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Journal articles on the topic 'Wealth Inequality'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 26 July 2025

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1

Pfeffer, Fabian T., and Alexandra Killewald. "Intergenerational Wealth Mobility and Racial Inequality." Socius: Sociological Research for a Dynamic World 5 (January 2019): 237802311983179. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2378023119831799.

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The black-white gap in household wealth is large and well documented. Here, we visualize how this racial wealth gap persists across generations. Animating the flow of individuals between the relative wealth position of parents and their adult children, we show that the disadvantage of black families is a consequence both of wealth inequality in prior generations and race differences in the transmission of wealth positions across generations: Black children both have less wealthy parents on average and are far more likely to be downwardly mobile in household wealth. By displaying intergeneratio

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2

Apeti, Ablam Estel, Bao We Wal Bambe, Eyah Denise Edoh, and Alpha Ly. "Wealth inequality and carbon inequality." Ecological Economics 227 (January 2025): 108406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ecolecon.2024.108406.

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3

Zucman, Gabriel. "Global Wealth Inequality." Annual Review of Economics 11, no. 1 (2019): 109–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-economics-080218-025852.

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This article reviews the recent literature on the dynamics of global wealth inequality. I first reconcile available estimates of wealth inequality in the United States. Both surveys and tax data show that wealth inequality has increased dramatically since the 1980s, with a top 1% wealth share of approximately 40% in 2016 versus 25–30% in the 1980s. Second, I discuss the fast-growing literature on wealth inequality across the world. Evidence points toward a rise in global wealth concentration: For China, Europe, and the United States combined, the top 1% wealth share has increased from 28% in 1

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4

Benhabib, Jess, Alberto Bisin, and Mi Luo. "Earnings Inequality and Other Determinants of Wealth Inequality." American Economic Review 107, no. 5 (2017): 593–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20171005.

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We study the relation between the distribution of labor earnings and the distribution of wealth. We show, theoretically as well as empirically, that while labor earnings and precautionary savings are important determinants of wealth inequality factors, they cannot by themselves account for the thick tail of (the large top shares in) the observed distribution of wealth. Other determinants, like stochastic returns to wealth, as well as savings rates and rates of returns increasing in wealth, need to be accounted for.

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5

Boonlert, Rathaporn, and Niramol Ariyaarpakamol. "Inequality of Opportunity in Wealth: Unpacking the Wealth Myth of Thailand." Journal of Population and Social Studies 31 (May 6, 2023): 708–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.25133/jpssv312023.039.

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Using three waves of Thailand Household Socio-Economic Surveys in 2006, 2011, and 2017, this paper analyzes the inequality of opportunity trend over time and its contribution to total wealth inequality in Thailand. The empirical results based on non-parametric and parametric techniques demonstrate the declining inequality of opportunity in the overall inequality from 2006 to 2017. The lower bound estimation of inequality of opportunity caused by external factors beyond an individual’s control (i.e., circumstances) accounted for 16–17% of overall inequality in 2006, compared with only 11–14% in

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6

Scully, Maureen, Sandra Rothenberg, Erynn E. Beaton, and Zhi Tang. "Mobilizing the Wealthy: Doing “Privilege Work” and Challenging the Roots of Inequality." Business & Society 57, no. 6 (2017): 1075–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0007650317698941.

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Wealthy individuals stand to gain materially from economic inequality and, moreover, have shaped many organizational and societal practices that perpetuate economic inequality. Thus, they are unlikely allies in the effort to remedy economic inequality. In this article, however, we study the mobilization of a small group of wealthy activists who join underprivileged allies to expose and contest the root causes of wealth consolidation; they offer an instructive alternative to “philanthrocapitalism,” whereby the wealthy give after extreme accumulation. Our study contributes to the growing literat

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7

Western, Bruce, and Lisa A. Keister. "Wealth in America: Trends in Wealth Inequality." Contemporary Sociology 30, no. 4 (2001): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3089737.

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8

Kumar, Dr Deepak, Pragya Trivedi, and Harsh Pratap Singh. "ROLE OF FINTECH IN REDUCING WEALTH INEQUALITY." International Journal of Research Publication and Reviews 6, no. 5 (2025): 17007–14. https://doi.org/10.55248/gengpi.6.0525.19119.

