Journal articles on the topic 'Wei You 64'

This article 'Wei You 64--An Early Duration Hybrid for China' appeared in the International Rice Research Newsletter series, created by the International Rice Research Institute (IRRI). The primary objective of this publication was to expedite communication among scientists concerned with the development of improved technology for rice and for rice based cropping systems. This publication will report what scientists are doing to increase the production of rice in as much as this crop feeds the most densely populated and land scarce nations in the world.

Among the wide variety of computer applications available to educators is the hypertext. For the uninitiated, hypertext is "text composed of blocks of words ( or images) linked electronically by multiple paths, chains, or trails in an open ended, perpetually unfinished textuality described by the terms link, node, network, web, and path …"1 That is to say that hypertext is a large database (library) containing note cards with text, pictures, maps, sound, animation, or anything else one might wish to include on a card with all the cards linked electronically in such a way that the user can begin at virtually any specific card (beginnings are flexible) and progress to an end point (again, end is relative) by an almost limitless number of intermediate points. It is the computerized equivalent of picking up a book and deciding that you wish to read only the material on a particular individual and then going to the index and skipping from page to page, reading some text here, a note there, then looking at a picture of your subject, reading some more text, referring to a map, and then back to text. You might begin on page 45 and end with a map on page 5, having looked at pages 103, 56, 6, and 148 in the interval. The advantage of a hypertext is that you do not have to shuffle pages.

Background Artificial intelligence and the language models derived from it, such as ChatGPT, offer immense possibilities, particularly in the field of medicine. It is already evident that ChatGPT can provide adequate and, in some cases, expert-level responses to health-related queries and advice for patients. However, it is currently unknown how patients perceive these capabilities, whether they can derive benefit from them, and whether potential risks, such as harmful suggestions, are detected by patients. Objective This study aims to clarify whether patients can get useful and safe health care advice from an artificial intelligence chatbot assistant. Methods This cross-sectional study was conducted using 100 publicly available health-related questions from 5 medical specialties (trauma, general surgery, otolaryngology, pediatrics, and internal medicine) from a web-based platform for patients. Responses generated by ChatGPT-4.0 and by an expert panel (EP) of experienced physicians from the aforementioned web-based platform were packed into 10 sets consisting of 10 questions each. The blinded evaluation was carried out by patients regarding empathy and usefulness (assessed through the question: “Would this answer have helped you?”) on a scale from 1 to 5. As a control, evaluation was also performed by 3 physicians in each respective medical specialty, who were additionally asked about the potential harm of the response and its correctness. Results In total, 200 sets of questions were submitted by 64 patients (mean 45.7, SD 15.9 years; 29/64, 45.3% male), resulting in 2000 evaluated answers of ChatGPT and the EP each. ChatGPT scored higher in terms of empathy (4.18 vs 2.7; P<.001) and usefulness (4.04 vs 2.98; P<.001). Subanalysis revealed a small bias in terms of levels of empathy given by women in comparison with men (4.46 vs 4.14; P=.049). Ratings of ChatGPT were high regardless of the participant’s age. The same highly significant results were observed in the evaluation of the respective specialist physicians. ChatGPT outperformed significantly in correctness (4.51 vs 3.55; P<.001). Specialists rated the usefulness (3.93 vs 4.59) and correctness (4.62 vs 3.84) significantly lower in potentially harmful responses from ChatGPT (P<.001). This was not the case among patients. Conclusions The results indicate that ChatGPT is capable of supporting patients in health-related queries better than physicians, at least in terms of written advice through a web-based platform. In this study, ChatGPT’s responses had a lower percentage of potentially harmful advice than the web-based EP. However, it is crucial to note that this finding is based on a specific study design and may not generalize to all health care settings. Alarmingly, patients are not able to independently recognize these potential dangers.

Introduction. Despite the positive trends in the field of industrial and consumer waste management, issues related to the legal regulation of activities to eliminate objects of accumulated damage to the environment and its relationship with activities to eliminate unauthorized landfills remain unresolved. A separate and important problematic aspect is the assignment of waste to a certain hazard class and their subsequent accounting and neutralization. The study aims to consider the established practice of using sanitary-epidemiological and environmental legislation in the management of industrial and consumer waste, including in assessing their toxicity. Materials and methods. The authors conducted the study using an information and analytical method for analyzing regulatory documentation and scientific publications from the databases Elibrary, Scopus, Web of Science, PubMed, Techexpert, Consultant, etc. They also compared the topical issues of assessing the toxicity of production and consumption waste and identified the specifics of the methodology for calculating the amount of damage as a result of unauthorized waste disposal. Results. It has been established that one of the optimal solutions in the issue of assessing the hazard class of waste may be to bring the criteria for their classification according to the degree of toxicity to uniformity, as well as the development of a single document carried out by institutions regardless of departmental subordination. Studies conducted to determine the amount of damage as a result of unauthorized disposal of production and consumption waste and to establish the hazard class of waste must comply with the requirements of uniformity of measurements and accreditation in the national system, respectively. To correctly calculate the amount of harm, you need to use the value of the mass of waste with the same hazard class. The availability of separate documents in sanitary-epidemiological and environmental legislation can significantly affect the calculation of the amount of harm due to various methods of determining the hazard class of waste, as well as the timeliness of identifying the long-term impact of waste on the environment and public health. Limitations. The study is limited to the analysis of law enforcement practice in the field of waste management, as well as the results of research in domestic and international literature. The analysis will allow researchers to consider non-obvious and controversial issues in the planning of activities. Conclusion. Updating documents on the establishment of the hazard class of waste should be carried out considering law enforcement practice. The absence of duality in compliance with the established requirements in both the field of environmental and sanitary-epidemiological legislation can be a guarantee of the reliability and truthfulness of research. This will allow you to make the right management decisions. Ethics. The study does not require the submission of the conclusion of the biomedical ethics committee.

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine the information channels used by public and nonprofit organizations to communicate disaster risk information to Colonias residents in Hidalgo County, Texas. It seeks to find creative and proactive solutions for organizations to improve risk education to these constituents. Design/methodology/approach – Initially a snowball sampling technique was used to conduct six face-to-face interviews. This was followed by an online survey sent to 64 reputational referrals, of which 23 completed the survey, generating a response rate of 34 percent. A comparative analysis between public and nonprofit organizations and the Fischer's exact test were employed to analyze the data. Findings – Channel preferences for providing risk information varied with public organizations using the television (TV) and the nonprofit organizations using bilingual staff for outreach. The television, radio, public events, and bilingual staff were considered to be the most effective while social media (Facebook, Twitter, and city web sites) was not considered at all by both groups. Lack of funding and staffing problems were identified as the primary challenges. Research limitations/implications – One limitation is that the paper focusses on organizations serving Spanish speakers in the Texas Colonias. Future research needs to investigate how other localities at border sites where culturally and linguistically diverse groups might reside, receive and understand risk information. The role of cross-national organizations in creating internationally coordinated plans for disaster communication should also be explored. Originality/value – It highlights the challenges faced by organizations in communicating risk, especially in border communities where culturally and linguistically diverse groups reside.

<strong>ABSTRACT</strong> This study aims to conceptualize brand avoidance by developing and validating a psychometric scale through a series of studies following the ground rules set by Churchill (1979) for developing better measures. A potential criticism of previous studies on brand avoidance lies in their reliance on only in-depth interview dialogue to portray a descriptive picture of what Brand avoidance means, from the customers&rsquo; perspective. Existing literature also lacks attempts to develop a scale. Current study tries to fulfil these gaps. Study screens and creates potential themes for scale development through a thorough review of literatureand a netnographic analysis of selected anti-branding Facebook pages of three brands. Themes identified following this two-way approach were used to generate potential scale items. Results indicate a parsimonious 5 factor brand avoidance scale. 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Purpose of the study. The main purpose of the article is to conduct a statistical assessment of the implementation of strategies for the socio-economic development of the Republic of Uzbekistan using an innovative methodology based on the use of digital technological solutions.Materials and methods. In the course of writing this article, the authors used the methods of system analysis, synthesis, statistical sampling and grouping, induction, deduction, methods of working with computer networks and digital platforms, special methods and tools necessary to optimize the work of the portal of the State Committee of the Republic of Uzbekistan on Statistics, as well as when working on this article, methods of working with digital technologies, specialized software products, web services were reflected.Results. The authors present the main technological approaches to conducting a statistical assessment of the activities of industries and spheres of the national economy of the Republic of Uzbekistan based on the use of digital mechanisms. New scientific approaches to the integration of statistical activities with other objects of the national economy in the context of digital transformation are proposed, the main directions for organizing the interaction of the statistical industry with economic objects within the framework of the National Program “Digital Uzbekistan – 2030” are identified. It is shown that in the modern period in the Republic of Uzbekistan a whole range of government decisions has been adopted on the comprehensive development of the country’s economic system based on the use of digital technologies. In addition, the article proves that the development of digital infrastructure is one of the determining conditions for increasing the competitiveness of the state on the world stage. At the same time, digital transformation contributes to the development of new methodological solutions for assessing the functioning of industries and spheres of the national economy. Scientific studies conducted by the authors state that due to the use of advanced information and digital technologies, innovative mechanisms for collecting and processing information flows, the statistical assessment of the implementation of a whole range of strategies for the development of the socio-economic complex is more open and transparent, which in turn allows you to make competent manage-ment decisions for the effective development of industries and areas of the national economy.Conclusion. This paper shows that the development and widespread use of digital technologies in all sectors of the economy and spheres of society today is a global trend in world development. The authors also state that the use of digital technological solutions is crucial for improving the living standards of citizens and the competitiveness of the national economy, expanding the possibilities of its integration into the global economic system, and increasing the efficiency of all levels of government. In turn, a statistical assessment of the results of the implementa-tion of the main provisions of the republican strategies for socio-economic development in the context of the formation of a digital economy shows that innovative approaches, developed and implemented information systems, web services and advanced technological solutions are fundamental elements for organizing an effective work on the processing of statistical information and the adoption of managerial decisions on the organization of the effective functioning of industries and spheres of the national economy.

