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1

GUMZ, JONATHAN E. "WEHRMACHT PERCEPTIONS OF MASS VIOLENCE IN CROATIA, 1941–1942." Historical Journal 44, no. 4 (December 2001): 1015–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01001996.

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During the Second World War, the Independent State of Croatia was the scene of intense guerrilla warfare as well as a programme of ethnic cleansing undertaken primarily, though not exclusively, by the Croatian state under the control of the Ustaša fascist party. This article investigates the Wehrmacht’s contrasting perceptions of its own violence in the anti-partisan war and its views of the Ustaša’s assault on Croatia’s Serb minority. The author argues that these different views emanated from the Wehrmacht’s conviction that its strategic concepts offered the only correct strategy for the prosecution of modern warfare. As the key to victory, Wehrmacht staff officers emphasized the maximization of force on the operational level. By contrast, the Ustaša state pursued a strategy of nationalizing war that moved away from Wehrmacht strategic concepts and infuriated Wehrmacht staff officers. Moreover, the Wehrmacht employed a starkly different vocabulary in describing its own violence and Ustaša violence. These descriptions more deeply entrenched the Wehrmacht’s sense of difference regarding the two types of violence. By examining the Wehrmacht’s views of violence, this article suggests that factors other than anti-Slavic racism more strongly determined the way in which the Wehrmacht both perceived and acted out violence in Eastern Europe.
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Daroch, Magdalena. "„Mordercy? To byli ci z SS.” O micie niewinnego Wehrmachtu na marginesie powieści Ulli Hahn Unscharfe Bilder (,Nieostre zdjęcia’, 2003)." Acta Philologica, no. 57 (2021) (December 30, 2021): 35–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.7311/acta.57.2021.04.

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This article looks at the idea of the “Clean Wehrmacht”, as opposed to the SS, who were implicated in the mass executions of Jews and other civilians in the East. This narrative is proven wrong in Ulla Hahn’s Unscharfe Bilder wherein an exhibition on the Wehrmacht exposes the crimes of its soldiers. The main protagonist in Ulla Hahn’s novel Unscharfe Bilder recognizes in one of the photos a character strikingly similar to her father, and so she starts questioning him about his past. He insists that the Wehrmacht was a regular German army and tries to put individual cases into perspective. It turns out that the historical of the Wehrmacht is not so clear.
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3

MOMBAUER, ANNIKA. "FROM IMPERIAL ARMY TO BUNDESWEHR: CONTINUITY AND CHANGE IN THE ROLE OF THE MILITARY IN GERMAN HISTORY Willensmenschen: über deutsche Offiziere. Edited by Ursula Breymayer, Bernd Ulrich and Karin Wieland. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1999. Pp. 239. ISBN 3-596-14438-8. DM 28.80. Die anderen Soldaten: Wehrkraftzersetzung, Gehorsamsverweigerung und Fahnenflucht im Zweiten Weltkrieg. Edited by Norbert Haase and Gerhard Paul. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Pp. 240. ISBN 3-596-12769-6. DM 19.90. Das Nationalkomitee ‘Freies Deutschland’ und der Bund Deutscher Offiziere. Edited by Gerd R. Ueberschär. Frankfurt am Main: Fischer Taschenbuch Verlag, 1995. Pp. 304. ISBN 3-596-12633-9. DM 24.90." Historical Journal 47, no. 1 (March 2004): 187–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x03003571.

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Twentieth-century Germany's (military) history has been the subject of heated, sometimes acrimonious controversies in the Federal Republic. In recent years, historians and the German public have been engaged, for example, in debates over the relative merit of different kinds of German resistance against National Socialism, and over the place of deserters in German history of the Second World War. Such soul-searching has culminated in angry debates over the role of the Wehrmacht in crimes against humanity which followed in the wake of the exhibition ‘Verbrechen der Wehrmacht’ (crimes of the Wehrmacht) in Austria and Germany. The books under consideration here all have a contribution to make to our understanding of this troubled and contested past, and in particular to the question of the role of the military in German history.
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4

Andrus, O. A., and A. P. Shatilov. "LOSSES OF WEHRMACHT PERSONNEL IN THE BATTLE OF KURSK." Izvestiya of Samara Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. History Sciences 6, no. 1 (2024): 80–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.37313/2658-4816-2024-6-1-80-93.

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The authors make an attempt to determine the human losses of the Wehrmacht in the Battle of Kursk based on an analysis of historical sources. They have proved that the estimates available in both German and Russian historiography require clarification. The analysis of a number of documents led to the conclusion that the real losses of the Wehrmacht personnel were more extensive than figures established in foreign historiography.
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5

Stoltzfus, Nathan. "The German Mountain Troops and Their Opponents, 1943 to the Present." German Politics and Society 38, no. 4 (December 1, 2020): 72–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2020.380404.

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The most significant World War II battle between Germans and Italians outside of Italy was the September 1943 battle for the Greek island of Cephalonia, ending in the post-battle execution by German Mountain Troops of thousands of Italian soldiers. The recent clash between two German groups over what happened illustrates ongoing disputes about guilt and responsibility—how governments, historians, and civilians mobilize facts to write history. The Mountain Troops’ Veterans Association, which has influenced official German memory of the war, used the Cephalonia case to reassert the myth of Wehrmacht innocence, contrary to opinion-shaping Wehrmacht exhibits of the 1990s. In 2010, the federal government, backing a German judicial decision, reasserted the Wehrmacht Myth, despite opposition from Rome, Athens, and an international association of activists, as reports on right-wing extremism in the German police, judiciary, and military have become increasingly prevalent.
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6

Megargee, Geoffrey, Rolf-Dieter Müller, Hans-Erich Volkmann, and Rolf-Dieter Muller. "Die Wehrmacht: Mythos und Realität." German Studies Review 24, no. 1 (February 2001): 226. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433211.

