0 ± 15.0 nights) and after this date (25.2 ± 13.9 nights) using mixed-effects ANOVA. Results Non-contact monitoring measurements indicated that after the start of the lockdown, participants woke up later by 63.2 ± 12.1 min (mean ± SE; F[1,299]=27.40, p<0.001) without significant change in bedtime (F[1,299]=0.29, p=0.59). Sleep latency lengthened by 4.0 ± 2.3 min (F[1,295]=4.92, p=0.027), and there were increases in number of awakenings (F[1,295]=6.22, p=0.013) and wake after sleep onset (F[1,295]=12.58, p<0.001). Actigraphy data complemented these results, showing delayed sleep onset by 53.4 ± 15.1 min (F[1,101]=12.46, p<0.001) and delayed final awakening by 104.3 ± 19.6 min (F[1,101]=28.43, p<0.001), with longer sleep duration (F[1,101]=6.06, p=0.016), increased number of awakenings (F[1,101]=13.00, p<0.001), and a trend for increased intermittent wakefulness (F[1,101]=3.88, p=0.052) post-lockdown. Conclusion In this sample, we found evidence of increased sleep disruption following the first Washington State stay-at-home order related to COVID-19. Our findings are consistent with previous studies based on self-report data, which observed later wake times and decreases in sleep quality post-lockdown. Support (if any) NIH grant KL2TR002317. Non-contact monitoring devices provided by SleepScore Labs.

AbstractIn 2010, the Alabama GOP took control of the state legislature for the first time since Reconstruction. The next year, in a sharply partisan vote, the legislature passed, and Governor Robert Bentley (R) signed into law, the Beason-Hammon Alabama Taxpayer and Citizen Protection Act, also known as House Bill 56, the harshest immigration law in the country. This punitive state law was the impetus for Black elites in Birmingham to frame the immigration debate as a matter of civil rights and thus to see the issue in a new light. When Alabama Republicans moved to the Right on immigration, Black leaders in Birmingham moved Left. In this study, backed up by an event analysis of local newspapers, an analysis of interviews with members of the Black elite in Birmingham in 2013, who were previously interviewed in 2007, helps to substantiate this claim. In the summer of 2007, against the backdrop of an immigration debate in Washington, our Black elite study participants largely told us they had no stake in immigration. By 2013, many were willing to fight for immigrant rights at the highest level.

Abstract This “archive story” documents how the infamous Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission harnessed homophobia to crush gay civil rights activists at historically black Rust College in Holly Springs, Mississippi, during “Freedom Summer” in 1964. New information uncovered by the author, a self-described “archive activist” from the Mattachine Society of Washington, D.C., reveals how the Sovereignty Commission, working directly with the governor of Mississippi, accused and exposed students and faculty at Rust as “homos” and “queers” in pursuit of a single objective: convincing the Rust Methodist Board of Trustees to fire its activist president, Dr. Earnest Smith. The piece further explores how the reason for Dr. Smith’s departure from Rust remained enshrouded in silence for so many years. It ends by connecting the political use of homophobia in 1964 to the words of Judge Carlton Reeves on the challenges facing LGBTQ Mississippians today.

In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.

For almost two decades prior to 1927 Nicaragua had been governed by Washington “more completely than the American Federal Government rules any state in the Union.” Such governance was justified by the State Department which raised the specter of the Monroe Doctrine not only to bolster America's economic ambitions in the region but also to protect the nation's national security — a fact which took on added importance due to the recent construction of the Panama Canal. From 1912 to 1925, a Legation Guard of United States Marines reminded the country of the overwhelming American dominance. For only a brief period did America's military presence abate. In 1926, however, a civil war broke out that threatened to destroy the political and economic stability the United States had come to rely on. American military assistance was requested and quickly rendered. What events led to U.S. military action in this Central American country?

PURPOSE:To explore the experience of couples who continued pregnancy following a diagnosis of serious or lethal fetal anomaly.STUDY DESIGN:Thirty-one male and female participants were recruited from a high-risk maternal–fetal medicine clinic in Washington State. Data were collected using in-depth interviews during pregnancy and after the birth of their baby. Transcribed interviews were thematically analyzed through the phenomenological lens of Merleau-Ponty.FINDINGS:Participants described how time became reconfigured and reconstituted as they tried to compress a lifetime of love for their future child into a limited period. Participants’ concepts of time became distorted and were related to their perceptual lived experience rather than the schedule-filled, regimented, linear clock time that governed the health professionals.CONCLUSION:Living in distorted time may be a mechanism parents use to cope with overwhelming and disorienting feelings when their unborn baby is diagnosed with a fetal anomaly.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Antioch University, 2008.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Oct. 24, 2008). Advisor: Alan Guskin, Ph. D. "A dissertation submitted to the Ph. D. in Leadership and Change program of Antioch University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy June, 2008"--The title page. Includes bibliographical references (p. 190-200).