IntroductionPeople with idiopathic pulmonary fibrosis (IPF) and other forms of progressive pulmonary fibrosis (PPF) have a high symptom burden and a poor health-related quality of life (HRQoL). Despite efforts to offer specialised treatment, clinical care for these patients remains suboptimal and several nonmedical needs remain unaddressed. Developing a core outcome set (COS) can help to identify a minimum set of agreed-upon outcomes that should be measured and acted-upon in clinical care.AimAs a first step towards developing a COS for IPF/PPF, we aimed to identify outcome domains investigated in IPF/PPF research.MethodsConducted within the COCOS-IPF (Co-designing a Core Outcome Set for and with patients with IPF) project, this scoping review follows Joanna Briggs Institute methodology and PRISMA (Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic reviews and Meta-Analyses) guidelines to search PubMed, Embase and Web of Science for quantitative, qualitative and mixed-methods papers. We extracted each paper's outcomes verbatim and classified them using the COMET (Core Outcome Measures in Effectiveness Trials) taxonomy. Then, the research team structured outcomes or concepts with similar meanings inductively into outcome domains.ResultsWe included 428 papers, extracting 1685 outcomes. Most outcomes (n=1340) were identified in quantitative sources, which we could classify in 64 outcome domains, with the main domains being “all-cause survival” (n=237), “lung function” (n=164) and “exercise capacity” (n=99). Qualitative sources identified 51 outcome domains, with the most frequent being “capability to do activities you enjoy” (n=31), “anxiety, worry and fear” (n=26) and “dealing with disease progression” (n=25).ConclusionsThe identified outcomes, spanning diverse domains, highlight the complexity of patient experiences and can form the basis to develop a COS for IPF/PPF clinical care, as well as future research.

Dear friends, Four months have passed since our first issue of the Science of Gymnastics Journal. The editorial board was not asleep during this time nor were our readers. Many things have happened and below is a short report of these events. When we set out to start this journal we hoped we would attract some attention from the gymnastics community by promoting science and research in gymnastics. From 1 October to 31 December 2009 more than 3000 visitors from 64 countries visited our website at www.scienceofgymnastics.com. A great deal of thanks for such numbers goes to those who passed on the information about our journal. Let me take this opportunity to thank the International Gymnastics Federation (www.fig-gymnastics.com), the International Gymnast Magazine (www.internationalgymnast.com), www.gymnasticscoaching.com, and www.gymnastics.bc.ca in particular, and many others who have sent our address to their friends. It is worth noting that we had visitors from all six inhabited continents of the world: from Europe, North and South America, Africa, Asia and Australia. Visitors came from places where gymnastics is an established sport as well as from places where they are just making their first tentative steps into this area. A lot of our efforts in the last four months has gone in the improvement of the status of our Journal in international databases. Our articles are visible on Google Scholar. We have been accepted into the SIRC database of sport journals, our entry in the EBSCO SportDiscus database is pending and we have started working on acquiring a Thomson Reuter’s impact factor. The new issue starts with an article by German authors Thomas Heinen, Pia Vinken, and Konstantinos Velentzas addressing a very interesting dilemma of twist directions. The second article is the contribution by Trevor Dowdell from Australia who is exploring characteristics of coaching. The third article is about the reliability of judging in men’s artistic gymnastics at the University Games in Belgrade 2009, written by a group of authors from Slovenia and Hungary: Bojan Leskošek, Ivan Čuk, Istvan Karacsony, Jernej Pajek and Maja Bučar. The fourth article comes from Slovenian author Matjaž Ferkolj who has researched kinematic characteristics of Roche vault on vaulting table. The second issue of our journal concludes with an article from Portugal in which José Ferreirinha, Joana Carvalho, Cristina Côrte-Real and António Silva analyze the evolution of flight element on uneven bars from 1989 to 2004. Dear friends, please don't forget that this journal is open for submissions from all over the world. Do not hesitate to send an article as long as it is gymnastics related and follows our guidelines published on our web site. Your comments on any of the published articles or any queries you might have are also always welcome. The Editorial Board wishes you a good reading. Ivan Čuk, Editor-in-Chief

Dear friends, In front of you is a new journal with an easy name to remember, the Science of Gymnastics Journal. It is a journal, as the name says, dedicated to gymnastics. When I checked the keyword 'gymnastics' on the Web of Science (WoS, as of 14th July) I learned that throughout the history of WoS (since 1970), 'gymnastics' has featured in 410 journals. The top four journals are the MEDICINE AND SCIENCE IN SPORTS AND EXERCISE with 29 published articles, the AMERICAN JOURNAL OF SPORTS MEDICINE with 21 articles, CLINICS IN SPORTS MEDICINE and the JOURNAL OF SPORTS MEDICINE AND PHYSICAL FITNESS with 20 articles each. The top 25 journals have published 344 articles and all of them together have published 885 gymnastics-related articles. As the WoS was established in the USA, most of the articles are in English (85%), followed by German (6.8%) and French (3.9%). There are also a few articles published in Italian, Russian, Portuguese, Spanish and Turkish respectively. We decided to use English as the main language, but will also publish articles in the writer's mother language should he or she wish so. In 1970, when the WoS was established, there were no articles about gymnastics; this number shot up to 64 articles in 2007. The WoS includes writers from 46 countries, most of them from the USA, France, England and Germany. It is interesting to note that there are precious few articles from the former Soviet Union, the whole eastern block and Asia. This is in stark contrast with results achieved in gymnastics at Olympic games and world championships. The gymnastics community has wide interests; gymnastics itself can be approached from a range of aspects. There is an enormous field of research, spanning from history and medicine to biomechanics. Subjects can cover newborns and elderly, and everyone in-between; research can focus on absolute beginners or on top athletes winning world champions. There is a wide spectrum of disciplines, including artistic gymnastics, acrobatics, rhythmic gymnastics, sports aerobics etc. Gymnastics is the key word to all of us. The Science of Gymnastics Journal wishes to be a meeting point for all those who are interested in research and want to share their knowledge with others. Some issues are so specific they cannot be published anywhere else, for example, case studies, such as biomechanical characteristics of the Pegan salto on the high bar. The Science of Gymnastics Journal will be more than pleased to publish such case studies on top gymnasts. The first issue of our journal brings six articles. Their writers come from four countries. They cover a wide range of topics, including biomechanics, motor learning, diet, performance characteristics and terminology. As we want to be read by researchers, coaches, judges, gymnasts, parents, students and gymnastics fans we will be available on www.scienceofgymnastics.com 24/7, free of charge. Thank you for reading, I am looking forward to your comments and your articles. Ivan Čuk, Editor-in-Chief

Annotation. COVID-19 is a viral infectious disease that reached pandemic proportions in 2020. The SARS-CoV-2 virus, which is the etiological factor of the coronavirus disease, has a complex mechanism of impact on the human body, causing various manifestations and causing complications of the disease. As you know, a severe form of coronavirus infection is associated with dire consequences, among which the main step is a violation of the coagulation system, which has the appearance of CVD syndrome, but its main symptom is thrombosis of arterial and venous vessels. The frequency of occurrence of thrombocytopenia forces us to investigate the pathogenesis of the development of this process to reduce the number of cases. However, there is still no clear opinion about the pathogenesis of such thrombosis. Therefore, the purpose of this review was to analyse the most probable mechanisms of development of venous and/or arterial thrombosis associated with coronavirus disease. In the course of the study, 64 information sources were analysed, extracted from PubMed, Web of Science, Google Scholar, and Elsevier databases. At the beginning of a thorough analysis of information, the following main links of COVID-associated thrombosis were identified: direct hyperactivation of blood platelets, which leads, through the participation of their surface molecules (P-selectin, CD40L, etc.), to the activation of aggregation and adhesion of platelets; ACE2 - mediated cell activation and endothelial dysfunction, which together have the property of stimulating thrombus formation; activation of the NETosis process, the MAPK pathway, Toll-like receptors and the Nox2 enzyme system, which also through a cascade of various reactions, which are described below, cause thrombosis. We understood that these several pathogenetic chains can work relatively separately, but the difficulty in describing the development of thrombotic disease caused by the SARS-CoV-2 virus is that these aspects of pathogenesis are closely related and intertwined at different links, forming both direct and feedback loops, and vicious circles. The obtained structured data can serve as a basis for further original research, which will allow the development of targeted therapy for the treatment and prevention of post-covid thromboses, directed at the described molecular genetic aspects.