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7

Welch, S. R. "Mischling Deserters from the Wehrmacht." Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook 44, no. 1 (January 1, 1999): 273–324. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/leobaeck/44.1.273.

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8

Yelton, David. "The Wehrmacht: History, Myth, Reality." Central European History 40, no. 3 (August 20, 2007): 567–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000957.

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9

Goda, Norman J. W., Rolf-Dieter Muller, and Hans-Erich Volkmann. "Die Wehrmacht: Mythos und Realitat." Journal of Military History 64, no. 1 (January 2000): 266. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120857.

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10

Järve, Jaan. "Mineralöleinsätze der Wehrmacht im Ostfeldzug." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 82, no. 1 (March 30, 2023): 96–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2023-0005.

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11

Losano, Mario G. "la riabilitazione dei "traditori in guerra" tedeschi: un conto ancora in sospeso." TEORIA POLITICA, no. 2 (October 2009): 127–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/tp2009-002006.

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- Among its present problems of transitional justice, Germany faces a specific unresolved issue: the rehabilitation of the so called « war traitors » (Kriegsverräter). After the paradigm change in the German historiography concerning the supposed relative independence of Wehrmacht vis-ŕ-vis of the Nazi Party, two discussed exhibitions on Wehrmacht's crimes during WWII have strengthened the request of rehabilitating the last « war traitors ». The article explains the juridical background of the judgements issued by German war courts, and the wearing story of the sluggish rehabilitation of deserters, defeatists and civil « war traitors » (concluded in 2002 only). Politicians and jurists are now divided about the still pending issue of rehabilitating the military « war traitors », or, more precisely, the last survivors among them.
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12

Solchany, Jean. "La lente dissipation d'une légende: la "Wehrmacht" sous le regard de l'histoire." Revue d’histoire moderne & contemporaine 47-2, no. 2 (April 1, 2000): 323–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rhmc.g2000.47n2.0323.

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Résumé Depuis quelques années, la Wehrmacht fait l'objet de nombreux travaux historiques et suscite de violentes controverses dans les médias et l'opinion publique. La vision traditionnelle qui exonérait l'armée allemande de toute responsabilité dans la perpétration des crimes nazis a été il est vrai mise en question dès la fin des années 1970. Mais les études les plus récentes montrent avec plus de précision encore combien l'armée allemande a été impliquée dans la politique d'occupation barbare imposée aux peuples de l'Est européen durant la Seconde Guerre mondiale. For the last few years, the history of the Wehrmacht has been reexamined by historians and has lead to heated debate among the média and public opinion. The traditional view which exonérâtes the Wehrmacht from having commited crimes during the Nazi era had already been challenged in the late seventies and early eighties. But the most récent studies show more precisely how deeply the German army was involved in the barbarous occupation policy inflicted by Nazi Germany on East European peoples duririg the Second World War/
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13

Núñez Seixas, Xosé M. "Good Invaders? The Occupation Policy of the Spanish Blue Division in Northwestern Russia, 1941–1944." War in History 25, no. 3 (July 7, 2017): 361–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516666422.

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Between 1941 and 1944, the Spanish Division of Volunteers took part in the Russian campaign as a unit integrated in the German Wehrmacht. Post-1945 war memoirs and even some historians have suggested that the ‘Blue’ Division was exceptional for their benign treatment of civilians and prisoners, distanced from the German War of Extermination. This image has not been subjected to critical enquiry. To what degree were the Spanish troops different from other Wehrmacht troops? Was the collective behaviour of the Spanish soldiers determined by the circumstances they encountered at the front, or was it related to their prior political socialization?
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14

Scianna, Bastian Matteo. "Rebuilding an Austrian Army: The Bundesheer’s Founding Generation and the Wehrmacht Past, 1955–1970." War in History 26, no. 1 (September 15, 2017): 105–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344516682057.

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After the Second World War, a new Austrian Army (the Bundesheer) was formed to guarantee the country’s armed neutrality. But the period between 1938 and 1945 remained a point of contention. While some Austrian officers had been sidelined, the majority had served in the Wehrmacht and thus shared experiences and soldierly values. As Cold War realities necessitated a professional experienced army, a group around Erwin Fussenegger (1908–1986) dominated the new Bundesheer and contemplations about reforming the military culture and value system were postponed; while at the same time, the Bundesheer managed to prevent becoming a mere continuation of the Wehrmacht.
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15

de Zayas, Alfred-Maurice. "The Wehrmacht bureau on war crimes." Historical Journal 35, no. 2 (June 1992): 383–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00025851.

