Journal articles: 'Weaponized'

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Brown, J. Trig. "Religion Weaponized." Journal of Palliative Medicine 23, no. 10 (2020): 1406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/jpm.2020.0133.

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Almagro, Manuel, Javier Osorio, and Neftalí Villanueva. "Weaponized testimonial injustice." Las Torres de Lucca. International Journal of Political Philosophy 10, no. 19 (2021): 29–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.5209/ltdl.76461.

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Theoretical tools aimed at making explicit the injustices suffered by certain socially disadvantaged groups might end up serving purposes which were not foreseen when the tools were first introduced. Nothing is inherently wrong with a shift in the scope of a theoretical tool: the popularization of a concept opens up the possibility of its use for several strategic purposes. The thesis that we defend in this paper is that some public figures cultivate a public persona for whom the conditions of the notion of testimonial injustice might be taken to apply, and this situation is exploited to their advantage, as a means to advance their political agendas. More specifically, they take advantage of this to generate situations of crossed disagreements, which in turn foster polarization.

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Shafer, Steven L. "Weaponized Reporting in Medicine." ASA Monitor 86, no. 9 (2022): 21–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.asm.0000874240.31758.c3.

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Yamin, Muhammad Mudassar, Mohib Ullah, Habib Ullah, and Basel Katt. "Weaponized AI for cyber attacks." Journal of Information Security and Applications 57 (March 2021): 102722. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jisa.2020.102722.

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Mercieca, Jennifer R. "Dangerous Demagogues and Weaponized Communication." Rhetoric Society Quarterly 49, no. 3 (2019): 264–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02773945.2019.1610640.

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Edwards, Sam. "World War II Memory Weaponized." Journal of Applied History 4, no. 1-2 (2022): 46–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895893-bja10024.

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Abstract Focusing on two speeches by Ukrainian President Zelensky (as well as related activities) this article examines the recent diplomatic “use” in the on-going Russo-Ukraine War of World War II memory. It suggests that the Ukrainian government has skilfully—and very deliberately—deployed historical memory in diplomacy focused on both the United States and United Kingdom, and it suggests that part of the success of such endeavours lies in two connected factors. The first concerns the privileged position of World War II in Anglo-American culture; and the second is centred on the personalities of the current US and UK leaders, one of whom (Boris Johnson) has a well-known affection for Churchill, and the other of whom (Joe Biden) has been keen to assume the mantle of Franklin Roosevelt. With this audience, President Zelensky’s decision to invoke World War II memory is both savvy and clearly effective.

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Broniatowski, David A., Sandra C. Quinn, Mark Dredze, and Amelia M. Jamison. "Vaccine Communication as Weaponized Identity Politics." American Journal of Public Health 110, no. 5 (2020): 617–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305616.

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Koopman, Sara. "Beware: Your Research May Be Weaponized." Annals of the American Association of Geographers 106, no. 3 (2016): 530–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/24694452.2016.1145511.

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Lawrence, Felicity. "Truth decay: when uncertainty is weaponized." Nature 578, no. 7793 (2020): 28–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-00273-4.

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Zmirak, John. "Intersectionalism: A Weaponized Parody of Christianity." Academic Questions 32, no. 4 (2019): 508–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12129-019-09834-0.

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Pascale, Celine-Marie. "The weaponization of language: Discourses of rising right-wing authoritarianism." Current Sociology 67, no. 6 (2019): 898–917. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0011392119869963.

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The modus operandi of far-right political groups is crafted through strategic and systematic relationships between symbolic and material forms of violence. This article considers the discursive strategies currently deployed by rising far-right movements around the globe by examining the weaponization of language – the rapid acceleration of signifying practices that lay the essential cornerstones of material violence. Authoritarian governments weaponize language to amplify resentments, target scapegoats, and to legitimize injustice. The article provides an overview of the discursive strategies being used to expand and consolidate far-right politics. It focuses on four interlocking components of weaponized language: propaganda, disinformation, censorship, and mundane discourse. The article concludes by considering the unique intellectual space sociological studies of language offer for addressing the communicative and social chaos created by right-wing discursive tactics.