Introduction. There are now many efforts, particularly in the perioperative period, to improve the quality of surgical care based on scientific findings, medical error reviews, and surgical outcome tracking measures. Experience in reducing the risk of complications is essential to improve surgical outcomes. Today, WHO's priority is preventive medicine, and it is necessary to identify and implement factors that can be influenced. Aim: to study preventive measures used in thoracic surgery in the perioperative period to reduce the risk of complications. Materials and methods. Search strategy. Open access articles were searched using the following databases of scientific publications and specialized search engines in depth over the past 5 years: PubMed, Mendeley, Scopus, Web of Science, Google Scholar. Inclusion criteria: Publications of level of evidence A, B: meta-analyses, systematic reviews, cohort and cross-sectional studies. Exclusion criteria: expert opinion in the form of short messages, advertising articles. The search yielded 91 publications, of which 64 met the inclusion criteria. Results. Quite a few studies of treatment outcomes in abdominal surgery have focused on nutrition in terms of prognostic treatment outcomes; more research in this area is needed for thoracic surgery, both preoperative nutrition and dietary therapy after surgery. It is necessary to develop preoperative training regimens for elective chest surgery. Successful post-operative rehabilitation is developed individually for the patient. This way you can reduce the risk of possible complications, the length of hospital stay and speed up the recovery period. Conclusion. At the moment, there are no high-level evidence-based studies on preoperative preparation strategies or optimal rehabilitation measures after operations on the chest organs. There is also no scientific basis for some physiotherapeutic interventions and diet therapy before and after surgery. Research in this area is extremely important due to the fact that in this branch of surgery complications of the postoperative period occur much more often than intraoperative complications, which have pathophysiological reasons specific to the chest organs and complicate the rehabilitation process. Введение. На сегодняшний день принимается множество усилий, в частности, в периоперационном периоде, направленных на улучшение качества хирургической помощи, основанные на научных результатах, разборах медицинских ошибок, а также мерах отслеживания результатов хирургической помощи. Опыт снижения риска осложнений крайне необходим для улучшения результатов операции. На сегодняшний день приоритетом ВОЗ является профилактическая медицина и необходимо выявлять и внедрять факторы, на которые возможно воздействовать. Цель: изучить меры профилактики, используемые в торакальной хирургии в периоперационном периоде для снижения риска осложнений. Стратегия поиска. Были изучены статьи, находящиеся в открытом доступе, с использованием следующих баз данных научных публикаций и специализированных поисковых систем глубиной за последние 5 лет: PubMed, Mendeley, Scopus, Web of Science, Google Scholar. Критерии включения: публикации уровня доказательности А, В: мета-анализы, систематические обзоры, когортные и поперечные исследования. Критерии исключения: мнение экспертов в виде коротких сообщений, рекламные статьи. По запросу было найдено 91 публикация, из них 64 соответствовали критериям включения. Результаты. Достаточно немало исследований исходов лечения в абдоминальной хирургии сосредоточены на питании с точки зрения прогностических исходов лечения, необходимо больше исследований в этой области для торакальной хирургии, как предоперационного питания, так и диетотерапия после операции. Необходимы разработки режимов предоперационных тренировок для плановой хирургии на грудной клетке. Успешная послеоперационная реабилитационная диетотерапия разрабатывается индивидуально для пациента. Так можно снизить риск возможных осложнений, срок пребывания в стационаре и ускорить период восстановления. Заключение. На настоящий момент пока нет исследований высокого доказательного уровня о стратегиях предоперационной подготовки, об оптимальных реабилитационных мероприятиях после операций на органах грудной клетки. Также нет научного обоснования для некоторых физиотерапевтических вмешательств, диетотерапии до и после операции. Исследования в этой области крайне важны, в связи с тем, что в этой отрасли хирургии осложнения послеоперационного периода случаются гораздо чаще интраоперационных, что имеет патофизиологические причины специфичные для органов грудной клетки и затрудняет процесс реабилитации. Бүгінгі күні ғылыми нәтижелерге, медициналық қателіктерді талдауға, сондай-ақ хирургиялық көмектің нәтижелерін бақылау шараларына негізделген хирургиялық көмектің сапасын жақсартуға бағытталған көптеген күш-жігер, атап айтқанда, периоперациялық кезеңде қабылдануда. Операция нәтижелерін жақсарту үшін асқыну қаупін азайту тәжірибесі өте қажет. Бүгінгі таңда ДДҰ-ның басымдығы профилактикалық медицина болып табылады және әсер етуі мүмкін факторларды анықтау және енгізу қажет. Зерттеудің мақсаты: асқыну қаупін азайту үшін периоперативті кезеңде кеуде клеткасының хирургиясында қолданылатын алдын алу шараларын зерттеу. Материалдар мен әдістер. Іздеу стратегиясы. Соңғы 5 жылдағы келесі ғылыми жарияланымдар мен мамандандырылған іздеу жүйелерінің мәліметтер базасын қолдана отырып, көпшілікке қол жетімді мақалалар зерттелді: PubMed, Mendeley, Scopus, Web of Science, Google Scholar. Қосукритерийлері: А, В дәлелдеу деңгейінің жарияланымдары: мета-талдаулар, жүйелі шолулар, когорттық және көлденең зерттеулер. Алып тастау критерийлері: қысқа хабарламалар түріндегі сарапшылардың пікірі, жарнамалық мақалалар. Сұраныс бойынша 91 басылым табылды, оның 64-і қосу критерийлеріне сәйкес келді. Нәтижелер. Абдоминалды хирургиядағы емдеу нәтижелері туралы көптеген зерттеулер емдеудің болжамды нәтижелері бойынша тамақтануға бағытталған, операцияға дейінгі тамақтану және операциядан кейінгі диеталық терапия үшін осы салада көбірек зерттеулер қажет. Кеуде қуысына жоспарланған хирургия үшін операция алдындағы жаттығу режимдерін әзірлеу қажет. Операциядан кейінгі сәтті оңалту науқас үшін жеке әзірленеді. Осылайша сіз ықтимал асқынулардың қаупін, ауруханада болу мерзімін азайтып, қалпына келтіру кезеңін жеделдете аласыз Қорытынды. Бүгінгі күнде операцияға дейінгі дайындық стратегиялары, кеуде қуысы мүшелеріне операциядан кейінгі оңтайлы оңалту шаралары туралы жоғары дәлелді деңгейдегі зерттеулер әлі жоқ. Сондай-ақ, кейбір физиотерапиялық араласулар, операцияға дейін және операциядан кейінгі диеталық терапия үшін ғылыми негіз жоқ. Бұл саладағы зерттеулер өте маңызды, өйткені хирургияның осы саласында операциядан кейінгі кезеңнің асқынулары интраоперацияға қарағанда әлдеқайда жиі кездеседі, бұл кеуде қуысы мүшелеріне тән патофизиологиялық себептерге ие және оңалту процесін қиындатады.

10608 Background: Cancer is one of the most feared diseases. Multi-cancer early detection (MCED) tests have the potential to expand the number of cancers that are detected at earlier stages, which could result in better clinical outcomes. However, behavioral impacts based on MCED test results could affect the utility and value of these tests. Methods: Two independent data sources evaluated the impact of MCED test results on behavioral intentions and perceptions: a survey of the general population and PRO in an MCED clinical trial. A web-based, 30-minute survey of the US general population was used to ascertain attitudes toward a hypothetical MCED test. Eligible respondents were adults aged 40-80 years without a cancer diagnosis in the previous 5 years. The survey assessed the perceived value of negative results (ie, no cancer signal detected [NCSD]) and the projected impact on post-test behaviors. The prospective PATHFINDER study (NCT04241796) of adults aged ≥50 years who underwent MCED cancer screening included PRO assessments. Post-test assessments included: "I am feeling relieved about my test result" from the adapted MICRA and “How likely are you to follow your healthcare provider’s cancer screening recommendations.” The consistency of sentiment after an NCSD MCED result from the online survey and clinical study was assessed. Results: Of the 1073 online survey respondents, 53% were female, 77% White, 14% Black/African American, and 13% Hispanic. Mean age was 58 years. The most common anticipated emotional impacts were relief (84%), happiness (72%), and confidence (69%). Respondents (66-70%) reported they would expect less worry, fear, stress, and anxiety after an NCSD MCED result. The majority (73%) reported they would maintain or improve health behaviors after an NCSD result. NCSD results were projected to lead to an increase in health-related behaviors, including adherence to recommended cancer screening (98%; 68% increase, 30% maintain current level) and regular doctor visits (46%). Of the 6529 PATHFINDER study participants who received NCSD results, 64% were female, 92% White. Mean age was 63 years. 80% of participants (n = 4685/5865) with NCSD felt relief "sometimes" or "often" after their MCED test result. Over 95% of participants (n = 5637/5863) with NCSD indicated they were "likely" or "very likely" to adhere to cancer screening recommendations in the future. Conclusions: Results from a general population survey and a prospective clinical study indicate that an NCSD result may be associated with positive cancer screening intentions and other preventive healthcare behaviors. An NCSD result may also positively impact psychological and emotional health. While these findings suggest that an NCSD result may provide additional value beyond traditional clinical benefits associated with cancer screening, future research is needed to delineate the behavioral impact following MCED screening. Clinical trial information: NCT04241796 .