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AbstractOn September 4, 1939, a special bureau was established within the legal department of the Wehrmacht with the task of ‘ascertaining violations of international law committed by enemy military and civilian persons against members of the German armed forces, and investigating whatever accusations foreign countries should make against the Wehrmacht’. The purpose of this article is to provide a brief overview of the material collected by the Germans during the war, to test the credibility of the German investigations, review case-studies and inquire into the integrity of the judges carrying out the investigations. The Wehrmacht bureau functioned from the very beginning until the final days of war. It investigated some 10,000 war crimes, of which the files for perhaps some 4,000 have survived. Half the files contain investigations of war crimes in the Soviet Union; the other volumes refer to war crimes allegedly committed by American, British, French, Polish, Yugoslav and other Allied nationals. After a careful review of the bureau's records and methods of operation, the conclusion is warranted that the investigations were carried out in a methodically correct manner and that many of the reports present prima facie cases that deserve further investigation. There remains thefundamental question of the judges' integrity, how it was possible for them to carry out investigations into Allied war crimes, when the German government, the SS, the Einsatzgruppen and the Wehrmacht were engaging in various degrees of official criminality. In search of an answer, the author reviews the testimony of numerous witnesses at the Nuremberg trials, including SS judge Georg Konrad Morgen, who had the commander of Buchenwald arrested on corruption charges, but was prevented from completing investigations into concentration camp killings. Hitler's order no. I concerning secrecy appears to have been largely observed, thus frustrating investigation attempts and keeping knowledge of the Holocaust relatively limited.
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16

Schweizer, Karl W. "Nazism, the Wehrmacht and Collective Memory." European Legacy 17, no. 3 (June 2012): 393–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10848770.2012.673699.

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17

Baker, Lee. "The Wehrmacht: History, Myth, Reality (review)." Journal of Military History 70, no. 4 (2006): 1156–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2006.0219.

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18

Langenbacher, E. "Verbrechen der Wehrmacht: Bilanz einer Debatte." German History 26, no. 1 (January 1, 2008): 140–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghm018.

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19

JM, Romero-Torres. "La psiquiatría militar alemana en la Segunda Guerra Mundial. Artículo histórico." Revista de Sanidad Militar 72, no. 3-4 (May 10, 2018): 264–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.56443/rsm.v72i3-4.181.

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Introduction: Combat stress reaction (CSR), now called «acute stress reaction» (ICD-10), refers to a transient anxiety reaction in the soldier, which has historically led to an inability to face the struggle of war. Most military, historical and medical analyzes of the activity carried out by the Wehrmacht in World War II reported no serious problems due to stress. The reasons are based on the exceptional quality of the small military units and the leadership of the German Army. However, over the years, it was no longer possible to avoid reporting the high number of casualties secondary to combat stress reactions, which has cast doubt on the myth of the German soldiers’ immunity to the stress of war. Conclusions: At the end of WWII, the CSR was a common topic in offi cial reports, meetings and guides. The psychiatrists who had the opportunity to report it were those who continuously underestimated the role of this stress disorder in the Wehrmacht. Thus, the widespread perception that the Wehrmacht did not suffer serious problems of emotional breakdown in soldiers, typical of combat stress, can be modifi ed to some extent.
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20

Azamat A., Tatarov. "The North Caucasus as an image in collaborationist press of the occupied soviet territories (1942-1943)." Kavkazologiya 2024, no. 4 (December 30, 2024): 127–38. https://doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2024-4-127-138.

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The paper examines data from pro-German newspapers in the occupied Soviet territories reflect-ing military operations, historical and economic issues in the context of the North Caucasus. In the summer and fall of 1942, the idea of the Wehrmacht capturing a resource-rich region in a south part of the USSR served as a powerful tool for Nazi propaganda to convince Soviet citizens of the inevitability of Germany’s victory. Newspapers reported on the capture of cities and positions, losses of Soviet troops, natural and economic resources, the Wehrmacht’s liberation mission for the peoples of the Caucasus, and the beginning of a new stage in its history. However, in the win-ter of 1943, the hasty retreat of the Germans from the North Caucasus went virtually unnoticed in reports. Consequently, Nazi propaganda ignored this sector of the front.
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21

Messerschmidt, Manfred. "Das Bild der Wehrmacht in Deutschland seit 1945." Revue d’Allemagne et des pays de langue allemande 30, no. 2 (1998): 117–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/reval.1998.4058.

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Das Bild der Wehrmacht ist in Deutschland jahrzehntelang von Memoiren ehemaliger Generale und von Vertretern der Soldatenverbände geformt worden. In den Zeiten des Kalten Krieges konnten sich die personellen Kontinuitäten in Wirtschaft, Wissenschaften und Gesellschaft mehr oder weniger auf ein apologetisch eingestimmtes Geschichtsbewußtsein auswirken. Die Tradition der Bundeswehr forderte geradezu eine geschönte Wehrmachtgeschichte. Ehemalige Offiziere verlangten Ehrenerklärungen für «den deutschen Soldaten» von Bundeskanzler Adenauer und Präsident Eisenhower. Erst seit dem Ende der 60er Jahre veränderten kritische Historiker das undifferenzierte Bild, nicht ohne im sog. Historiker streit auf vehemente Kritik zu stoßen. Daniel Goldhagen und die Ausstellung Verbrechen der Wehrmacht des Hamburger Instituts für Sozialforschung haben die Kontroversen erneut auf brechen lassen.
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Stihler, Daniel, and Stiftung Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung. "Rezension von: Hamburger Institut für Sozialforschung (Hrsg.), Vernichtungskrieg." Württembergisch Franken 82 (June 16, 2023): 350–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/wfr.v82i.6612.

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23

Harrisville, David. "Unholy Crusaders: The Wehrmacht and the Reestablishment of Soviet Churches during Operation Barbarossa." Central European History 52, no. 4 (December 2019): 620–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000876.