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9

Fagereng, Andreas, Luigi Guiso, Davide Malacrino, and Luigi Pistaferri. "Heterogeneity in Returns to Wealth and the Measurement of Wealth Inequality." American Economic Review 106, no. 5 (2016): 651–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20161022.

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Lacking a long time series on the assets of the very wealthy, Saez and Zucman (2015) use US tax records to obtain estimates of wealth holdings by capitalizing asset income from tax returns. They document marked upward trends in wealth concentration. We use data on tax returns and actual wealth holdings from tax records for the whole Norwegian population to test the robustness of the methodology. We document that measures of wealth based on the capitalization approach can lead to misleading conclusions about the level and the dynamics of wealth inequality if returns are heterogeneous and even m

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10

Scheve, Kenneth, and David Stasavage. "Wealth Inequality and Democracy." Annual Review of Political Science 20, no. 1 (2017): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-061014-101840.

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11

Killewald, Alexandra, Fabian T. Pfeffer, and Jared N. Schachner. "Wealth Inequality and Accumulation." Annual Review of Sociology 43, no. 1 (2017): 379–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-060116-053331.

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12

Borgerhoff Mulder, Monique, Ila Fazzio, William Irons, et al. "Pastoralism and Wealth Inequality." Current Anthropology 51, no. 1 (2010): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/648561.

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13

Cowell, Frank A., and Philippe Van Kerm. "WEALTH INEQUALITY: A SURVEY." Journal of Economic Surveys 29, no. 4 (2015): 671–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joes.12114.

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14

De Nardi, Mariacristina, and Giulio Fella. "Saving and wealth inequality." Review of Economic Dynamics 26 (October 2017): 280–300. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.red.2017.06.002.

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15

Hasan, Iftekhar, Roman Horvath, and Jan Mares. "Finance and wealth inequality." Journal of International Money and Finance 108 (November 2020): 102161. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jimonfin.2020.102161.

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16

Burda, Zdzislaw, Pawel Wojcieszak, and Konrad Zuchniak. "Dynamics of wealth inequality." Comptes Rendus Physique 20, no. 4 (2019): 349–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.crhy.2019.05.011.

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17

Paul, Satya, and Ajit K. Dasgupta. "Inheritance and wealth inequality." Journal of Development Economics 30, no. 2 (1989): 301–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0304-3878(89)90006-0.

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18

Piketty, Thomas. "Putting Distribution Back at the Center of Economics: Reflections on Capital in the Twenty-First Century." Journal of Economic Perspectives 29, no. 1 (2015): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/jep.29.1.67.

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When a lengthy book is widely discussed in academic circles and the popular media, it is probably inevitable that the arguments of the book will be simplified in the telling and retelling. In the case of my book Capital in the Twenty-First Century (2014), a common simplification of the main theme is that because the rate of return on capital r exceeds the growth rate of the economy g, the inequality of wealth is destined to increase indefinitely over time. In my view, the magnitude of the gap between r and g is indeed one of the important forces that can explain historical magnitudes and varia

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19

Westcott, Mark, and John Murray. "Financialisation and inequality in Australia." Economic and Labour Relations Review 28, no. 4 (2017): 519–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1035304617710417.

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The process of financialisation has been cast as a major contributor to increasing inequality of wealth and income in a number of advanced industrialised economies, but the nature of the link requires precise clarification. In this article, we argue that financialisation in Australia has advanced inequality, but in a particular way. Charting several features of ‘financialisation of the macroeconomy’, we accept that this process has contributed to increased inequality in the sense that the wealthy have increased their wealth faster than households and individuals at the lower end of the wealth

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20

Wu, BingZhi. "The Effect of Federal Reserves Monetary Policy on Wealth Inequality During COVID-19." Advances in Economics, Management and Political Sciences 5, no. 1 (2023): 422–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2754-1169/5/20220111.

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The term wealth in wealth inequality is referred to the total asset of a household, and the wealth inequality implies the uneven distribution of wealth within a community. While many papers have discussed and investigated the change in wealth inequality in the past, this paper aims to investigate the change in wealth inequality during the COVID-19 pandemic (Q4 2019 to Q2 2022) in the United States. This approach was to take a snapshot of the wealth distribution of the top 0.1% and the bottom 50% at the start of Q4 2019 and forecast the change in wealth from changes in asset prices. Conclusive

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21

Pfeffer, Fabian T., and Nora Waitkus. "The Wealth Inequality of Nations." American Sociological Review 86, no. 4 (2021): 567–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/00031224211027800.