It is with great pleasure that I welcome you to our first regular issue in 2022, which contains 5 very relevant and new articles on various topics in computer science. Looking back over the past year, we had a successful relaunch of the J.UCS platform hosted by Pensoft Publishers Ltd. on their ARPHA Publishing Platform. Thanks to the combined efforts of the Pensoft team and the J.UCS publishing team, we are listed and indexed in more than 40 indexing services worldwide, including DOAJ, Web of Science, and Scopus. Increased visibility and social media presence have also continued to increase page views and article downloads, as well as the number of articles submitted and special issue proposals. We are also very proud to report that the journal&amp;#39;s Impact Factor continued to improve. The Web of Science Impact Factor increased to 1.139 and the Scopus Science Score to 2.0. We are proud to present a total of 12 issues with 64 articles on new aspects of various topics in computer science; more precisely, 40 articles were published in 6 special issues and 24 articles in 6 regular issues. These great achievements were only possible through the commitment and interest of the community, the valuable support of the Editorial Board, and the support of the members of the J.UCS Consortium. In particular, I would like to thank Dr. Ulrike Krie&amp;szlig;mann from the Library of the Graz University of Technology, Prof. Klaus Tochtermann from the ZBW, Prof. Christian Eckhardt from California Polytechnic State University, and Prof. Krzysztof Pietroszek from the American University in Washington DC for their generous support in offering an open-content journal without charging authors for their articles. I would also like to thank the J.UCS team, Johanna Zeisberg for taking care of the publication process, Aleksandar Bobic for his social media support, and Alexander Nussbaumer for his technical support, as well as Pensoft Publishers Ltd. for hosting our journal. I look forward to continuing to work with our editors, editorial team and technical support to maintain the success of J.UCS. I would be very grateful for suggestions and feedback on how we can make J.UCS even better and develop it further in the future. In this regular issue, I am very pleased to introduce 5 accepted articles from 5 different countries. Roberto Cavicchioli, Riccardo Martoglia and Micaela Verucchi from Italy report on an innovative framework aiming to facilitate the design of advanced Big Data analytics workflows for smart cities. Se&amp;#769;bastien Martinez, Christophe Gransart, Olivier Stienne, Virginie Deniau, and Philippe Bon from France focus in their article on aspects of dynamic software updating, specifically they present SoREn - Security REconfigurable Engine &amp;ndash; in the context of moving vehicles. In their article, Rodolfo Medeiros, Si&amp;#769;lvio Fernandes, and Paulo G. G. Queiroz from Brazil perform a systematic review of the literature to bring together middleware solutions for the Internet of Things, identify the requirements and communication protocols used, and finally point out some gaps and directions for future research in IoT middleware development. Canan Tastimur and Erhan Akin form Turkey focus on the challenging problem of classifying highly similar objects by exploring the Siamese Convolution Neural Network, a similarity measurement-based network, and applying it to classify different types of screws, nuts, and bolts. In a research collaboration between Argentina and Brazil, Florencia Vega, Guillermo Rodr&amp;iacute;guez, Fabio Rocha and Rodrigo Pereira dos Santos present and discuss Scrum Watch, a tool for monitoring the performance of Scrum-based work teams.

It is with great pleasure that I welcome you to our first regular issue in 2022, which contains 5 very relevant and new articles on various topics in computer science.Looking back over the past year, we had a successful relaunch of the J.UCS platform hosted by Pensoft Publishers Ltd. on their ARPHA Publishing Platform. Thanks to the combined efforts of the Pensoft team and the J.UCS publishing team, we are listed and indexed in more than 40 indexing services worldwide, including DOAJ, Web of Science, and Scopus. Increased visibility and social media presence have also continued to increase page views and article downloads, as well as the number of articles submitted and special issue proposals. We are also very proud to report that the journal&#39;s Impact Factor continued to improve. The Web of Science Impact Factor increased to 1.139 and the Scopus Science Score to 2.0. We are proud to present a total of 12 issues with 64 articles on new aspects of various topics in computer science; more precisely, 40 articles were published in 6 special issues and 24 articles in 6 regular issues. These great achievements were only possible through the commitment and interest of the community, the valuable support of the Editorial Board, and the support of the members of the J.UCS Consortium. In particular, I would like to thank Dr. Ulrike Krie&szlig;mann from the Library of the Graz University of Technology, Prof. Klaus Tochtermann from the ZBW, Prof. Christian Eckhardt from California Polytechnic State University, and Prof. Krzysztof Pietroszek from the American University in Washington DC for their generous support in offering an open-content journal without charging authors for their articles. I would also like to thank the J.UCS team, Johanna Zeisberg for taking care of the publication process, Aleksandar Bobic for his social media support, and Alexander Nussbaumer for his technical support, as well as Pensoft Publishers Ltd. for hosting our journal.I look forward to continuing to work with our editors, editorial team and technical support to maintain the success of J.UCS. I would be very grateful for suggestions and feedback on how we can make J.UCS even better and develop it further in the future.In this regular issue, I am very pleased to introduce 5 accepted articles from 5 different countries.Roberto Cavicchioli, Riccardo Martoglia and Micaela Verucchi from Italy report on an innovative framework aiming to facilitate the design of advanced Big Data analytics workflows for smart cities. Se&#769;bastien Martinez, Christophe Gransart, Olivier Stienne, Virginie Deniau, and Philippe Bon from France focus in their article on aspects of dynamic software updating, specifically they present SoREn - Security REconfigurable Engine &ndash; in the context of moving vehicles. In their article, Rodolfo Medeiros, Si&#769;lvio Fernandes, and Paulo G. G. Queiroz from Brazil perform a systematic review of the literature to bring together middleware solutions for the Internet of Things, identify the requirements and communication protocols used, and finally point out some gaps and directions for future research in IoT middleware development. Canan Tastimur and Erhan Akin form Turkey focus on the challenging problem of classifying highly similar objects by exploring the Siamese Convolution Neural Network, a similarity measurement-based network, and applying it to classify different types of screws, nuts, and bolts. In a research collaboration between Argentina and Brazil, Florencia Vega, Guillermo Rodr&iacute;guez, Fabio Rocha and Rodrigo Pereira dos Santos present and discuss Scrum Watch, a tool for monitoring the performance of Scrum-based work teams.

Background:Osteoarthritis (OA) is the most common form of arthritis and affects over 30 million adults in the United States of America.1There is no cure for osteoarthritis, and unlike other forms of arthritis where great treatment advances have been made in recent years, progress has been much slower in osteoarthritis.2However, there is increasing interest in removing barriers to treatment development, and the U.S. Food &amp; Drug Administration has adopted and implemented new patient-focused drug development meetings to ensure the patient voice is informing new treatments.3Objectives:To gain a robust understanding of the barriers, needs and hopes of patients with OA to influence the development of relevant patient-centered products and treatments.Methods:A 34-question web-based survey was distributed between November 1 - 10, 2019. Survey invitations were sent via e-newsletters and e-mails to patients engaged with the Arthritis Foundation. The first survey question screened out patients who had not been diagnosed with OA.Results:2,437 patients diagnosed with OA completed the survey. There are 5 key findings:1.Patients would like pain (90%) addressed more than any other symptom. Other symptoms such as fatigue (50%), sleep (39%), ability to walk (35%), stiffness (32%), ability to stand (16%), and ability to go up &amp; down the stairs (14%) were ranked significantly below pain.2.Patients use a variety of techniques to manage their OA and related symptoms. Physical activity (62%) and heat &amp; cold interventions (62%) are the most prevalent. Approximately half of the patients use topical cream (53%), supplements &amp; vitamins (51%), NSAIDS (50%), and/or acetaminophen (48%). Approximately one-third of patients utilize diet/nutrition (39%), assistive devices (38%), cortisone injections (36%), and/or physical therapy (34%). Other methods, including surgery (26%), were utilized less frequently.3.41% of respondents reported they were “very interested” in participating in OA clinical trials; 40% reported “somewhat interested.” Only 19% reported they were “not interested.” The top 2 reasons patients were not interested included fear of possible risks/unknow effects (48%) and potential impact on other health problems (44%).4.Primary care physicians are diagnosing (44%) and treating (48%) OA patients more than any other health care provider.5.Many daily living tasks are difficult, and patients are interested in in tools/equipment to help. Yard work (66%), opening jars (64%), and cleaning the house (63%) are the most difficult. Over half of patients reported that physical activity (57%) and getting up and down from a chair (54%) are difficult. Patients would like tools/equipment to help them clean the house (54%) and help with physical activity (50%).Conclusion:OA patients use a variety of management techniques yet are still in pain and have difficulty doing everyday tasks. These findings, along with other patient data, will be used to influence product developers to create easier to use products, to inspire researchers to focus on addressing patients’ most pressing needs, and to encourage government agencies to remove barriers and facilitate new patient-centered treatments.References:[1]Centers for Disease Control and Prevention. Osteoarthritis (OA). Last reviewed January 10, 2019. Retrieved fromhttps://www.cdc.gov/arthritis/basics/osteoarthritis.htm[2]Cleveland Clinic. Osteoarthritis: Management and Treatment. Last reviewed November 26, 2019. Retrieved fromhttps://my.clevelandclinic.org/health/diseases/5599-osteoarthritis-what-you-need-to-know/management-and-treatment[3]U.S. Food and Drug Administration. Externally led Patient-Focused Drug Development Meetings. Last reviewed August 28, 2019. Retrieved fromhttps://www.fda.gov/industry/prescription-drug-user-fee-amendments/externally-led-patient-focused-drug-development-meetingsDisclosure of Interests:None declared