O governo de Getúlio Vargas trouxe características peculiares à função do Estado, o que garantiu, no Tempo Presente, uma influência muito grande deste período chamado de Era Vargas (1930-1945) sobre o Estado brasileiro atual. Nosso interesse é estudar como foi estruturado este Estado varguista sob o olhar da oposição paulista e do distanciamento do ex-presidente Washington Luis. Este trabalho tem como objetivos: interpretar as relações políticas no processo histórico através da perspectiva do ex-presidente Washington Luis; analisar as relações do Estado varguista com a oposição perrepista e as garantias dos direitos humanos, sobretudo, dos civis e políticos; compreender se este ex-presidente, um paulista de Macaé, participou da organização dos movimentos oposicionistas durante o seu exílio e discutir a memória coletiva produzida sobre Washington Luis a partir do registro e das ações políticas de seus correligionários. Os embates políticos, as manobras e a habilidade de Getúlio Vargas foram responsáveis pela maior parte do conteúdo exposto na leitura das cartas selecionadas que foram usadas neste trabalho. A análise das cartas entre Washington Luis e seus correligionários foi comparada com a leitura da historiografia do período e sobre o período e de alguns jornais escritos da imprensa de São Paulo e Rio de Janeiro, sobretudo, OESP e a Folha da Manhã. A introdução explica como foi pensado e organizado o trabalho e teoriza o trabalho do historiador com o uso das correspondências como fontes históricas. O capítulo inicial trabalha o conceito de Estado e de Direitos Humanos, faz uma breve trajetória sobre estes direitos no Brasil, apresenta uma biografia de alguns personagens desta trama e descreve os últimos meses de Washington Luis no poder e as articulações para o golpe de 1930 da Aliança Liberal. O capítulo II trabalha a situação de exilado, tendo como tema o exílio e a situação do ex-presidente Washington Luis como um exilado involuntário, a ciranda de interventores e os acontecimentos do movimento paulista de 1932. No capítulo III, analisamos a formação da Assembléia Constituinte, as relações políticas da Câmara dos Deputados com o correligionário Roberto Moreira e os conflitos entre a Aliança Nacional Libertadora e os integralistas. Com a intensificação da coerção política a partir do malogrado golpe dos comunistas com Luis Carlos Prestes, o país entrava num período mais complicado ainda para os direitos humanos, sobretudo, para os direitos civis e políticos. Em 1937, com a promulgação da nova Constituição, estava instaurado o Estado Novo e a censura prévia institucionalizada como política de Estado. Aliás, era o fim das oposições e a iminência da guerra mundial dava aspectos de que o Brasil precisaria se posicionar. O ex-presidente Washington Luis aguardava os acontecimentos da conclusão da guerra mundial em 1945 para retornar ao Brasil, porém isso só ocorreria em 1947. No capítulo IV, vemos a escassez de cartas que mostrava a falta de resistência da oposição e a sua indefinição como influência política na sociedade. A memória ausente de Washington Luis foi trabalhada de forma a garantir a análise da construção de sua história como exilado e seu legado político. Ele esteve dezessete anos fora do país, vivendo muito bem, mas expatriado e impedido de usar os seus direitos de cidadão. Ao analisarmos a documentação diante do procedimento proposto pôde-se observar que o papel desempenhado por Washington Luis na oposição foi de mero receptor das notícias, fazendo projeções e conjecturas sobre os assuntos tratados nas correspondências. Esta documentação atendeu a uma necessidade de conhecer características sobre um outro olhar das relações políticas nos bastidores da capital federal e da oposição em São Paulo, sobretudo, do desrespeito aos Direitos Humanos e do engodo dilacerado pelo populismo.
Getulio Vargas\' government brought out peculiar characteristics to the function of the State. Nowadays, this period called Vargas Era (1930-1945) exerts enormous influence on the current Brazilian State. Our interest is to study how this Vargas State was structured under the Paulista oppositions eye and distant from the ex-president Washington Luis. This paper has as its aims: interpret the political relationships in history from ex-president Washington Luiss point of view; analyze the relationship between the Vargas State and the Perrepista opposition and the guarantee of human rights, especially, civil and political ones; understand if this ex-president, a paulista from Macaé, took part in organizing oppositional movements during his exile and discuss the collective memory of Washington Luis, based on documents and on the political actions of his coreligionists. Getulio Vargass political clashes, maneuvers and skills were responsible for most of the content presented on such letters, which were especially selected to be used on this paper. The analysis of the mail between Washington Luis and his coreligionists was carried out by comparing the historiography of the period and some newspapers written by the press from São Paulo and Rio de Janeiro, mainly, OESP and Folha da Manhã. The introduction explains how this paper was thought and organized, describing a brief timeline of the human rights in Brazil and theorizing the role of a historian while using mail as historical sources. The first chapter works on the biography of one of these characters and describes the last months in which Washington Luis held office, besides the articulations of the liberal alliance to mount the 1930 coup détat. The Second chapter deals with the situation of the exiled, approaching this theme and portraying ex-president Washington Luis as an involuntary exiled, besides the intervention and the widespread occurrences of the Paulista Movement of 1932. The third chapter analyzes the formation of the Constituent Assembly, the political relationships between the chamber of deputies and the coreligionist Roberto Moreira, in addition to the conflicts between the National Liberty Alliance and the Integralists. As the political coercion became more intense due to the unsuccessful coup planned by communists such as Luis Carlos Prestes, the country started to go through an even harder period for human rights, above all, to civil and political ones. With the promulgation of the new constitution in 1937, the New State was established and strict censorship would become, at that time, official and institutionalized as the State policy. Actually, the end of oppositions and the imminence of the World War indicated that Brazil would have to take a side. The ex- president Washington Luis waited for the end of the World War in 1945 to return to Brazil, but that would only take place in 1947.The fourth chapter studies the absent memory of Washington Luis to make sure we could analyze his history as an exiled and his political legacy as well. He had been away from his country for seventeen years, living fairly well, though expatriated and impelled to use his citizen rights. While analyzing documents with the previously set aims, its noticeable that Washington Luiss role as opposition was as a mere news receiver, making projections and conjectures only based on the content of his mail. These documents fulfilled the need to identify, from another point view, characteristics of the backstage of political relationships in the federal capital and the Paulista opposition, mainly concerning the disrespect for human rights and the lacerating enticement for populism.