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Schipper, E. L. F., and A. Mukherji. "Misguided negative adaptation narratives are hurting the poor." Science 386, no. 6722 (2024): 624–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1126/science.adq7821.

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Daoudy, Marwa. "Water weaponization in the Syrian conflict: strategies of domination and cooperation." International Affairs 96, no. 5 (2020): 1347–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiaa131.

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Abstract How do actors weaponize water in intrastate conflicts? Existing typologies of water weaponization make deterministic differentiations between state and non-state actors and invoke opaque labels like ‘terrorism’. Furthermore, these typologies ignore how various actors engaged in violent conflict also cooperate over water, and whether water weaponization occurs beyond war. I propose a new typology for water weaponization in an analysis of the case of Syria, drawing on the leaked ‘ISIS papers’ as well as primary sources and interviews. The study begins by charting how the Ba'athist regime used water as a weapon of domination and legitimacy against its Kurdish population with infrastructure that would later facilitate the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria's (ISIS) ability to take hold of northeast Syria. I then turn to how non-state armed groups like ISIS and the Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) have adopted strategies of water weaponization similar to the Syrian government by targeting and channelling water systems with major tactical implications. Finally, I show how enemy parties such as ISIS and the al-Assad regime weaponized cooperative water agreements to advance their mutual interests with violent implications for civilians. As such, I sort strategies of water weaponization into four categories: domination and legitimacy, military tools, military targets, and cooperation. In doing so, this new typology makes three main contributions, by: 1) accounting for how water is weaponized in state-society relations outside conflict; 2) refining existing definitions of water as a military tool and target; and 3) appraising the weapon-like effects of water cooperation.

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Haugstvedt, Håvard. "A Flying Threat Coming to Sahel and East Africa? A Brief Review." Journal of Strategic Security 14, no. 1 (2021): 92–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.14.1.1848.

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Non-state actors have been experimenting with unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) for two decades. This has become widely known over the 5 years, as both ISIS and the Houthis have adapted weaponized UAVs into their repertoires. As the Sahel and East Africa regions experience a rise in violence from non-state actors, and given that groups here are affiliated with groups in the Middle East, this paper seeks to explore the possibility and likelihood of weaponized UAVs being used on the battlefield in these regions. By utilizing both scholarly work and other reporting from these regions, this paper finds that there is a low risk of weaponized UAVs being adapted in these regions through organizational ties to groups in the Middle East. However, as UAVs are commercially available all over the world, groups with bomb-making experience and technical know-how in general may themselves develop local variations and adaptions of what Jihadist groups have done in the Middle East over the last decade.

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Heath, J. Benton. "Neutrality and Governance in a Weaponized World." American Journal of International Law 118, no. 3 (2024): 566–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ajil.2024.28.

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About a decade ago, the neural network of the international financial system underwent an identity crisis. Since its establishment in 1973, the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication (Swift) had become the world's dominant system for transmitting information about financial transactions, handling up to 20 million messages per day across 212 jurisdictions. The Belgium-based company reached this position by providing customers with a reliable, confidential, and global system to exchange information. “[W]e have always maintained the position that we are like the internet,” Swift chief executive officer Gottfried Leibbrandt said in an October 2012 interview, “we connect everybody and we do not listen in on the conversation.” In other words, to borrow a phrase from its website, “Swift is neutral.”

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Litwin, Oren J. "Weaponized Noncombatants, Child Soldiers, and Targeting Innocents." Journal of Military Ethics 19, no. 1 (2020): 56–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570.2020.1771842.

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Mosco, Vincent. "Weaponized Drones in the Military Information Society." Science as Culture 26, no. 2 (2017): 276–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09505431.2017.1294576.

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Darkwa, Ernest. "Book Review of Affective Politics of Digital Media: Propaganda by Other Means, Megan Boler and Elizabeth Davis, 2021, New York: Routledge." Inverge Journal of Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (2023): 30–32. https://doi.org/10.63544/ijss.v2i4.56.