Background and Objective: Suicide attempts are 10-20X more common than completed suicide and an important risk factor for death by suicide, yet most people who attempt suicide do not die by suicide. The process of recovering after a suicide attempt has not been well studied. The Reasons to go on Living (RTGOL) Project, a narrative web-based study, focuses on experiences of people who have attempted suicide and made the decision to go on living, a process not well studied. Narrative research is ideally suited to understanding personal experiences critical to recovery following a suicide attempt, including the transition to a state of hopefulness. Voices from people with lived experience can help us plan and conceptualize this work. This paper reports on a secondary research question of the larger study: what stories do participants tell of the positive role/impact of the mental health system.&#x0D; Material and Methods: A website created for The RTGOL Project (www.thereasons.ca) enabled participants to anonymously submit a story about their suicide attempt and recovery, a process which enabled participation from a large and diverse group of participants. The only direction given was “if you have made a suicide attempt or seriously considered suicide and now want to go on living, we want to hear from you.” The unstructured narrative format allowed participants to describe their experiences in their own words, to include and emphasize what they considered important.&#x0D; Over 5 years, data analysis occurred in several phases over the course of the study, resulting in the identification of data that were inputted into an Excel file. This analysis used stories where participants described positive involvement with the mental health system (50 stories). &#x0D; Results: Several participants reflected on experiences many years previous, providing the privilege of learning how their life unfolded, what made a difference. Over a five-year period, 50 of 226 stories identified positive experiences with mental health care with sufficient details to allow analysis, and are the focus of this paper. There were a range of suicidal behaviours in these 50 stories, from suicidal ideation only to medically severe suicide attempts. Most described one or more suicide attempts. Three themes identified included: 1) trust and relationship with a health care professional, 2) the role of friends and family and friends, and 3) a wide range of services.&#x0D; Conclusion: Stories open a window into the experiences of the period after a suicide attempt. This study allowed for an understanding of how mental health professionals might help individuals who have attempted suicide write a different story, a life-affirming story. The stories that participants shared offer some understanding of “how” to provide support at a most-needed critical juncture for people as they interact with health care providers, including immediately after a suicide attempt. Results of this study reinforce that just one caring professional can make a tremendous difference to a person who has survived a suicide attempt. &#x0D; Key Words: web-based; suicide; suicide attempt; mental health system; narrative research&#x0D; Word Count: 478&#x0D; Introduction&#x0D; My Third (or fourth) Suicide AttemptI laid in the back of the ambulance, the snow of too many doses of ativan dissolving on my tongue.They hadn't even cared enough about meto put someone in the back with me,and so, frustrated,I'd swallowed all the pills I had with me— not enough to do what I wanted it to right then,but more than enough to knock me out for a good 14 hours.I remember very little after that;benzodiazepines like ativan commonly cause pre- and post-amnesia, says Google helpfullyI wake up in a locked rooma woman manically drawing on the windows with crayonsthe colors of light through the glassdiffused into rainbows of joy scattered about the roomas if she were coloring on us all,all of the tattered remnants of humanity in a psych wardmade into a brittle mosaic, a quilt of many hues, a Technicolor dreamcoatand I thoughtI am so glad to be able to see this. (Story 187)The nurse opening that door will have a lasting impact on how this story unfolds and on this person’s life.&#x0D; Each year, almost one million people die from suicide, approximately one death every 40 seconds. Suicide attempts are much more frequent, with up to an estimated 20 attempts for every death by suicide.1 Suicide-related behaviours range from suicidal ideation and self-injury to death by suicide. We are unable to directly study those who die by suicide, but effective intervention after a suicide attempt could reduce the risk of subsequent death by suicide.&#x0D; Near-fatal suicide attempts have been used to explore the boundary with completed suicides. Findings indicated that violent suicide attempters and serious attempters (seriousness of the medical consequences to define near-fatal attempts) were more likely to make repeated, and higher lethality suicide attempts.2 In a case-control study, the medically severe suicide attempts group (78 participants), epidemiologically very similar to those who complete suicide, had significantly higher communication difficulties; the risk for death by suicide multiplied if accompanied by feelings of isolation and alienation.3&#x0D; Most research in suicidology has been quantitative, focusing almost exclusively on identifying factors that may be predictive of suicidal behaviours, and on explanation rather than understanding.4 Qualitative research, focusing on the lived experiences of individuals who have attempted suicide, may provide a better understanding of how to respond in empathic and helpful ways to prevent future attempts and death by suicide.4,5 Fitzpatrick6 advocates for narrative research as a valuable qualitative method in suicide research, enabling people to construct and make sense of the experiences and their world, and imbue it with meaning.&#x0D; A review of qualitative studies examining the experiences of recovering from or living with suicidal ideation identified 5 interconnected themes: suffering, struggle, connection, turning points, and coping.7 Several additional qualitative studies about attempted suicide have been reported in the literature. Participants have included patients hospitalized for attempting suicide8, and/or suicidal ideation,9 out-patients following a suicide attempt and their caregivers,10 veterans with serious mental illness and at least one hospitalization for a suicide attempt or imminent suicide plan.11 Relationships were a consistent theme in these studies. Interpersonal relationships and an empathic environment were perceived as therapeutic and protective, enabling the expression of thoughts and self-understanding.8 Given the connection to relationship issues, the authors suggested it may be helpful to provide support for the relatives of patients who have attempted suicide. A sheltered, friendly environment and support systems, which included caring by family and friends, and treatment by mental health professionals, helped the suicidal healing process.10 Receiving empathic care led to positive changes and an increased level of insight; just one caring professional could make a tremendous difference.11 Kraft and colleagues9 concluded with the importance of hearing directly from those who are suicidal in order to help them, that only when we understand, “why suicide”, can we help with an alternative, “why life?” In a grounded theory study about help-seeking for self-injury, Long and colleagues12 identified that self-injury was not the problem for their participants, but a panacea, even if temporary, to painful life experiences. Participant narratives reflected a complex journey for those who self-injured: their wish when help-seeking was identified by the theme “to be treated like a person”.&#x0D; There has also been a focus on the role and potential impact of psychiatric/mental health nursing. Through interviews with experienced in-patient nurses, Carlen and Bengtsson13 identified the need to see suicidal patients as subjective human beings with unique experiences. This mirrors research with patients, which concluded that the interaction with personnel who are devoted, hope-mediating and committed may be crucial to a patient’s desire to continue living.14 Interviews with individuals who received mental health care for a suicidal crisis following a serious attempt led to the development of a theory for psychiatric nurses with the central variable, reconnecting the person with humanity across 3 phases: reflecting an image of humanity, guiding the individual back to humanity, and learning to live.15&#x0D; Other research has identified important roles for nurses working with patients who have attempted suicide by enabling the expression of thoughts and developing self-understanding8, helping to see things differently and reconnecting with others,10 assisting the person in finding meaning from their experience to turn their lives around, and maintain/and develop positive connections with others.16 However, one literature review identified that negative attitudes toward self-harm were common among nurses, with more positive attitudes among mental health nurses than general nurses. The authors concluded that education, both reflective and interactive, could have a positive impact.17&#x0D; This paper is one part of a larger web-based narrative study, the Reasons to go on Living Project (RTGOL), that seeks to understand the transition from making a suicide attempt to choosing life. When invited to tell their stories anonymously online, what information would people share about their suicide attempts? This paper reports on a secondary research question of the larger study: what stories do participants tell of the positive role/impact of the mental health system. The focus on the positive impact reflects an appreciative inquiry approach which can promote better practice.18&#x0D; Methods&#x0D; Design and Sample&#x0D; A website created for The RTGOL Project (www.thereasons.ca) enabled participants to anonymously submit a story about their suicide attempt and recovery. Participants were required to read and agree with a consent form before being able to submit their story through a text box or by uploading a file. No demographic information was requested. Text submissions were embedded into an email and sent to an account created for the Project without collecting information about the IP address or other identifying information. The content of the website was reviewed by legal counsel before posting, and the study was approved by the local Research Ethics Board. Stories were collected for 5 years (July 2008-June 2013).&#x0D; The RTGOL Project enabled participation by a large, diverse audience, at their own convenience of time and location, providing they had computer access. The unstructured narrative format allowed participants to describe their experiences in their own words, to include and emphasize what they considered important.&#x0D; Of the 226 submissions to the website, 112 described involvement at some level with the mental health system, and 50 provided sufficient detail about positive experiences with mental health care to permit analysis. There were a range of suicidal behaviours in these 50 stories: 8 described suicidal ideation only; 9 met the criteria of medically severe suicide attempts3; 33 described one or more suicide attempts. For most participants, the last attempt had been some years in the past, even decades, prior to writing.&#x0D; Results&#x0D; Stories of positive experiences with mental health care described the idea of a door opening, a turning point, or helping the person to see their situation differently. Themes identified were: (1) relationship and trust with a Health Care Professional (HCP), (2) the role of family and friends (limited to in-hospital experiences), and (3) the opportunity to access a range of services. The many reflective submissions of experiences told many years after the suicide attempt(s) speaks to the lasting impact of the experience for that individual.