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Comparative research on income inequality has produced several frameworks to study the institutional determinants of income stratification. In contrast, no such framework and much less empirical evidence exist to explain cross-national differences in wealth inequality. This situation is particularly lamentable as cross-national patterns of inequality in wealth diverge sharply from those in income. We seek to pave the way for new explanations of cross-national differences in wealth inequality by tracing them to the influence of different wealth components. Drawing on the literatures on financia

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22

Wijtvliet, Laurens W. D. "Too Little, Too Late: The Uneasy Case for a Wealth Tax as a Means to Mitigate Inequality." Intertax 42, Issue 10 (2014): 632–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2014056.

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Economic inequality looming large, wealth tax is often applauded as a means to mitigate inequality and to break up large concentrations of wealth. This article argues that the advent of a wealth tax should nevertheless be met with scepticism and questions the suitability of a wealth tax to mitigate inequality. It is argued that a wealth tax does not offer a sustainable contribution to the pressing problem of inequality, because: (1) it fails to address the root causes of inequality, which are institutional, and (2) it leaves intact the conditions in the income tax that incite inequality. Inste

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23

Scheidel, Walter. "Roman wealth and wealth inequality in comparative perspective." Journal of Roman Archaeology 33 (2020): 341–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s104775942000104x.

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In 2013, Barack Obama called rising inequality “the defining challenge of our time”. Since the Financial Crisis and Great Recession of 2007-9, the gap between the haves and have-nots has attracted unprecedented attention in politics, the media and academia.1 Students of the more distant past have also begun to embrace this trend. Economists are once again looking back in time, inspired in no small measure by the broad impact of the work of Thomas Piketty.2 Historians are laboring hard to unearth and publish relevant data. Thanks to their efforts, we are now able to glimpse the contours of chan

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24

Cagetti, Marco, and Mariacristina De Nardi. "WEALTH INEQUALITY: DATA AND MODELS." Macroeconomic Dynamics 12, S2 (2008): 285–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1365100507070150.

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In the United States wealth is highly concentrated and very unequally distributed: the richest 1% hold one third of the total wealth in the economy. Understanding the determinants of wealth inequality is a challenge for many economic models. We summarize some key facts about the wealth distribution and what economic models have been able to explain so far.

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25

Epper, Thomas, Ernst Fehr, Helga Fehr-Duda, et al. "Time Discounting and Wealth Inequality." American Economic Review 110, no. 4 (2020): 1177–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.20181096.

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This paper documents a large association between individuals’ time discounting in incentivized experiments and their positions in the real-life wealth distribution derived from Danish high-quality administrative data for a large sample of middle-aged individuals. The association is stable over time, exists through the wealth distribution and remains large after controlling for education, income profile, school grades, initial wealth, parental wealth, credit constraints, demographics, risk preferences, and additional behavioral parameters. Our results suggest that savings behavior is a driver o

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26

Jackson, Kieren. "Monetary policy and wealth inequality." Australian Economic Papers 63, S1 (2024): 3–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-8454.12344.

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AbstractThis thesis examines how monetary policy shocks affect wealth inequality in Australia. I analyse how a monetary policy shock, through asset price responses, affects household balance sheets and wealth inequality measures. I find that contractionary monetary policy reduces the wealth gap, but also disproportionately increases the wealth share of the most affluent Australians. This is driven largely by the response of house prices to an increase in the central bank's policy rate. I use a novel methodology to overcome the data limitations that usually impede studies of wealth inequality,

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27

Motahar, Seyed Armin, and Siab Mamipour. "Growth Effects of Wealth Inequality Through Transmission Channels." Economies 13, no. 2 (2025): 41. https://doi.org/10.3390/economies13020041.

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In light of the substantial rise in economic inequality in recent decades across the majority of economies, the relationship between inequality and economic growth has garnered significant attention. However, the specific impact of wealth inequality through various transmission channels on growth remains underexplored. This study underscores the limitations of relying on income inequality as a proxy for wealth disparities in growth research and emphasizes the importance of addressing nonlinearities in examining the relationship between inequality and growth. It pioneers the examination of tran

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28

Arouri, Mohamed, and Nguyen Viet Cuong. "Wealth inequality and inter-governorate migration: Evidence from Egypt." Progress in Development Studies 20, no. 2 (2020): 119–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464993420910554.