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AbstractDuring the summer and fall of 1941, as they took part in Operation Barbarossa—the invasion of the Soviet Union—Wehrmacht personnel paused to reopen churches that had been shuttered by the communist regime. These events, which drew enormous crowds, brought together conquerors and conquered in a surprising display of shared faith before being halted by a directive from the Führer. This article addresses the question of why they took place at all, given the genocidal nature of the campaign in which they were embedded, as well as what they can tell us about the role of religion in the Wehrmacht, its relationship to Nazi ideology, and the nature of the military occupation. The reopening ceremonies, it is argued, were the spontaneous outcome of a number of interrelated factors, including Nazi rhetoric, the pent-up yearnings of Soviet Christians, and above all the vision of the invasion as a religious crusade against an atheist power adopted by many chaplains and soldiers. Although often overlooked, religion remained a powerful force in the Wehrmacht, one that could serve both to undermine and justify Nazi goals. Further, the reopenings demonstrate the army's capacity for flexibility in its dealings with the population, particularly during the war's opening months.
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24

De Toro, F. Miguel. "La exposición Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944. El debate sobre los crímenes de la Wehrmacht." Kamchatka. Revista de análisis cultural., no. 15 (July 31, 2020): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/kam.15.15491.

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Durante décadas el mito de la “Wehrmacht limpia” sirvió a la sociedad alemana como una forma de evitar enfrentarse a los crímenes del Nazismo, impidiendo que los soldados alemanes se viesen implicados en la guerra de aniquilación en el Este, pero evitando también que se representase la imagen del perpetrador. La exposición Vernichtungskrieg. Verbrechen der Wehrmacht 1941 bis 1944 (1995-1999) fue la primera ocasión en que la sociedad alemana se enfrentó directamente con esos crímenes, que implicaban a una gran parte de la misma. Y, por primera vez, se ponía rostro a algunos de los perpetradores de los crímenes. La exposición abrió nuevas líneas de investigación para los historiadores sobre la mentalidad de los soldados, fuentes materiales, motivos de los perpetradores, etc. La reacción ante la exposición fomentó un debate historiográfico que ha permitido que se enfrente más abiertamente con su pasado, un paso más en la Vergangenheitsbewältigung sobre el pasado nazi. La investigación sobre la identidad social de los perpetradores se acaba de iniciar, pero las narrativas están desarrollándose de forma similar a la del Holocausto a mediados de los 1970. La controversia demostró, una vez más y como señala Nolte, que el pasado “no ha pasado”.
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Stihler, Daniel, Rolf-Dieter Müller, and Hans-Erich Volkmann. "Rezension von: Müller, Rolf-Dieter; Volkmann, Hans-Erich (Hrsg.), Die Wehrmacht." Württembergisch Franken 84 (May 17, 2023): 363–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.53458/wfr.v84i.5712.

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26

Evdokimova, Tatyana. "Wolfram Wette and His View on History of German Wehrmacht in World War II." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija, no. 1 (March 2023): 198–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2023.1.18.

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Introduction. The article analyzes the essence and dynamics of the views of the German historian Wolfram Wette on the history of the German Wehrmacht in the World War II. Methods and materials. The source bases of the study are monographs, publications in books, magazines, newspapers, Wette’s interviews. When writing the article, such methods as historical-systemic, historical-comparative, historical-biographical ones, as well as the methods of communicative analysis of monographs and articles, and comparative analysis of various sources were used. Analysis. The study made it possible to single out two stages in W. Wette’s research activities: the study of military history traditional issues (the military operations history, military leadership, etc.) and the study of the military “history of everyday life”. The boundary between the stages became the denunciation of the myths of Stalingrad Battle which the article’s author, according to the Wette’s works, considers as a trigger for the World War II outcome, building a democratic society in Germany, forming a modern culture of memory. The article presents a critical analysis made by the historian W. Wette of a number of “legends” that existed in the Germany’s military history and public consciousness about the “preventive” nature of the war against the Soviet Union, about the “heroic death” of the 6th Army near Stalingrad, about the “pure Wehrmacht” and his “heroes”. The focus of the history of the Wehrmacht during the World War II “from below” is a “little man”, a simple soldier. The author of the analyzed works pays special attention to the denial of the thesis about the impossibility of resisting the criminal policy of the Nazi leadership in the army and, using the example of ordinary Wehrmacht military men, shows a small group of “rescuers in military uniform” who risked themselves to save human lives. Results. The conclusion is made about the inseparable connection between Wette’s scientific research and his social activities to overcome the Nazi past of Germany and forming a democratic consciousness of German civil society.
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Crim, Brian E. "“Our Most Serious Enemy”: The Specter of Judeo-Bolshevism in the German Military Community, 1914–1923." Central European History 44, no. 4 (December 2011): 624–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938911000665.

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That the Wehrmacht participated fully in a racial war of extermination on behalf of the National Socialist regime is indisputable. Officers and enlisted men alike accepted the logic that the elimination of the Soviet Union was necessary for Germany's survival. The Wehrmacht's atrocities on the Eastern Front are a testament to the success of National Socialist propaganda and ideological training, but the construct of “Judeo-bolshevism” originated during World War I and its immediate aftermath. Between 1918 and 1923, central Europe witnessed a surge in right-wing paramilitary violence and anti-Semitic activity resulting from fears of bolshevism and a widely held belief that Jews were largely responsible for spreading revolution. Jews suffered the consequences of revolution and resurgent nationalism in the borderlands between Germany and Russia after World War I, but it was inside Germany that the construct of Judeo-bolshevism evolved into a powerful rhetorical tool for the growing völkisch movement and eventually a justification for genocide.
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Sæveraas, Torgeir E. "OT, Wehrmacht og byggingen av Festung Norwegen." Historisk tidsskrift 97, no. 03 (September 7, 2018): 189–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.18261/issn.1504-2944-2018-03-04.