&#x0D; Trust and Relationship with a Health Care Professional&#x0D; A trusting relationship with a health professional helped participants to see things in a different way, a more hopeful way and over time. “In that time of crisis, she never talked down to me, kept her promises, didn't panic, didn't give up, and she kept believing in me. I guess I essentially borrowed the hope that she had for me until I found hope for myself.” (Story# 35) My doctor has worked extensively with me. I now realize that this is what will keep me alive. To be able to feel in my heart that my doctor does care about me and truly wants to see me get better.” (Story 34).&#x0D; The writer in Story 150 was a nurse, an honours graduate. The 20 years following graduation included depression, hospitalizations and many suicide attempts.&#x0D; “One day after supper I took an entire bottle of prescription pills, then rode away on my bike. They found me late that night unconscious in a downtown park. My heart threatened to stop in the ICU.”&#x0D; Then later, “I finally found a person who was able to connect with me and help me climb out of the pit I was in. I asked her if anyone as sick as me could get better, and she said, “Yes”, she had seen it happen. Those were the words I had been waiting to hear! I quickly became very motivated to get better. I felt heard and like I had just found a big sister, a guide to help me figure out how to live in the world. This person was a nurse who worked as a trauma therapist.”&#x0D; At the time when the story was submitted, the writer was applying to a graduate program.&#x0D; Role of Family and Friends&#x0D; Several participants described being affected by their family’s response to their suicide attempt. Realizing the impact on their family and friends was, for some, a turning point. The writer in Story 20 told of experiences more than 30 years prior to the writing. She described her family of origin as “truly dysfunctional,” and she suffered from episodes of depression and hospitalization during her teen years. Following the birth of her second child, and many family difficulties, “It was at this point that I became suicidal.” She made a decision to kill herself by jumping off the balcony (6 stories). “At the very last second as I hung onto the railing of the balcony. I did not want to die but it was too late. I landed on the parking lot pavement.”&#x0D; She wrote that the pain was indescribable, due to many broken bones.&#x0D; “The physical pain can be unbearable. Then you get to see the pain and horror in the eyes of someone you love and who loves you. Many people suggested to my husband that he should leave me in the hospital, go on with life and forget about me.&#x0D; During the process of recovery in the hospital, my husband was with me every day…With the help of psychiatrists and a later hospitalization, I was actually diagnosed as bipolar…Since 1983, I have been taking lithium and have never had a recurrence of suicidal thoughts or for that matter any kind of depression.”&#x0D; The writer in Story 62 suffered childhood sexual abuse. When she came forward with it, she felt she was not heard. Self-harm on a regular basis was followed by “numerous overdoses trying to end my life.” Overdoses led to psychiatric hospitalizations that were unhelpful because she was unable to trust staff. “My way of thinking was that ending my life was the only answer. There had been numerous attempts, too many to count. My thoughts were that if I wasn’t alive I wouldn’t have to deal with my problems.” In her final attempt, she plunged over the side of a mountain, dropping 80 feet, resulting in several serious injuries. “I was so angry that I was still alive.” However,&#x0D; “During my hospitalization I began to realize that my family and friends were there by my side continuously, I began to realize that I wasn't only hurting myself. I was hurting all the important people in my life. It was then that I told myself I am going to do whatever it takes.”&#x0D; A turning point is not to say that the difficulties did not continue. The writer of Story 171 tells of a suicide attempt 7 years previous, and the ongoing anguish. She had been depressed for years and had thoughts of suicide on a daily basis. After a serious overdose, she woke up the next day in a hospital bed, her husband and 2 daughters at her bed.&#x0D; “Honestly, I was disappointed to wake up. But, then I saw how scared and hurt they were. Then I was sorry for what I had done to them. Since then I have thought of suicide but know that it is tragic for the family and is a hurt that can never be undone. Today I live with the thought that I am here for a reason and when it is God's time to take me then I will go. I do believe living is harder than dying. I do believe I was born for a purpose and when that is accomplished I will be released. …Until then I try to remind myself of how I am blessed and try to appreciate the wonders of the world and the people in it.”&#x0D; Range of Services&#x0D; The important role of mental health and recovery services was frequently mentioned, including dialectical behavioural therapy (DBT)/cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT), recovery group, group therapy, Alcoholics Anonymous, accurate diagnosis, and medications.&#x0D; The writer in Story 30 was 83 years old when she submitted her story, reflecting on a life with both good and bad times. She first attempted suicide at age 10 or 12. A serious post-partum depression followed the birth of her second child, and over the years, she experienced periods of suicidal intent:&#x0D; “Consequently, a few years passed and I got to feeling suicidal again. I had pills in one pocket and a clipping for “The Recovery Group” in the other pocket. As I rode on the bus trying to make up my mind, I decided to go to the Recovery Group first. I could always take the pills later. I found the Recovery Group and yoga helpful; going to meetings sometimes twice a day until I got thinking more clearly and learned how to deal with my problems.”&#x0D; Several participants described the value of CBT or DBT in learning to challenge perceptions. “I have tools now to differentiate myself from the illness. I learned I'm not a bad person but bad things did happen to me and I survived.”(Story 3) “The fact is that we have thoughts that are helpful and thoughts that are destructive….. I knew it was up to me if I was to get better once and for all.” (Story 32): &#x0D; “In the hospital I was introduced to DBT. I saw a nurse (Tanya) every day and attended a group session twice a week, learning the techniques. I worked with the people who wanted to work with me this time. Tanya said the same thing my counselor did “there is no study that can prove whether or not suicide solves problems” and I felt as though I understood it then. If I am dead, then all the people that I kept pushing away and refusing their help would be devastated. If I killed myself with my own hand, my family would be so upset.&#x0D; DBT taught me how to ‘ride my emotional wave’. ……….. DBT has changed my life…….. My life is getting back in order now, thanks to DBT, and I have lots of reasons to go on living.”(Story 19)&#x0D; The writer of Story 67 described the importance of group therapy.&#x0D; “Group therapy was the most helpful for me. It gave me something besides myself to focus on. Empathy is such a powerful emotion and a pathway to love. And it was a huge relief to hear others felt the same and had developed tools of their own that I could try for myself! I think I needed to learn to communicate and recognize when I was piling everything up to build my despair. I don’t think I have found the best ways yet, but I am lifetimes away from that teenage girl.” (Story 67)&#x0D; The author of story 212 reflected on suicidal ideation beginning over 20 years earlier, at age 13. Her first attempt was at 28. “I thought everyone would be better off without me, especially my children, I felt like the worst mum ever, I felt like a burden to my family and I felt like I was a failure at life in general.” She had more suicide attempts, experienced the death of her father by suicide, and then finally found her doctor. &#x0D; “Now I’m on meds for a mood disorder and depression, my family watch me closely, and I see my doctor regularly. For the first time in 20 years, I love being a mum, a sister, a daughter, a friend, a cousin etc.” &#x0D; Discussion&#x0D; The 50 stories that describe positive experiences in the health care system constitute a larger group than most other similar studies, and most participants had made one or more suicide attempts. Several writers reflected back many years, telling stories of long ago, as with the 83-year old participant (Story 30) whose story provided the privilege of learning how the author’s life unfolded. In clinical practice, we often do not know – how did the story turn out? The stories that describe receiving health care speak to the impact of the experience, and the importance of the issues identified in the mental health system. We identified 3 themes, but it was often the combination that participants described in their stories that was powerful, as demonstrated in Story 20, the young new mother who had fallen from a balcony 30 years earlier.&#x0D; Voices from people with lived experience can help us plan and conceptualize our clinical work. Results are consistent with, and add to, the previous work on the importance of therapeutic relationships.8,10,11,14–16 It is from the stories in this study that we come to understand the powerful experience of seeing a family members’ reaction following a participant’s suicide attempt, and how that can be a potent turning point as identified by Lakeman and Fitzgerald.7 Ghio and colleagues8 and Lakeman16 identified the important role for staff/nurses in supporting families due to the connection to relationship issues. This research also calls for support for families to recognize the important role they have in helping the person understand how much they mean to them, and to promote the potential impact of a turning point. The importance of the range of services reflect Lakeman and Fitzgerald’s7 theme of coping, associating positive change by increasing the repertoire of coping strategies.&#x0D; These findings have implications for practice, research and education. Working with individuals who are suicidal can help them develop and tell a different story, help them move from a death-oriented to life-oriented position,15 from “why suicide” to “why life.”9 Hospitalization provides a person with the opportunity to reflect, to take time away from “the real world” to consider oneself, the suicide attempt, connections with family and friends and life goals, and to recover physically and emotionally. Hospitalization is also an opening to involve the family in the recovery process. The intensity of the immediate period following a suicide attempt provides a unique opportunity for nurses to support and coach families, to help both patients and family begin to see things differently and begin to create that different story. In this way, family and friends can be both a support to the person who has attempted suicide, and receive help in their own struggles with this experience.&#x0D; It is also important to recognize that this short period of opportunity is not specific to the nurses in psychiatric units, as the nurses caring for a person after a medically severe suicide attempt will frequently be the nurses in the ICU or Emergency departments. Education, both reflective and interactive, could have a positive impact.17 Helping staff develop the attitudes, skills and approach necessary to be helpful to a person post-suicide attempt is beginning to be reported in the literature.21&#x0D; Further implications relate to nursing curriculum. Given the extent of suicidal ideation, suicide attempts and deaths by suicide, this merits an important focus. This could include specific scenarios, readings by people affected by suicide, both patients themselves and their families or survivors, and discussions with individuals who have made an attempt(s) and made a decision to go on living.