On August 28, 1963, while much of America nervously watched the March on Washington, nearly one thousand demonstrators gathered in the all-black neighborhood of East Austin, Texas, to march toward the state capitol in 102-degree heat. Their two-mile route wound its way down crumbling streets, passed run-down houses and segregated schools, and finally crossed over into the white section of town, with its gleaming, pink granite capitol and lily-white Governor’s Mansion. Veteran activists of all colors from across the state flanked several hundred local black teen agers, while groups of white college students and Mexican American activists joined the procession. Picket signs calling for “Freedom Now” competed with a dizzying array of homemade placards. One linked Texas governor John Connally to the infamous segregationist George Wallace of Alabama. Others carried slogans that connected civil rights to labor: “No more 50¢ per hour,” read one, and “Segregation is a new form of slavery.” Still another praised the president while adding some Spanish flair: “Kennedy ...

This chapter details McCray’s battle with James F. Byrnes, South Carolina’s most distinguished politician of the mid-twentieth century. The elder statesman ran for governor in 1950 after a long career in Washington. At the time the NAACP had filed Briggs v. Elliott, a suit in Clarendon County demanding an end to segregated schools. Byrnes hoped to persuade the state’s African Americans to withdraw the suit in return to more funding for all-black schools in the state. McCray and his newspaper led the fight to rally support in favor of the Clarendon County case. McCray paid a price for his defiance. He was charged with criminal libel and served time on a chain gang. He and his supporters believe Byrnes pushed for the criminal charge to silence McCray’s newspaper.

This chapter details events in Josephine Roche's life from 1933 to 1934. Roche's experience at Rocky Mountain Fuel primed her for the New Deal. As Franklin Roosevelt's administration began to grapple in 1933 with the devastation caused by the Great Depression, Roche was asked to serve in several capacities. Early on, the most important was in the National Recovery Administration, an attempt to stabilize the U.S. economy through industry-wide economic planning. Shortly after that, Roche broke through yet another gender barrier by running for governor of Colorado. She took this bold step because the sitting state executive refused to cooperate with the relief programs of the New Deal, and Roche wanted Colorado effectively linked with the national government. She did not succeed, but her gubernatorial bid was nevertheless significant. It demonstrated both the centralizing force that Washington exerted through the New Deal and some of the bases for resistance. It also drew a direct line between progressivism in the early twentieth century and progressivism in the New Deal, highlighting a range of tactics for diminishing inequality that New Dealers brought straight from the Progressive Era into the 1930s.

This chapter explores the nature of nation-state relations as seen through Washington and the northern capitals, and also explores how powerful governors became in times of war. It examines the war-time arrangement that produced a war machine capable of securing a cooperative federalism.