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29

Buscher, Frank M., and Alfred M. de Zayas. "The Wehrmacht War Crimes Bureau, 1939-1945." German Studies Review 16, no. 2 (May 1993): 379. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431687.

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30

Dupuy, Trevor N. "A Response to "The Wehrmacht Mythos Revisited"." Military Affairs 51, no. 4 (October 1987): 196. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1987950.

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Kay, Alex J., and David Stahel. "Crimes of the Wehrmacht: A Re-evaluation." Journal of Perpetrator Research 3, no. 1 (May 5, 2020): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21039/jpr.3.1.29.

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32

Stahel, David. "The Wehrmacht and National Socialist Military Thinking." War in History 24, no. 3 (June 22, 2017): 336–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344515614049.

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This article argues that Nazi ideology had a profound impact upon the German officer corps in the Second World War not just for their well-established complicity in criminal activity, but also in their approach to warfare. This article demonstrates that Nazi ideology radicalized pre-existing notions of the German military ethos and conceptions of war, leading to an often irrational world view in which impractical, and even impossible, military undertakings could be ‘rationally’ explained, accepted, and understood. At the same time, seventy years after the war, a National Socialist influence upon German military thinking has seldom been discussed in the proliferation of Anglo-American operational histories.
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33

Römer, Felix. "Die Wehrmacht und der Kommissarbefehl. Neue Forschungsergebnisse." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 69, no. 2 (December 1, 2010): 243–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.2010.0014.

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Zusammenfassung Der sogenannte Kommissarbefehl vom Juni 1941 verpflichtete die deutschen Fronttruppen zur sofortigen Tötung aller gefangenen Politoffiziere der Roten Armee – ein zentrales Element in Hitlers Vernichtungskrieg gegen die Sowjetunion. Bis in die Gegenwart blieb die Geschichte dieses völkerrechtswidrigen Befehls umstritten. Erst vor kurzem erfolgte die vollständige Auswertung aller diesbezüglichen Wehrmachtakten. Die quantifizierende Analyse der deutschen Quellen von der Ostfront zeigt: Es gab kaum einen Frontverband, der den Kommissarbefehl nicht befolgte. Obwohl beträchtliche Handlungsspielräume bestanden, nutzten nur wenige Truppenführer sie dazu aus, den Befehl zu umgehen. Der Vernichtungspolitik setzten letztlich allein die äußeren Umstände und das Scheitern des Feldzugs Grenzen. Die zuletzt in der Forschung geäußerte These, dass die Fronttruppen den Kommissarbefehl zurückhaltender umgesetzt hätten als die rückwärtigen Besatzungsformationen, findet dagegen keine Bestätigung. Dies zeigen auch die Befunde aus den alliierten Vernehmungslagern: Wenn die abgehörten Wehrmachtsoldaten dort überhaupt vom Kommissarbefehl sprachen, dann von seiner gehorsamen Durchführung.
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Franzenburg, Geert. "Versöhnung durch Erinnerung und Dialog: Religionspsychologische Notizen." Roczniki Teologiczne 69, no. 7 (August 24, 2022): 97–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rt22697.6.

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Das Jahr 2021 war unter anderem durch das Gedenken an den Überfall der Wehrmacht auf die damalige Sowjetunion im Juni 1941 und den anschließenden Vernichtungskrieg geprägt. Dieser Angriff war eng verbunden mit den dadurch gebrochenen Moskauer Verträgen zwischen Deutschland und Russland 1939, die eigentlich als Nichtangriffs- und Freundschaftspakte propagiert wurden, aber die doppelten Besetzung Polens durch Wehrmacht und Rote Armee sowie die Besetzung der Baltischen Staaten und die Gelegenheit zum deutschen Westfeldzug zum Ziel hatten und in den Angriff auf die Sowjetunion mündeten. Somit sind mit diesem Datum mehrere Traumata in zahlreichen europäischen Ländern verbunden. Die folgenden Ausführungen zeigen aus religionspsychologischer Sicht auf, wie diese seit 1990 nach Ende des „Kalten Krieges“ reflektierten Traumata durch konstruktives Erinnern im Dialog zu Stufen der Versöhnung mit sich selbst, mit anderen und mit dem Leben beitragen können
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Wodak, Ruth. "History in the making/The making of history." Journal of Language and Politics 5, no. 1 (April 14, 2006): 125–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.5.1.08wod.

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This paper considers narratives about traumatic pasts, using interviews with visitors of the two exhibitions about the war crimes of the German Wehrmacht, shown in Germany and Austria 1995 and 2002, as examples. Numerous justification and legitimization strategies are involved in public and private discourses. The study claims that official genres, such as school books or TV documentaries, still launch narratives which exculpate the German Wehrmacht as institution, although the evidence provided by historians and the exhibitions is overwhelming. The topoi used (such as ‘doing one’s duty’; ‘all wars are the same’; and so forth) are to be found in similar debates in other countries as well. Hence, this case study illustrates patterns of argumentation which occur much more generally than only in the specific national contexts studied in detail here.
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Litovski, Aleksandar, and Roberto Trajkovski. "The development of national: Liberation and anti-Fascist struggle in Vardar Macedonia in 1941-1944 according to Wehrmacht's records." Vojno-istorijski glasnik, spec br (2022): 223–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/vig2200223l.