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This interdisciplinary collection of essays explores how digital media and technologies exploit and capitalize on emotions, particularly through social media, to exacerbate social conflicts surrounding issues such as racism, misogyny, and nationalism. The book examines the affective information economies and how emotions are being weaponized within mediatized political landscapes. The chapters cover a wide range of topics, including how clickbait, “fake news,” and right-wing actors deploy and weaponize emotion; new theoretical directions for understanding affect, algorithms, and public spheres; and how the wedding of big data and behavioural science enables new frontiers of propaganda, as seen in the Cambridge Analytica and Facebook scandal. The book features contributions from established and emerging scholars of communications, media studies, affect theory, journalism, policy studies, gender studies, and critical race studies to address questions of concern to scholars, journalists, and students in these fields and beyond. References Boler, M., & Davis, E. (Eds.). (2021). Affective politics of digital media: Propaganda by other means. Routledge.

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Rawat, Sapna, and Md Tabrez Nafis. "IoT Devices are Being Weaponized for DDoS Attacks." International Journal of Computer Sciences and Engineering 7, no. 9 (2019): 22–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.26438/ijcse/v7i9.2225.

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Oller, Jr., John W. "Weaponized Pathogens and the SARS-CoV-2 Pandemic." International Journal of Vaccine Theory, Practice, and Research 1, no. 2 (2021): 172–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.56098/ijvtpr.v1i2.16.

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This review zeros in on the aspect of vaccine theory, practice, and research that is the most dangerous, the most controversial, and that is at the epicenter of the alleged SARS-CoV-2 “pandemic”. Regardless whether the “pandemic” itself is real or an illusion manufactured out of fear by vested interests, it is central to ethics and policy discussions seeking to understand bioweapons research in general. The official involvement of the USA in civilian bioweapons research dates at least from World War II under President Franklin Delano Roosevelt. The historical records, cloaked in secrecy until after the Anthrax mailing of 2001, reveal an intimate connection to vaccine research and development, its governmental protection from public scrutiny, and from citizen initiated lawsuits. It is an industry that has released dangerous weaponized pathogens by accident and by sinister designs supposedly compensated in the peace-loving nations by unrealistic hopes in non-existent counter-measures for outbreaks, including epidemiological tracking after the fact, vaccines being researched to counter the weaponization of pathogens being studied, immunity enhancing drugs, and downstream hoped for blood sera containing antibodies. Critical questions concern the ratio of real-risks to hoped-for-benefits, the “mitigating” measures “governments” (especially in the USA) have supposedly established to prevent pandemic outbreaks from bioweapons research, and how all that has played out in the instance of SARS-CoV-2.

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Shafer, Steven L., and Adam Striker. "Episode 75: Inside the Monitor – Weaponized Reporting Systems." ASA Monitor 86, no. 9 (2022): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/01.asm.0000884272.62319.7d.

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Atik, Jeffery, and Xavier Groussot. "A Weaponized Court of Justice in Schrems II." Nordic Journal of European Law 4, no. 2 (2021): 1–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.36969/njel.v4i2.23778.

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The U.S.-EU conflict over the application of the General Data Protection Regulation (GDPR) to U.S.-based digital platform companies is marked by a startling legal development: the insertion of a constitutional court squarely into the heart of the dispute. The engagement of the EU’s top court - the Court of Justice (CJEU) - in the Schrems I and Schrems II cases - has significantly inflamed the dispute. The CJEU has now twice struck down GDPR accommodations reached between the United States and the European Union. In doing so, the Court has rebuked both U.S. and EU officials. By transfiguring provisions of the GDPR with constitutional (that is, treaty-based) and human rights values, the Court has placed out of reach any accommodation that does not involve significant reform of U.S. privacy and national security provisions. Heated trans-Atlantic disputes involving assertions of extraterritorial extensions of regulatory power is an inappropriate place for a constitutional court like the CJEU to throw its declarative weight around.

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Nica, Constantin, and Tiberiu Tănase. "Using Weaponized Machine Learning in Cyber Offensive Operations." International conference KNOWLEDGE-BASED ORGANIZATION 26, no. 1 (2020): 94–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/kbo-2020-0014.