&#x0D; All of this is, of course, not specific to nursing. All members of the interprofessional health care team can support the transition to recovery of a person after a suicide attempt using the strategies suggested in this paper, in addition to other evidence-based interventions and treatments.&#x0D; Findings from this study need to be considered in light of some specific limitations. First, the focus was on those who have made a decision to go on living, and we have only the information the participants included in their stories. No follow-up questions were possible. The nature of the research design meant that participants required access to a computer with Internet and the ability to communicate in English. This study does not provide a comprehensive view of in-patient care. However, it offers important inputs to enhance other aspects of care, such as assessing safety as a critical foundation to care. We consider these limitations were more than balanced by the richness of the many stories that a totally anonymous process allowed. &#x0D; Conclusion&#x0D; Stories open a window into the experiences of a person during the period after a suicide attempt. The RTGOL Project allowed for an understanding of how we might help suicidal individuals change the script, write a different story. The stories that participants shared give us some understanding of “how” to provide support at a most-needed critical juncture for people as they interact with health care providers immediately after a suicide attempt. While we cannot know the experiences of those who did not survive a suicide attempt, results of this study reinforce that just one caring professional can make a crucial difference to a person who has survived a suicide attempt. We end with where we began. Who will open the door?&#x0D; References&#x0D; 1. World Health Organization. Suicide prevention and special programmes. http://www.who.int/mental_health/prevention/suicide/suicideprevent/en/index.html Geneva: Author; 2013.2. Giner L, Jaussent I, Olie E, et al. Violent and serious suicide attempters: One step closer to suicide? J Clin Psychiatry 2014:73(3):3191–197.3. Levi-Belz Y, Gvion Y, Horesh N, et al. Mental pain, communication difficulties, and medically serious suicide attempts: A case-control study. Arch Suicide Res 2014:18:74–87.4. Hjelmeland H and Knizek BL. Why we need qualitative research in suicidology? Suicide Life Threat Behav 2010:40(1):74–80.5. Gunnell D. A population health perspective on suicide research and prevention: What we know, what we need to know, and policy priorities. Crisis 2015:36(3):155–60.6. Fitzpatrick S. Looking beyond the qualitative and quantitative divide: Narrative, ethics and representation in suicidology. Suicidol Online 2011:2:29–37.7. Lakeman R and FitzGerald M. How people live with or get over being suicidal: A review of qualitative studies. J Adv Nurs 2008:64(2):114–26.8. Ghio L, Zanelli E, Gotelli S, et al. Involving patients who attempt suicide in suicide prevention: A focus group study. J Psychiatr Ment Health Nurs 2011:18:510–18.9. Kraft TL, Jobes DA, Lineberry TW., Conrad, A., &amp; Kung, S. Brief report: Why suicide? Perceptions of suicidal inpatients and reflections of clinical researchers. Arch Suicide Res 2010:14(4):375-382.10. Sun F, Long A, Tsao L, et al. The healing process following a suicide attempt: Context and intervening conditions. Arch Psychiatr Nurs 2014:28:66–61.11. 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Naturalist intelligence of early childhood has a very big role in today's modern age as the basis for children to have environmental-loving behaviour. The purpose of this study was to determine the effect of Loose Parts learning media on the naturalist intelligence. This study uses a quasi-experimental method with data collection techniques through multiple intelligence tests of children's intelligence instruments. The subjects of this study were 17 children aged 5-6 years. The results showed that there was a significant effect of giving Loose Parts media to the naturalist intelligence of early childhood after seeing a difference between pre-test and post-test. The use of natural-based Loose Parts media can be a means for teachers to increase children's naturalist intelligence in kindergarten and be a development of conventional media made from manufacturers in the learning cycle so far. For further research, it is recommended to look at the influence of other factors on naturalist intelligence in early childhood.&#x0D; Keywords: Early Childhood, Loose Parts, Naturalist Intelligence&#x0D; References:&#x0D; Aljabreen, H. (2020). Montessori, Waldorf, and Reggio Emilia: A Comparative Analysis of Alternative Models of Early Childhood Education. International Journal of Early Childhood, 52(3), 337–353. https://doi.org/10.1007/s13158-020-00277-1&#x0D; Anjari, T. Y., &amp; Purwanta, E. (2019). Effectiveness of the Application of Discovery Learning to the Naturalist Intelligence of Children About the Natural Environment in Children Aged 5-6 Years. International Conference on Special and Inclusive Education (ICSIE 2018), 296, 356–359. https://doi.org/10.2991/icsie-18.2019.65&#x0D; Armstrong, T. (2002). You’re Smarter Than You Think: A Kid’s Guide to Multiple Intelligences. 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&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; The mobile phone found its way to the Philippines when the first generation of Global Systems for Mobile Communication or GSM handsets was introduced in the country in 1994. This GSM protocol eventually developed to introduce a faster and more efficient means of storing, manipulating, and transmitting data by allowing data to be translated into a series of ones and zeroes. Digital technology furthered the mobile phone’s potentials from being a mere “talking device on the move” (Leung and Wei 316) to a more dynamic participant in the new information age. The capacity to merge all forms of binary data enabled mobile phones to allow convergent services such as chatting, voice-mail, news updates, e-mailing, Internet browsing, and even the dissemination of image and audio files. Apart from the allure of the possibilities of digital communication, the mobile phone was also welcomed in the Philippines because of its convenience; it provided the country, especially the rural areas where telephones are unavailable or inaccessible, with a modern means of communication. A survey conducted by the Social Weather Station (SWS) in 2001 reveals the extent of the dissemination of this technology in the Philippines: “Out of the 15 million households in the Philippines, an estimated 2.5 million have a cellular phone, of which 2.3 million have text-messaging capacity. For the entire nation, text-messaging is available to 15% of all households in general, but it is available to 53% of ABC households in particular. Of the 2.3 million text-capable households in the nation, 800 thousand are in Metro Manila.” Of the 80 million Filipinos, there are now 22 million mobile phone owners in the country compared to only 6.7 million subscribed landlines (Lallana 1). Of the various digital applications of the mobile phone, text messaging is still considered to be the most exploited service in the Philippines. A voice call placed through the mobile phone would typically cost around six to seven pesos per minute while a text message costs a peso per message. Corollary, a typical Filipino now sends an average of ten messages every day, contributing to a daily traffic of over 300 million text messages (Pertierra 58). This has led to the popular notion of the Philippines as the “texting capital of the world” (Pertierra et al. 88). In Text-ing Selves, a study that examines the use of mobile phones in the country, Pertierra and other researchers argue that texting has made it possible to create new unsurveilled and unconventional human relationships. In one case cited in the book, for example, a male and a female texter met after an accidental exchange of text messages. Although initially they were very reserved and guarded, familiarity between the two was fostered greatly because the medium allowed for an anonymous and uncommitted communication. Eventually, they met and shortly after that, got engaged. A second instance involved a person who exchanged phone numbers with his friends to pursue strangers and win new friends by texting. He engaged in virtual or text-based “affairs” with women, which would later on result to actual physical sex. Another case examined was that of an 18-year old bisexual who met “textmates” by participating in interactive Text TV chatrooms. Although he eventually met up with individuals to have sex, he professed to use the Text TV mainly to create these virtual relationships with persons of the same sex. (Pertierra et al. 64-89) It is because of the considerable popularity of the medium and the possible repercussions of such curious relationships and interpersonal communication patterns that the phenomenon of mobile phone use, particularly that of texting, in the Philippines is worthy of systematic scrutiny. Thus, the purpose of this study is to examine the relational context being created through this wireless messaging system. An exploratory study, this research examines the contributions of the texting technology that allowed development of romantic relationships among its users. Ultimately, this paper aims to identify what makes texting a novel romantic device in the Philippines. The framework in the understanding of relationship development through texting incorporates Malcolm Parks’ theory of relationship life cycle and network (352). In his proposal, interpersonal relationships of all types are usually conceptualized as developing from the impersonal to the personal along a series of relatively specific dimensions: increases in interdependence, in the variety and intimacy of interaction, in interpersonal predictability and understanding, in the change toward more personalized ways of communicating and coordinating, in commitment, and in the convergence of the participants’ social networks. According to Parks (359-68), relationships move within the constructive character of communication that involves the interaction of the structure and content of communication between the participants. Thus, the researcher would like to identify the relationship between these seven factors of relationship development and the texting technology. This research identified the attributes of the texting technology along the seven dimensions of Park’s theory of relational development. Qualitative data was obtained and explored in the light of the concepts presented in the related literature, particularly the theoretical discourses of Paul Levinson and Raul Pertierra et al. A total of 43 respondents, 21 males and 22 females, were selected through purposive sampling to derive exploratory data through the in-depth interview method. Texting and Interdependence Unwritten Rule of Texting Respondents revealed that their relationships developed with their respective partners because texting made them more dependent on each other. “It became a habit” (Emmy). Partners texted each other as often as they could, until they have established themselves as regular textmates. One respondent’s day would also be influenced by his partner’s text message: “Kapag hindi siya nakakapagtext, nami-miss ko siya (If she doesn’t text, I miss her). Her simple ‘good morning’s’ can really help me start my day right.” At this level of the relationship, texters always had the compulsion to keep the communication constantly moving. One respondent attributed this to the “unwritten rule of texting.” Clara elaborated: You know there’s this unwritten rule in texing: once a person has texted you, you have to reply. If you don’t reply, the person will automatically think you ignored him or her on purpose. So you have to reply no matter what. Even when you really have nothing to say, you’re forced to come up with something or give your opinion just to keep the conversation going. Immediacy and Accessibility Some respondents