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Although the Vardar part of Macedonia was briefly under the direct occupation of the Third Reich between 1941 and 1944, the documentation of the Wehrmacht represents a large database for the beginning and rise of the Macedonian liberation and anti-fascist movement, in all its phases, starting from the autumn 1941 to the late autumn 1944. The most of the documents are those of the military and intelligence character, but also some political, economic, cultural and national aspects related to the Vardar part of Macedonia and Macedonian liberation and anti-fascist movement are presented in them. In this paper the authors are concentrated on several important historical milestones related to the elaborated historical problematic s with analyzing, synthesizing and evaluating the documentation of some military-operational-territorial commands and services-institutions of the Wehrmacht.
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Grischany, Thomas R. "Austrians into German Soldiers: The Integrative Impact of Wehrmacht Service on Austrian Soldiers during World War II." Austrian History Yearbook 38 (January 2007): 160–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0067237800021470.

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In March 1983, germany annexed the Republic of Austria, incorporating it into the Greater German Reich. Thereafter, about 1.2 million Austrians eligible for military service were draft ed into the German armed forces: the Wehrmacht. Although we know where largely Austrian contingents fought in World War II, little is known about what, if anything, set them apart from their Reich German comrades. Nor do we know much about their attitudes, their “mindset,” or their subjective experience of military service and war.1 Because we know so little about the attitudes of Austrian soldiers in the Wehrmacht, and since army service—in contrast to membership in the SS or NSDAP—was largely mandatory, it is still possible to argue that Austrians were unwilling soldiers, sacrificed in a war that was not theirs, and that discrimination by foreign rulers fostered an Austrian national consciousness.
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38

Orishev, A. B., and V. V. Ryapolov. "ABVER-3: METHODS OF COUNTER-INTELLIGENCE ACTIVITIES ON THE TERRITORY OF THE USSR (June 1941 - February 1942)." History: facts and symbols, no. 1 (March 12, 2023): 130–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.24888/2410-4205-2023-34-1-130-139.

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The key to the successful operation of any army is the well-organized work of its units responsible for counterintelligence. In the Wehrmacht, this function was assigned to abwehr-3 – one of the departments of abwehr (German military intelligence and counterintelligence). The source base is based on captured German documents, a set of which was found in the funds of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the fact that for the first time documents are introduced into scientific circulation that were previously inaccessible to the scientific community and the public. The article analyzes the methods used by the Abwehr-3 in the period from June 1941 to February 1942 in the occupied Soviet territories. The activities of the German counterintelligence to suppress enemy propaganda, the Abwehr method of preserving state secrets, and instructions on the behavior of Wehrmacht soldiers in captivity that were in force during the Second World War are considered. Such an Abwehr-3 method as conspiracy is considered in detail, the main requirements for the storage of secret documents in the Wehrmacht are given. It is shown that officers of the Abwehr-3 performed the role of censors in Nazi Germany. The main scientific result: the authors showed that the work of the German counterintelligence was strictly regulated and placed on a fairly high methodological level. This conclusion emphasizes the fact that on the fields of the secret war, Soviet intelligence was confronted by a serious enemy, which was possible to defeat only with high professionalism and devotion to duty.
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Franzolin, João Arthur Ciciliato. "Imagens e textos de propaganda sobre a União Soviética na revista Die Wehrmacht (Berlim, 1939-1944)." Topoi (Rio de Janeiro) 22, no. 47 (May 2021): 494–520. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/2237-101x02204710.

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RESUMO Este artigo analisa como a linha editorial da revista Die Wehrmacht (órgão oficial das Forças Armadas alemãs) alterou-se significativamente antes e durante o desenrolar da guerra na frente leste na Segunda Guerra Mundial. A princípio favorável aos “russos”, logo passou a atacar veementemente a União Soviética em suas reportagens, mas mesmo assim chegou a reconhecer a superioridade militar da URSS após a derrota em Stalingrado. A publicação iniciada em 1936 tornou-se um sucesso editorial na Alemanha nazista e alguns países ocupados, atingindo a tiragem de quase dois milhões de exemplares no ano de 1944. Ao mesmo tempo, cumpre explicar a materialidade da publicação, a atuação das chamadas Companhias de Propaganda (Propagandakompanien, PK), as quais produziam material propagandístico para a revista, e do aparato governamental responsável pelo controle do periódico, como o Departamento de Propaganda da Wehrmacht (WPr.) e o Ministério da Propaganda e Esclarecimento Popular (RMVP).
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Linets, Sergei Ivanovich, Ludmila Ivanovna Milyaeva, Aleksandr Sergeevich Linets, Margarita Sergeevna Bogoslavtseva, and Olga Borisovna Maslova. "The development and realization by the nazi leadership of the wehrmacht’s plans of the offensive operation for the spring-summer campaign of 1942 in the south wing of the soviet-german front." LAPLAGE EM REVISTA 7, no. 2 (January 7, 2021): 455–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.24115/s2446-6220202172768p.455-462.