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AbstractUsing Machine Learning in cyber defensive operations has proved to be highly efficient especially for fast pattern detection. There is yet an application in using Machine Learning in cyber offensive operations in order to improve existing skill set of human operators, or enable large scale offensive operations, otherwise hard to do, without extensive manpower. Machine Learning can be a solution to the complexity of present-day world structure, it can support full autonomous work mode operations and can support asymmetric operations by being the perfect invisible enemy. Having a fully autonomous system that can launch multiple attacks in multiple domains (social, infrastructure, telecoms) simultaneously, can be valuable in a world of interconnected networks. For military operations, it’s obvious that in the era of 4th generation warfare, such solutions might give an advantage over the other combatants. Furthermore, Machine Learning can become a formidable weapon if used right in the era of 5th generation conflicts, where it can target the individual itself, escalating effects to groups of people. The paper presents a generic framework in using Machine Learning in offensive cyber operations as a solution to the present-day expansion of cyber operations on foreign and national territory.

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Belz, Gabrielle T., Renae Denman, Cyril Seillet, and Nicolas Jacquelot. "Tissue-resident lymphocytes: weaponized sentinels at barrier surfaces." F1000Research 9 (July 9, 2020): 691. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.25234.1.

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Tissue-resident immune cells stably localize in tissues largely independent of the circulatory system. While initial studies have focused on the recognition of CD8+ tissue-resident memory T (CD8 TRM) cells, it is now clear that numerous cell types such as CD4+ T cells, gd T cells, innate lymphoid cells and mucosal-associated invariant T (MAIT) cells form stable populations in tissues. They are enriched at the barrier surfaces and within non-lymphoid compartments. They provide an extensive immune network capable of sensing local perturbations of the body’s homeostasis. This positioning enables immune cells to positively influence immune protection against infection and cancer but paradoxically also augment autoimmunity, allergy and chronic inflammatory diseases. Here, we highlight the recent studies across multiple lymphoid immune cell types that have emerged on this research topic and extend our understanding of this important cellular network. In addition, we highlight the areas that remain gaps in our knowledge of the regulation of these cells and how a deeper understanding may result in new ways to ‘target’ these cells to influence disease outcome and treatments.

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Ledford, Heidi. "Weaponized antibodies use new tricks to fight cancer." Nature 540, no. 7631 (2016): 19–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/540019a.

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Radici, Alberto Maria. "Underground empire: how America weaponized the world economy." International Affairs 100, no. 5 (2024): 2268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ia/iiae210.

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Apter, Emily. "Weaponized Thought: Ethical Militance and the Group-Subject." Grey Room 14 (January 2004): 6–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/152638104322894886.

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Elliott, Anthony. "Automated mobilities: From weaponized drones to killer bots." Journal of Sociology 55, no. 1 (2018): 20–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783318811777.

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The article develops the conjecture that automated mobilities are particularly characteristic of the digital era. Acknowledging that the development of the mobilities paradigm has been especially fruitful for the social sciences, the article contends that the advent of artificial intelligence, advanced robotics and accelerating automation makes new conceptual and methodological demands on mobilities research. In the first section of the article, I briefly review aspects of the ongoing development of the mobilities paradigm, with particular emphasis on the emergent contours of what I shall term ‘mobilities 3.0’. The second section focuses on several key aspects of complex automated systems, with specific reference to the advent of Artificial Intelligence (AI), advanced robotics and accelerating automation, along with how some of the mobilities transitions attendant upon these are registering in mobilities research. In the final section, I turn to analyse one particular instance of automated mobilities: namely, AI military technology and weapons systems. I conclude by setting out some conjectures on the relations between AI, automated mobilities and the paradigm of mobilities.

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Peter, Ada, and Ujunwa Ohakpougwu. "Origins of Cyberwarfare: How the Internet got Weaponized." European Conference on Social Media 10, no. 1 (2023): 364–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/ecsm.10.1.1270.