Describes the anxious days in Washington when Lincoln waited for the northern troops to arrive to help defend the capital, and the role governors played in transporting soldiers to the Virginia Theatre as well as other western theatres of the war. It also examines the nation-state alliance that was forged by war

Patrick Henry ordered Col. George Rogers Clark to take the Illinois country for Virginia in January 1778. Using Fort Pitt information and Spanish support secured by Henry, his Illinois Regiment surprised the largely French population at Kaskaskia, Cahokia, and Vincennes in July. After British governor, Henry Hamilton, brought a Detroit force to recapture Vincennes, Clark led his 170-man army through “a drowned country” in February 1779 to retake Vincennes and capture its commander. The British surrender of Vincennes survives among the most important events of the American Revolution, as it nullified the Crown’s plan to capture the American West before trapping Washington on the east coast. The new country’s ability to hold the territory through the Treaty of Paris negotiations also secured the Old Northwest territory for the United States.

The two economic engines that have powered the world through the global recession that set in after 2001 have been the United States and China. The irony is that both have been behaving like Keynesian states in a world supposedly governed by neoliberal rules. The US has resorted to massive deficit-financing of its militarism and its consumerism, while China has debt-financed with non-performing bank loans massive infrastructural and fixedcapital investments. True blue neoliberals will doubtless claim that the recession is a sign of insufficient or imperfect neoliberalization, and they could well point to the operations of the IMF and the army of well-paid lobbyists in Washington that regularly pervert the US budgetary process for their special-interest ends as evidence for their case. But their claims are impossible to verify, and, in making them, they merely follow in the footsteps of a long line of eminent economic theorists who argue that all would be well with the world if only everyone behaved according to the precepts of their textbooks. But there is a more sinister interpretation of this paradox. If we lay aside, as I believe we must, the claim that neoliberalization is merely an example of erroneous theory gone wild (pace the economist Stiglitz) or a case of senseless pursuit of a false utopia (pace the conservative political philosopher John Gray), then we are left with a tension between sustaining capitalism, on the one hand, and the restoration/reconstitution of ruling class power on the other. If we are at a point of outright contradiction between these two objectives, then there can be no doubt as to which side the current Bush administration is leaning, given its avid pursuit of tax cuts for the corporations and the rich. Furthermore, a global financial crisis in part provoked by its own reckless economic policies would permit the US government to finally rid itself of any obligation whatsoever to provide for the welfare of its citizens except for the ratcheting up of that military and police power that might be needed to quell social unrest and compel global discipline.

Abstract According to executive order 18-01 and 20-01 signed by the Washington State Governor, all newly constructed public buildings and facilities shall be designed to be net-zero energy capable. To respond to the governor’s order, the Washington State Department of Transportation (WSDOT) has asked for the design of a system that can use biowaste that accumulates at their safety rest stop areas to generate electricity to power the facilities. The goal of this project seeks to assist WSDOT by designing, building, and testing the capability of a small-scale methane energy generator that can be scaled to fit the needs of any rest area. There are a small number of methane generators in existence [1.]. However, they are not designed to satisfy the needs of net-zero energy facilities and safety rest areas. In this work, a net-zero methane generation system is presented to show how it can convert biowaste into methane for electricity at rest areas. The model is composed of two tanks to store the biomaterial, a filtration system to remove hydrogen sulfide (H2S) and carbon dioxide (CO2), a generator that runs on methane gas, and a photovoltaic system that powers temperature sensing devices. Through testing, it was shown that this system could generate energy through the use of bovine waste. Further improvements are needed to increase methane production and make operation more efficient. Future testing on human waste from a safety rest area will also be necessary before proving that the system can meet energy generation requirements.

Developing countries are mostly reliant on external technologies and this augments the need for systems engineering capability in these economies. It is therefore imperative that systems engineering as theory and practice is included in undergraduate engineering curricula to strengthen the internal technological capability of a country’s developing engineers. In South Africa, the quality of undergraduate engineering programs is governed by the Engineering Council of South Africa (affiliated under the Washington Accord); and the exit level outcomes of the programs are predetermined explicitly per module. Systems engineering was introduced to an undergraduate electrical engineering program offered in the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment at the University of Johannesburg; and a framework developed to ensure that the program still meets the requisite ECSA exit level outcomes and therefore international standards. This paper presents the design and implementation of the framework, as well as the challenges that students are exposed to when faced with real-world systems engineering practice. Students were grouped into independent product development teams using a software support tool which promotes diversity and skill-level targets for each team. The independent team structure required the use and application of the systems engineering process and supported the development of management and communication skills. Furthermore, the framework allowed assessment of the performance of each product development team towards achieving the overall project objectives. One of the accreditation requirements of undergraduate engineering programs is peer assessment and this was achieved by the process. The paper closes by presenting the results of the stated framework implementation in an undergraduate electrical engineering program offered in the Faculty of Engineering and the Built Environment at the University of Johannesburg.