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The article shows the history of the development by the German High Command of the plans of the Wehrmacht’s offensive operation in the south wing of the Soviet-German front for the spring-summer campaign of 1942. The objective of this paper is to elaborate on some individual aspects of the planning by the Nazi leadership of “Case Blue” (German – Fall Blau) and its subsequent realization. The result of this correction was a quick creation of the two new strategic plans: “Operation Braunschweig” – the offensive against Stalingrad and “Operation Edelweiss” – the offensive against the Caucasus. In the paper, the authors as a conclusion note that such dispersion of the armed forces of the German army led in the end to the shortage of forces for the realization of the both plans and the defeat of the Wehrmacht both in Stalingrad and in the battle of the Caucasus. The victories of the Red Army in those battles resulted in the radical turning-point at the entire Soviet-German front, in the beginning of the liberation of the Soviet territories from the German occupation troops.
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Balaban, Mykola. "Nachtigall in the battle for Lviv Ledge. Structure, tasks, actions." Studia z Dziejów Rosji i Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej 56, no. 3 (January 3, 2022): 85–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.12775/sdr.2021.en6.04.

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Thea article discusses the Nachtigall unit, its command structure, and functional characteristics in the advancing Wehrmacht. It also covers Nachtigall’s purpose and tasks during the battles for Lviv. The unit is studied in the context of the German military structure as of 1941.
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Weinberg, Gerhard L., and Hamburger Institut fur Sozialforschung. "Verbrechen der Wehrmacht: Dimensionen des Vernichtungskrieges 1941-1944." German Studies Review 26, no. 2 (May 2003): 440. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433383.

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43

Yann Lamezec, Docteur. "The Wehrmacht Retreats, Fighting a Lost War, 1943." European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 20, no. 5 (October 2013): 929–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13507486.2013.832881.

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44

Stein, Christian. "Kontrollverlust und unumkehrbare Tatsachen. Die deutschen Rückzüge an der Ostfront des Zweiten Weltkriegs." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 81, no. 1 (May 5, 2022): 91–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2022-0004.

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Zusammenfassung In diesem Beitrag werden die Rückzüge der Wehrmacht während des Deutsch-Sowjetischen Krieges untersucht. Ein besonderes Augenmerk liegt dabei auf dem Rückzug der Heeresgruppe Mitte im Sommer 1944. Hier kulminierten zwei Entwicklungen: Erstens war es für die Rückzugskonzepte hochrangiger deutscher Offiziere wesentlich, auch in der potenziell chaotischen Situation des Rückzugs die Kontrolle zu behalten. Sowohl die Zerstörung ländlicher und städtischer Infrastrukturen, die als »Politik der verbrannten Erde« bezeichnet wird, als auch die Evakuierung der sowjetischen Zivilbevölkerung wurden auch in dieser Situation als Mittel eingesetzt, um die Aufrechterhaltung von Kontrolle zu demonstrieren. Im Sommer 1944 war die Wehrmacht angesichts einer weit überlegenen und mobileren Roten Armee zumeist nicht mehr in der Lage, einen kontrollierten Rückzug durchzuführen. Zweitens begingen die deutschen Verbände in dem Wissen, dass sie während der eigentlichen Rückzüge oft nicht mehr in der Lage sein würden, systematische Zerstörungen, Evakuierungen usw. durchzuführen, bereits vorab – oft lange vor einer erwarteten sowjetischen Offensive – irreversible Handlungen. Die Summe dieser Kriegsverbrechen veränderte das Antlitz Osteuropas weit über das Ende des Zweiten Weltkriegs hinaus.
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45

Liulevicius, Vejas Gabriel. "War in the Wild East: The German Army and Soviet Partisans. By Ben Shepherd. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 2004. Pp. 300. $29.95. ISBN 0-674-01296-8." Central European History 39, no. 2 (May 19, 2006): 341–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906340125.

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This concise study of the German army's anti-partisan campaigns on the Eastern Front in World War II provides added detail and nuance to historical understanding of the “war of devastation” launched by the Nazi leadership. While titanic armies clashed on the battlefields, German campaigns in the occupied territories behind the front also took a devastating toll, with “the destruction of more than 5,000 villages and the killing of up to 300,000 mainly civilian Soviet citizens” (p. 27). This brutal treatment was meted out not only by the indoctrinated killers of the SS units, but also by units of the German army (contrary to the idealized depictions of a “fundamentally decent” regular army circulated after 1945). Shepherd aims to reveal the mix of “personal influences and particular conditions” (p. 33) and their interplay in causing the brutalization of the German army, the Wehrmacht. Shepherd states, “the Wehrmacht was the single institution that, more than any other, shaped the lives and actions of ordinary Germans between 1933 and 1945” (p. 28), with eleven million men serving in its ranks in this period.
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46

Grimmer-Solem, Erik. "»Selbständiges verantwortliches Handeln«. Generalleutnant Hans Graf von Sponeck (1888–1944) und das Schicksal der Juden in der Ukraine, Juni–Dezember 1941." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 72, no. 1 (June 1, 2013): 23–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/mgzs-2013-0002.