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Cyberspace was until last decade and half a perfect additional intelligence gathering tool. Within a phase of time during the spread of the world wide web, the cyberspace expanded outside the boundaries of intelligence gathering to a perfect weapon in the hands of both state and non-state actors for destabilizing or devastating the state of critical infrastructures of perceived enemy or competitors. In the heart of the storm, Social Scientists have either focused on extensive definitions and clarifications of cyberwar, others are fixated on explaining the various emerging dangers of cyber weapons on society, like the consequences of weaponizing the cyberspace against a nation’s power grid, nuclear command, and control systems, neutralizing a petrochemical plant, paralyzing a government’s health care or governance structure and possibilities of manipulating elections. But few, if any have considered the question which is central to this paper: How did the cyberspace evolve from an intelligence tool to a cyberweapon against critical infrastructures? The obvious answer is that the magnified global access and use of networked systems provided the perfect battle space for deploying cyberweapons. The preceding explanation is essentially correct, but it is entirely lacking in detail explaining how cyberspace became weaponized? Under what conditions was cyberspace purely an intelligence tool. Under what conditions is cyberspace weaponized? This research incorporates these and other questions into a framework through the means of a model designed to aid understanding of how the cyberspace evolve from an intelligence tool to a destructive weapon targeted at critical infrastructures. Primary sources include relatively untapped 107 Congress Laws on Cyber related legislations. From the 105th congress to the current 116th congress, 1, 177 legislations have been introduced on cyber or cyber related issues. Other primary sources include White House fact sheets, statements, press releases, President Trump’s 2018 National Cyber Security Strategies, President Obama’s 2016 Cyber Security National Action Plan, and cyber related executive orders, statements, and press releases from President Johnson of the last 5 US administrations.

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Drałus, Dorota, and Monika Wichłacz. "The Performativity of Weaponized Language: Manipulation, Power, and Resistance." Roczniki Nauk Społecznych 53, no. 1 (2025): 93–110. https://doi.org/10.18290/rns2025.0011.

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This study explores weaponized communication—a strategic manipulation of language used to influence perceptions, emotions, and behavior while undermining democratic values and societal cohesion. Building on theories of speech acts by John L. Austin and John Searle, it examines how language’s performative nature is exploited to reshape realities, normalize exclusion, and disrupt public trust. Weaponized communication leverages modern technology to amplify cognitive overload, disinformation, and divisive narratives, marking a shift from traditional persuasion to emotion-driven, viral rhetoric. This transformation challenges ethical norms and raises concerns about language as a tool of coercion and oppression. The paper also links historical insights from Sophistic rhetoric and Confucian linguistic principles to contemporary issues like propaganda and hate speech. By analyzing these mechanisms, the study sheds light on the intersection of language, power, and societal change, emphasizing the urgent need for ethical discourse in the digital era.

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Eggen, Karen-Anna. "Weaponized News: Russian Television, Strategic Narratives and Conflict Reporting." Nordisk Østforum 36, no. 2022 (2022): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.23865/noros.v36.3455.

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Lin, James C. "Strange Reports of Weaponized Sound in Cuba [Health Matters]." IEEE Microwave Magazine 19, no. 1 (2018): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/mmm.2017.2765778.

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Garbarino, James. "Senseless Acts of Violence Spurred on by Weaponized Rhetoric." Violence and Gender 6, no. 3 (2019): 143–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1089/vio.2019.0056.

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Gray, Phillip W. "Weaponized NonCombatants: A Moral Conundrum of Future Asymmetrical Warfare." Journal of Military Ethics 13, no. 3 (2014): 240–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570.2014.975009.

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de Rijcke, Sarah. "Beware the illusion of certainty: it can be weaponized." Nature 582, no. 7811 (2020): 175–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/d41586-020-01680-3.

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Powers, Shawn. "Weaponized Media, Legitimacy and the Fourth Estate: A Comment." Ethnopolitics 9, no. 2 (2010): 255–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449051003764855.

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Farrell, Henry, and Abraham L. Newman. "Weaponized Interdependence: How Global Economic Networks Shape State Coercion." International Security 44, no. 1 (2019): 42–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00351.