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Migration is one of the key livelihood strategies for households, especially those in low-income and middle-income regions. In this study, we investigate whether the economic level and inequality of wealth can affect inter-governorate migration in Egypt. Using gravity models and data from Population and Housing Censuses of Egypt, we are able to measure the push as well as pull effects of economic and wealth inequality levels on internal migration flows. Although there are a large number of studies on the effect of economic levels on migration, there is little if anything known about the effect

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29

Ederer, Stefan, and Miriam Rehm. "Wealth inequality and aggregate demand." Metroeconomica 72, no. 2 (2021): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/meca.12326.

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30

Miller, Melinda C. "Land and Racial Wealth Inequality." American Economic Review 101, no. 3 (2011): 371–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.101.3.371.

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Could racial wealth inequality have been reduced if freed slaves had been granted land following the Civil War? This paper exploits a plausibly exogenous variation in policies of the Cherokee Nation and southern United States to identify the impact of free land on the size of the racial wealth gap. Using data on land, livestock, and home ownership, I find evidence that former slaves who had access to free land were absolutely wealthier and experienced lower levels of racial wealth inequality in 1880 than former slaves who did not. Furthermore, their children continued to experience these advan

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31

De Nardi, Mariacristina. "Wealth Inequality and Intergenerational Links." Review of Economic Studies 71, no. 3 (2004): 743–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-937x.2004.00302.x.

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32

Roy Chowdhury, Sahana. "Wealth inequality and occupational choice." Development Studies Research 1, no. 1 (2014): 176–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21665095.2014.927319.

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33

Phongpaichit, Pasuk. "Inequality, Wealth and Thailand’s Politics." Journal of Contemporary Asia 46, no. 3 (2016): 405–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00472336.2016.1153701.

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34

Ivanov, Denis, and Gaygysyz Ashyrov. "Wealth inequality and mega events." European Journal of Political Economy 85 (December 2024): 102615. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.ejpoleco.2024.102615.

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35

Bejan, A., and M. R. Errera. "Wealth inequality: The physics basis." Journal of Applied Physics 121, no. 12 (2017): 124903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1063/1.4977962.

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36

Alventosa, Adriana, and Gonzalo Olcina. "Tax compliance and wealth inequality." Applied Economics Letters 27, no. 11 (2019): 899–903. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13504851.2019.1646859.

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37

Meh, Césaire A. "Entrepreneurship, wealth inequality, and taxation." Review of Economic Dynamics 8, no. 3 (2005): 688–719. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.red.2005.03.001.

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38

Pryor, Frederic L. "Inheritance and Inequality of Wealth." Current Anthropology 51, no. 1 (2010): 111–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/649564.

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39

Painter, Matthew A., and Zhenchao Qian. "Wealth Inequality among New Immigrants." Sociological Perspectives 59, no. 2 (2015): 368–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0731121415589138.

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40

Nekoei, Arash, and David Seim. "How Do Inheritances Shape Wealth Inequality? Theory and Evidence from Sweden." Review of Economic Studies, March 31, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdac016.

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Abstract This paper aims to measure and understand the role of inheritances in shaping wealth inequality. We use a quasi-experimental design and Swedish administrative data to document that the average heir depletes her inheritance within a decade while the inheritances of wealthy heirs remain intact. These different depletion rates are not due to different consumption or labor supply responses but due to different rates of return on inherited wealth. Upon their receipt, inheritances reduce relative measures of wealth inequality, such as top shares or percentile ratios. Theoretically, this red

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41

Gomez, Matthieu. "Wealth Inequality and Asset Prices." Review of Economic Studies, February 28, 2025. https://doi.org/10.1093/restud/rdaf008.

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Abstract Wealthy households disproportionately invest in equity, causing equity returns to generate large and persistent fluctuations in top wealth inequality. Motivated by this observation, I study the joint dynamics of asset prices and wealth inequality in a model where a subset of agents (entrepreneurs) hold levered positions on the economy. In the model, as in the data, the wealth distribution is stochastic and it exhibits a Pareto tail, with a tail index that depends on the logarithmic average return of top households. The model features a feedback loop between asset prices and wealth ine

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42

Redhead, Daniel, Emmanuel Maliti, Jeffrey B. Andrews, and Monique Borgerhoff Mulder. "The interdependence of relational and material wealth inequality in Pemba, Zanzibar." Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society B: Biological Sciences 378, no. 1883 (2023). http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rstb.2022.0288.