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Abstract While the crimes of the Wehrmacht in the Russian campaign have been critically reappraised over the last 20 years, General Hans von Sponeck’s command over units of the 11th Army in the Ukraine in 1941 has been obscured by legends that serve his public commemoration as a military resistance hero and victim of the Nazi regime. The well-documented war crimes of the 11th Army and their units’ close cooperation with the SS in genocide in the summer and autumn of 1941 raise the question of Sponeck’s involvement in them. An analysis of the orders and a reconstruction of events within the area of Sponeck’s command reveal that Sponeck and his units participated actively in the struggle against »Jewish Bolshevism« and thus enabled the Nazi regime’s policy of »ethnic cleansing« in the Soviet Union. That this has until now been unknown and that von Sponeck continues to be commemorated as a resistance fighter raises renewed questions about the public‘s awareness of the role of the Wehrmacht in the Holocaust.
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Freytag, Carl. "„Alles war in wirrer Bewegung auf ein vollkommenes Chaos hin“ Otto Braun, Hermann Neubacher, die „Deutsch-Griechische Warenausgleichsgesellschaft mbH“ (DEGRIGES) und die Wirtschaft Griechenlands 1942–1944 / „Everything Was in Confusion and a Movement, Heading toward Complete Chaos“ Otto Braun, Hermann Neubacher, the „Deutsch-Griechische Warenausgleichsgesellschaft mbH“ (DEGRIGES, „German-Greek Organization for the Balancing of Trade), and the Economy of Greece 1942–1944." Südost-Forschungen 73, no. 1 (August 8, 2014): 60–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sofo-2014-0105.

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Abstract In 1942, one year after the occupation of Greece by the German “Wehrmacht”, the “Reichswirtschaftsministerium” set up the DEGRIGES (Deutsch-Griechische Warenausgleichsgesellschaft / German-Greek organization for the exchange of goods) for the control of trade between Germany and Greece. The president was Otto Braun, owner of the Berlin-based „Transdanubia“, an Import- Export-Company. Braun organised in the 1920s in Bavaria illegal arms depots, and commanded „Feme“-murders. In Hungary he supported the fascists, and achieves the „aryanization“ of Jewish companies. The focus of the investigation is on the activities of the DEGRIGES in the network of competing organizations like the greek branch of NSDAP, the Sudosteuropa-Gesellschaft, the SACIG (the Italian counterpart of DEGRIGES), and the Mitteleuropaischer Wirtschaftstag (MWT) − and on the competition with Hermann Neubacher, „Sonderbeauftrager“ of the Foreign Office for Greece, and Max Merten, one of the organizers of the deportation of the greek Jews to Auschwitz. In summary, it can be stated that the DEGRIGES was from 1942 until 1944 (when it was liquidated during the withdrawal of the “Wehrmacht”) an „agency for the wellarranged exploitation of Greece“.
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Cerkvenik, Denis. "The final battles in the surroundings of Ilirska Bistrica at the end of the Second World War." Kronika 71, no. 3 (November 26, 2023): 717–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.56420/kronika.71.3.16.

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Two important road connections pass through the area of the municipality of Ilirska Bistrica: Trieste–Reka and Ljubljana–Rijeka, which continues South along the sea to Split and was the key to the Nazi control of the Croatian coast during the Second World War. They became even more important at the end of the war, when the Wehrmacht units began to retreat from Greece, Albania, Serbia and Croatia towards the borders of the Third Reich. The Wehrmacht needed to keep connections to the north cleaned and protected from Partisan ambushes blocking their way. For this reason, it was imperative for the Germans to maintain a firm hold on Ilirska Bistrica and the surrounding area until the arrival of their units from the South. The task was assigned to the 97th Army Corps (97. Armeekorps) under the command of Ludwig Kübler, which engaged the 4th Army of Yugoslav Partisans pressing for a rapid advance to occupy Trieste. The fighting that ensued constituted one of the major battles in Slovenia.
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Yuri A., Yakhutl. "«Conquer and destroy»: the ideology of the fascist occupation regime in the Krasnodar territory (july 1942 – october 1943)." Kavkazologiya 2024, no. 3 (September 30, 2024): 181–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31143/2542-212x-2024-3-181-193.

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The article explores the German occupation rule in the Krasnodar Territory, which was formed between the summer of 1942 and the fall of 1943. The Fascists established a civil and military administrative machinery with the goal of financially looting the territory and physically destroy-ing the civilian population. When we examine the occupying regime’s ideology, we see that it is anti-human. Wehrmacht soldiers, special formations of the German Army, and traitors among lo-cal citizens were all direct participants in crimes against humanity and extermination of civilians. Mass executions of people occurred within the area of the Krasnodar area, which included the Adygea Autonomous Region. Archival sources reveal the reality of the population’s planned elim-ination, which included children and women. The atrocities of the Wehrmacht are documented in the acts of the Extraordinary State Commission for the Establishment and Investigation of the Atrocities of the Nazi Invaders and their Companions, which were compiled in all districts and cities throughout the region. Many of those who committed crimes were punished during the war, and this practice persisted after it ended.
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Cowling, Daniel. "Anglo–German Relations After 1945." Journal of Contemporary History 54, no. 1 (July 14, 2017): 82–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009417697808.

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This article re-examines the 1949 war crimes trial of Field Marshal Erich von Manstein, a leading figure in the Wehrmacht High Command during the Second World War. His case, the final British war crimes trial of the immediate postwar era, was fraught with political sensitivity in the face of the Cold War. This research uncovers the gradations and conflicts that characterized British public responses to the Manstein trial, largely overlooked in the existing historiography. It is shown how the successful prosecution of one of the Wehrmacht’s most emblematic commanders for his complicity in the Holocaust became entangled with some of the most contested and controversial issues of postwar Europe. This study highlights, above all, the capacity of powerful political and social elites to instrumentalize the past, disfiguring memories of Manstein's guilt and its manifold implications. These findings serve as an enlightening case study for British cultural memory of the German past, the Second World War, and the Holocaust in the face of an increasingly potent politics of memory. This research thus gets to the heart of the interactions between popular perceptions, collective memory, and political relations so essential to understanding Anglo–German relations after 1945.
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