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Liberals claim that globalization has led to fragmentation and decentralized networks of power relations. This does not explain how states increasingly “weaponize interdependence” by leveraging global networks of informational and financial exchange for strategic advantage. The theoretical literature on network topography shows how standard models predict that many networks grow asymmetrically so that some nodes are far more connected than others. This model nicely describes several key global economic networks, centering on the United States and a few other states. Highly asymmetric networks allow states with (1) effective jurisdiction over the central economic nodes and (2) appropriate domestic institutions and norms to weaponize these structural advantages for coercive ends. In particular, two mechanisms can be identified. First, states can employ the “panopticon effect” to gather strategically valuable information. Second, they can employ the “chokepoint effect” to deny network access to adversaries. Tests of the plausibility of these arguments across two extended case studies that provide variation both in the extent of U.S. jurisdiction and in the presence of domestic institutions—the SWIFT financial messaging system and the internet—confirm the framework's expectations. A better understanding of the policy implications of the use and potential overuse of these tools, as well as the response strategies of targeted states, will recast scholarly debates on the relationship between economic globalization and state coercion.

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Kirby, Paul. "The body weaponized: War, sexual violence and the uncanny." Security Dialogue 51, no. 2-3 (2020): 211–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010619895663.

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It is today common to argue that rape is a weapon, tool or instrument of warfare. One implication is that armed groups marshal body parts for tactical and strategic ends. In this article, I interrogate this discourse of embodied mobilization to explore how body weaponry has been made intelligible as a medium for sexual violence. First, I show that, despite wide rejection of essentialist models, the penis and penis substitutes continue to occupy a constitutive role in discussions of sexual violence in both political and academic fora, where they are often said to be like weapons, a tendency I term ‘weapon talk’. Second, I trace the image of the body weapon in key threads of feminist theorizing and commentary, to show how the penis has appeared as a ‘basic weapon of force’ in various permutations. Third, I explore the weaponization of the body as it appears in military thought and in the cultural circulation of ideas about the soldiering body in which sexual pleasure and violence are frequently conflated. Building on this foundation, I propose that these literatures collectively describe an uncanny weapon object, and I draw out the significance of this term for feminist security studies and martial empiricism. In short, the uncanny haunts accounts of sexual violence in the collision of sexuality and machinery in the image of a body weapon, in the unsettling designation of sexuality as itself both familiar and dangerous, and in the strange movement of violent bodies across the boundary between wartime and peacetime. A concluding discussion draws out implications and challenges for thinking about embodied violence, advocating renewed attention to the history of weaponization as a fallible and confounding process.

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McCorkindale, Deirdre. "Weaponized History: The Underground Railroad’s Mythologized Legacy in Canada." American Review of Canadian Studies 53, no. 1 (2023): 68–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02722011.2023.2172886.

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Yun, Minwoo. "North Korea’s YouTube cyberpropaganda, cognitive warfare and weaponized narratives." Korean Association of Criminal Psychology 19, no. 3 (2023): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.25277/kcpr.2023.19.3.83.

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In recent years, North Korea has increasingly utilized YouTube as a platform for conducting cyber propaganda, specifically as a form of cognitive warfare. The objective of cognitive warfare is to influence and manipulate human minds and thoughts by employing weaponized narratives as a strategic tool. Weaponized narratives play a pivotal role in shaping the audience's perception and attitude, effectively aligning them with the desired intentions of the communicator. The threat posed by North Korea has significant implications for South Korea's national security. However, there remains a scarcity of studies examining the utilization of North Korea's YouTube propaganda within the context of cognitive warfare, which represents a dimension of hybrid warfare. To address this gap, this study aims to analyze the risks and impacts of North Korean YouTube propaganda narratives on the audience. Through the application of a qualitative analysis method known as narrative analysis, this study thoroughly examines various narrative elements present in the videos uploaded on “Songah's Vlog”, including videos, images, audio, and textual narratives. The research findings, contributions, and policy suggestions derived from this study are thoroughly discussed

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Smith, Christopher A. "Weaponized iconoclasm in Internet memes featuring the expression ‘Fake News’." Discourse & Communication 13, no. 3 (2019): 303–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750481319835639.