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The extent of inequality in material wealth across different types of societies is well established. Less clear, however, is how material wealth is associated with relational wealth, and the implications of such associations for material wealth inequality. Theory and evidence suggest that material wealth both guides, and is patterned by, relational wealth. While existing comparative studies typically assume complementarity between different types of wealth, such associations may differ for distinct kinds of relational wealth. Here, we first review the literature to identify how and why differe

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43

Trager, Jackson, and Mohammad Atari. "The immorality of too much money." PNAS Nexus 4, no. 6 (2025). https://doi.org/10.1093/pnasnexus/pgaf158.

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Abstract In some societies, people find excessive wealth immoral, while others are structured so that having too much money is morally neutral or even praised. Here, we show that moral judgments of excessive wealth are distinguishable from moral judgments of economic inequality and examine how people’s moral concerns and national inequality predict the immorality of excessive wealth around the globe. Using demographically stratified samples from 20 nations (N=4,351), we find that across all countries, people do not find excessive wealth very immoral, with notable variability such that more equ

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44

Ackert, Lucy F., and Gabriel G. Ramirez. "The political and economic environment promoting growth in American wealth inequality." Financial Markets, Institutions & Instruments, November 18, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/fmii.12210.

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AbstractWealth inequality around the world is high and rising. In this paper, we argue that wealth inequality in the United States has been exacerbated by an environment favourable to the ultra‐wealthy. Three distinctive changes in the economic and political landscape have fostered the increase in inequality. First, campaign finance law abruptly changed after the Citizens United Supreme Court decision. This decision gave the ultra‐wealthy an outsized influence on American politics. Second, an increase in competition for executive talent drove CEO salaries to new heights. Demand increased for e

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45

"Modelling Wealth and Wealth Inequality in Bulgaria." Economic Alternatives 30, no. 1 (2024): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.37075/ea.2024.1.01.

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This paper analyses net wealth and net wealth inequality determinants in Bulgaria, for the 2000-2020 period. The econometric results suggest that the introduction of corporate and individual flat tax rates in 2007 and 2008 contribute to households’ net wealth creation but have no significant association with inequality variables. Interest rates on mortgage loans, cost of debt, budget surpluses and inflation have a negative association with wealth, while the value of houses, arable land, equity, interest income, budget deficits contribute to net wealth growth. The top percentile increases its w

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46

"Wealth in America: trends in wealth inequality." Choice Reviews Online 38, no. 04 (2000): 38–2267. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.38-2267.

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47

Aladangady, Aditya, and Akila Forde. "Wealth Inequality and the Racial Wealth Gap." FEDS Notes 2021, no. 2861 (2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.17016/2380-7172.2861.

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In the United States, the average Black and Hispanic or Latino households earn about half as much as the average White household and own only about 15 to 20 percent as much net wealth. As we see in Figure 1 below, this wealth gap has widened notably over the past few decades.

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48

La Porta, Caterina A. M., and Stefano Zapperi. "Unraveling the dynamics of wealth inequality and the impact on social mobility and health disparities." Journal of Physics: Complexity, October 4, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/2632-072x/ad0018.

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Abstract Inequalities in wealth, income, access to food and healthcare have been rising worldwide in the past decades, approaching levels seen in the early 20th century. Here we study the relationships between wealth inequality and mobility for diﬀerent segments of the population, comparing longitudinal surveys conducted in the USA and in Italy. The larger wealth inequality observed in the USA is reﬂected by poorer health conditions than in Italy. We also ﬁnd that in both countries wealth mobility becomes slower at the two extremes of the wealth distribution. Households trapped in a state of p

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49

Hauner, Thomas. "Wealth Inequality, Network Topology and Financial Instability." Journal of Income Distribution®, December 13, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1874-6322.40445.

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This paper asks if two, otherwise identical, economies were distinguished only by their distributions of wealth, are they equally stable in response to a random shock? A theoretical financial network model is proposed to understand the relationship between wealth inequality and financial crises. In a financial network, financial assets link individual asset and liability holders to form a web of economic connections. The total connectivity of an individual is described by their degree, and the overall distribution of connections in the network is imposed through a degree distribution--equivale

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50

Bagchi, Sutirtha, and Matthew Fagerstrom. "Wealth Inequality and Democracy." SSRN Electronic Journal, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2139/ssrn.4232628.

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