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The expression ‘Fake News’ inside Internet memes engenders significant online virulence, possibly heralding an iconoclastic emergence of weaponized propaganda for assaulting agencies reared on public trust. Internet memes are multimodal artifacts featuring ideological singularities designed for ‘flash’ consumption, often composed by numerous voices echoing popular, online culture. This study proposes that ‘Fake News’ Internet memes are weaponized iconoclastic multimodal propaganda (WIMP) discourse and attempts to delineate them as such by asking: What power relations and ideologies do Internet memes featuring the expression ‘fake news’ harbor? How might those manifestations qualify as WIMP discourse? A multimodal critical discourse analysis of a small pool of ‘fake news’ Internet memes drawn from four popular social media websites revealed what agencies were often targeted and from what political canons they likely emerged. Findings indicate that many Internet memes featuring ‘fake news’ are specifically directed, revealing an underlying hazard that WIMP discourse could diminish democratic processes while influencing online trajectories of public discourse.

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Guenther, Lisa. "Unmaking and Remaking the World in Long-Term Solitary Confinement." Journal of Critical Phenomenology 1, no. 1 (2018): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31608/pjcp.v1i1.18.

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In The Body in Pain, Elaine Scarry analyzes the structure of torture as an unmaking of the world in which the tools that ought to support a person’s embodied capacities are used as weapons to break them down. The Security Housing Unit (SHU) of California’s Pelican Bay State Prison functions as a weaponized architecture of torture in precisely this sense; but in recent years, prisoners in the Pelican Bay Short Corridor have re-purposed this weaponized architecture as a tool for remaking the world through collective resistance. This resistance took the form of a hunger strike in which prisoners exposed themselves to the possibility of biological death in order to contest the social and civil death of solitary confinement. By collectively refusing food, and by articulating the meaning and motivation of this refusal in articles, interviews, artwork, and legal documents, prisoners reclaimed and expanded their perceptual, cognitive, and expressive capacities for world-making, even in a space of systematic torture.

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Guenther, Lisa. "Unmaking and Remaking the World in Long-Term Solitary Confinement." Journal of Critical Phenomenology 1, no. 1 (2018): 74. http://dx.doi.org/10.31608/pjcp.v1i1.5.

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In The Body in Pain, Elaine Scarry analyzes the structure of torture as an unmaking of the world in which the tools that ought to support a person’s embodied capacities are used as weapons to break them down. The Security Housing Unit (SHU) of California’s Pelican Bay State Prison functions as a weaponized architecture of torture in precisely this sense; but in recent years, prisoners in the Pelican Bay Short Corridor have re-purposed this weaponized architecture as a tool for remaking the world through collective resistance. This resistance took the form of a hunger strike in which prisoners exposed themselves to the possibility of biological death in order to contest the social and civil death of solitary confinement. By collectively refusing food, and by articulating the meaning and motivation of this refusal in articles, interviews, artwork, and legal documents, prisoners reclaimed and expanded their perceptual, cognitive, and expressive capacities for world-making, even in a space of systematic torture.

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Sam, Jordan Hugh, and Hyeonjin Park. "Can the Pikmin Speak?" Music and the Moving Image 17, no. 1 (2024): 35–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/19407610.17.1.03.

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Abstract In this article, we take a player-centered approach to the music and sound of Pikmin 3 (2013). We investigate how the game's audio suppresses the Pikmin through a weaponized colonial aurality that hears the Pikmin as the subaltern and numbs the player into ignoring their colonialist enactments.

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Farrell, Henry, and Abraham L. Newman. "Weak links in finance and supply chains are easily weaponized." Nature 605, no. 7909 (2022): 219–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/d41586-022-01254-5.

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Wheatley, Abby C. "Walking the Migrant Trail: Community Resistance to a Weaponized Desert." Human Organization 79, no. 3 (2020): 192–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/1938-3525-79.3.192.

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Since 1994, migrant fatalities on the Arizona Sonora Border have grown significantly as a result of prevention through deterrence policies ostensibly intended to prevent unauthorized migration by making it dangerous and even deadly to migrate. Building on a growing body of scholarship documenting migrant vulnerability, this article examines the political dimensions and possibilities of the Migrant Trail, a seventy-five-mile collective walk from Sásabe, Sonora, to Tucson, Arizona, that seeks to witness and protest the deadly conditions created by border policy. Drawing on intimate ethnography, I conceptualize the Migrant Trail as a space of encuentro (encounter) and by extension, a pedagogical space, that reveals the deadly consequences of United States border enforcement and the ways in which contemporary policies weaponize the desert to control migration. Initially organized in 2004, the annual walk is an autonomous political intervention that moves beyond mainstream liberal institutions and electoral politics to provoke a series of critical realizations and insights and a new way of doing politics. Through this embodied experience, walkers become frontline observers and political actors. By publicly remembering those who have died crossing, they aim to interrupt state policies that actively disappear people in transit by disappearing their stories with them.

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Chang, Chia-Chien, and Alan H. Yang. "Weaponized Interdependence: China's Economic Statecraft and Social Penetration against Taiwan." Orbis 64, no. 2 (2020): 312–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.orbis.2020.02.002.

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Weinberg, Dana, Jessica Dawson, and April Edwards. "How the Russian Influence Operation on Twitter Weaponized Military Narratives." International Conference on Cyber Warfare and Security 18, no. 1 (2023): 431–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.34190/iccws.18.1.985.

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Since 2016, Russia has engaged in a dedicated influence operation against the United States to exacerbate existing cleavages in American society and to undermine US national security. Although distinctly modern in its use of social media platforms, the current methods align with old Soviet doctrine using information warfare to gain a strategic edge over competitors. We examine Russia’s use of military-related content and profiles in their influence operation on Twitter and, in particular, the strategic deployment of military narratives. Using data from Twitter’s comprehensive data archive of state-backed information operations, we find that 12.14% of the 1,408,712 tweets in English from 2009 through February 2021 contain military-related content. In addition, of the 2,370 fake accounts on Twitter tied to the IRA and GRU, 148 were from accounts posing as military or military-adjacent, and these accounts posted 12.7% of the influence operation’s tweets. Together, tweets containing military-related content or coming from fake military and military-adjacent profiles account for 22.6% of the tweets identified as part of the Russian influence operation on Twitter. The Russians used narratives related to veterans, particularly sacrifice narratives and post-Vietnam government betrayal of sacrifice narratives. Patriotic sacrifice narratives were used to gather and engage an audience and to legitimize and amplify the content and accounts. In contrast, betrayal of sacrifice narratives were weaponized to amplify and escalate divisive social issues by tying them to veterans’ sacrifices. We conclude the Russians amplified existing military narratives in American culture and used fake American military profiles to wrap anti-government sentiment in patriotic trappings to exacerbate existing social divisions. Turning Americans against their government achieves Russian strategic goals of removing American influence abroad and allowing Russia to have greater impact on the levers of international power that serve Russian interests.

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Zoffer, Joshua P. "The Dollar and the United States' Exorbitant Power to Sanction." AJIL Unbound 113 (2019): 152–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/aju.2019.19.

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With the Trump administration's reimposition of financial sanctions on Iran, the power of the weaponized dollar is yet again making headlines—and putting distance between the United States and its allies. The dollar's special status as the world's key currency affords the United States an unrivaled sanctioning power. Because access to dollars is a near-necessity for multinational businesses and financial institutions, the United States can unilaterally impose costly sanctions by denying such access to a target—whether a state, company, or individual. This capability is one form of the “exorbitant privilege” afforded to the United States by the dollar's international role. This essay considers why the dollar's status affords the United States this sanctioning power and how the United States exercises it. I first summarize the nature of the dollar's role. Next, I explain the means by which the United States has weaponized that role, especially through financial sanctions. I conclude by offering some potential limitations on that power and exploring the ways in which other countries might seek to erode it.

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Stelmack, Kyle. "Weaponized Police Drones and Their Effect on Police Use of Force." Pittsburgh Journal of Technology Law and Policy 15, no. 2 (2015): 276–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/tlp.2015.172.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Weaponized'

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