exhibited interdependence by “reporting” or informing each other of the happenings in their individual lives. Arnel shared: Ang ilang pinakanatulong sa amin ng texting ay to inform each other kung saan na kami at kung anong pinagkakaabalahan namin at a specific time, especially kung hindi kami magkasama. (One of the greatest aid of texting in our relationship is that it enables us to inform each other about where we are and what we are doing at a specific time, especially if we are not together). He also added that texting allows them to organize their schedules as well as to logistically set meeting times or inform the other of one’s tardiness. Texting also allowed for the individuals in the relationship to influence each other’s thoughts, behaviors, and actions. “Kapag nagkukuwento siya kung anong nangyari sa kaniya tapos tingin ko mali, pinagsasabihan ko siya (If she tells me stories about what happened to her and then I see that there’s something wrong with it, I admonish her)” (Jesus). Jack summarized how the texting technology facilitated these indicators of interdependence between romantic partners: There’s a feeling of security that having a cellphone gives to a certain person, because you know that, more often than not, you can and will be reached by anyone, anywhere, anytime, and vice versa. So when I need comfort, or someone to listen, or I need to vent, or I need my boyfriend’s opinion, or I need his help in making a decision, it’s really relieving to know that he’s just a text or phone call away. These responses from the participants in a texting romantic relationship confirm Paul Levinson’s arguments of the mobile phone’s feature of accessibility. In the book Cellphone: The Story of the World’s Most Mobile Medium and How it has Transformed Everything! he mentions that the mobile phone technology, particularly texting, permits users to make instant, immediate and direct delivery of messages. He further explains that texting can be a romancing tool because before there was the mobile phone, people placing call through the telephone had to make sure that the persons they are asking out on a date are at home when the phone rings (Levinson 97). Texting and Depth: Privacy and Levinson’s Silence Texting also facilitated an efficient exchange of a variety of important, intimate, and personal topics and feelings for most of the respondents. A number of respondents even confessed that they could go as intimate as exchanging sexual messages with their partners. One respondent revealed that he could text his partner anything “kahit nga text sex pwede rin eh (even ‘sex text’ is allowed).” But mostly, the text exchanges consisted of intimate romantic feelings that one could not manage to say in person. Richard shared: “For example, through text we can say ‘I love you’ to each other. Aside from that, nasasabi ko rin yung mga problems na hindi ko masabi ng harapan (I could tell her about my problems that I could not say face-to-face).” Arnel, a homosexual, attributed this ease of transmitting intimate and personal topics and feelings to the texting technology’s unique feature of privacy. “Kasi wari bang nakakalikha ng pribadong espasyo yung screen ng phone mo na kahit na magkalayo kayo” (Because the mobile phone screen is able to create a private space that even if you are far from each other) physically, the virtual space created by that technology is apparent. Because no one can hear you say those things or no one else can read [them], assuming na hindi pinabasa sa ibang tao o hindi nakita (that it is not allowed to be read or seen by others) (Arnel). Arnel’s discussion of the private space that allows for intimate exchanges links up with Paul Levinson’s silence as one of the biggest benefit of the texting technology. Texting permits receivers to view their messages in private as opposed to having others in the environment hear and know about their particular communication or simply even just the fact that they are communicating (Levinson 112-14). Anonymity RJ would associate this capability to swap intimate information between partners to texting’s provision for anonymity. In texting, there is the element of anonymity, thus, you can feel more comfortable with sharing more intimate messages. As opposed to a face-to-face conversation wherein you would tend to hold back some feelings or thoughts because of fear of outright rejection. Personally, I consider that factor as a very important element in the development of our relationship. Because I am not really the aggressive-frank type of guy, I tend to hold back in telling her intimate things face to face. The feature of anonymity that the respondents mentioned seems to refer to one characteristic that Pertierra, et al. (91) outlined in their book. They wrote that communication through texting has also efficiently incorporated meaning, intention, and expressions allowing texters to say what is normally unsayable in face-to-face contexts. This clearly points to the comfort that the respondents identified when they’d share about intimate details like their exes and other information that a typical “non-aggressive-frank guy, who fears outright rejection,” would. Autonomy Perhaps an additional feature that might be closely related to privacy and anonymity is the autonomous nature of the texting technology. Homosexuals like Jetrin took advantage of this feature to facilitate unconventional same-sex affairs: “Unlike pagers, mobile phones are not monitored, therefore I can pretty much say what I want to the other person. I get to express myself more clearly and intimate[ly]”. Because of this absence of censorship, texters can confidently say “’I love you’ or ‘I want to throw you against the wall and make you feel like a cheap whore’ (Jetrin)” without having to concern themselves about a third-party processing their messages. Texting and Breadth Expressing Real and Virtual Emotions Because of these various constraints, respondents started to locate other avenues to communicate with their partners. Thus, the breadth of the relationship increased. Other means of communication that the respondents mentioned are face-to-face encounters, voice phone calls (either landline or mobile phone), e-mail, chat (YM, ICQ, Web cam, etc.), and even snail mail. However way they decided to extend their communication beyond texting, almost all of them declared that it is still texting that instigated this movement to another medium. One respondent said “Of course text ang taga-initiate (initiates) and then more ways [follow] after.” Although texting employs a dualistic nature of beneficial anonymity and uncertainty between exchanging partners, a number of respondents still express optimism about the texting technology’s capacity to bridge the gap between expressing real and virtual emotions. Some claimed that “even [in] text [there is] personality; smiling face, exclamation points, feelings are still communicated.” RG also expressed that “yung mga smileys nakakatulong sa pag-express ng emotions (smileys help in expressing emotions).” Jake added that “qualities like the smiley faces and sad faces you can make using the punctuation marks, etc. can really add warmth and depth to text messages.” Texting and Commitment Regularity Since most of the couples in a romantic relationship did not have the luxury of time to meet up in person or talk over the phone regularly, the frequency of texting became a distinct indication about their commitment to their relationships. “To commit is to be there for the person, 24/7. Texting helps in achieving that despite of the barriers in time and distance” (Von). Didith showed the other end of this phenomenon: “When he texted less and less in the course of the relationship, it made me doubt about … his commitment.” This regularity of texting also provided for strengthening the bond and connection between partners that ultimately “As we share more and more of our lives with each other, more trust develops…and the more trust you instill in each other, the more you expect the relationship to be stronger and more lasting” (Jack). Convenience and Affordability Some respondents pointed out texting’s convenient nature of linking partners who are rather separated by physical and geographical limits. Richard used texting to contact his partner “kasi malayo kami sa isa’t-isa, lalo na kapag umuuwi siya sa Bulacan. Texting ang pinakamadali, cheapest, and convenient way para makapag-communicate kami (because we are far from each other, especially if she goes home to Bulacan. Texting is the fastest, cheapest, and convenient way for us to communicate).” This “presence” that strengthens the commitment between partners, as suggested by most of the respondents, indicates the capacity of the mobile phone to transform into an extension of the human body and connect partners intimately. Texting, Predictability and Understanding Redundancy Some of the respondents agreed that it is the regularity of texting that enabled them to become more capable of understanding and predicting their partner’s feelings and behaviors. Tina articulated this: “Probably due to redundancy, one can predict how the other will react to certain statements.” Jake also expressed the same suggestion: Texting in our relationship has become a routine, actually. Texting has become like talking for us. And the more we text/talk, the more we get to know each other. Nagiging sanay na kami sa ugali at pag-iisip ng isa’t-isa (We become used to each other’s attitudes and thinking). So it’s inevitable for us to be able to predict one another’s reactions and thoughts to certain topics. Because we get to a point wherein we feel like we know each other so well, that when we are able to correctly predict a feeling or behavior, we find it amusing. In the end, the regularity of the interaction brought about learning. “I’ve learned much of her from texting. I knew that she becomes disappointed with certain things or she really appreciates it when I do certain things. It became easier for me to learn about her thoughts, feelings, etc.” (RJ) Managing of Contextual Cues A lot of the respondents mentioned that their understanding and predictability of their partners was also heightened by the context of the construction of the messages that were being transmitted. “If there are smiley faces, then we’re okay. No cute expressions mean we’re in a serious mode” (Didith). “Either an added word, a missing word, or a word out of place in the message gives me the clue” (Jake). The textual structure and signs became instrumental into the translation of how to perceive another’s feelings or reactions. “For example, pag normal, sweet words yung nasa text, may mga ‘I love you,’ mga ganon. Pero kung galit siya, may iba. Minsan ‘Oo’ lang yung sagot. Kaya mas nakikilala ko pa siya through text (For example, on a normal circumstance, her text would contain sweet words like ‘I love you.’ But if she’s mad, it’s different. At times, she would just reply with a mere ‘yes.’ That’s why I get to know her more through text)” (Richard). Texting and Communicative Change Own Private World Texting allowed respondents to create special languages that they used to interact with their own partners. It is an inherent characteristic of texting that limits messages up to 360 characters only, and it becomes almost a requirement to really adapt a rather abbreviated way of writing when one has to send a message. In this study however, it was found that the languages that respondents created were not the usual languages that the general public would use or understand in texting – it even went beyond the usual use of the popular smileys. Respondents revealed that they created codes that only they and their respective partners understood in their “own private world” (Jackie, Emma). “How I text him is different from how I text other people so I don’t think other people would understand what I’m telling him, and why the manner is so if they read our messages” (Anika). Leana shared an example: My partner and I have created special nicknames and shortcuts that only the two of us know and understand. Kunyari (For example), we have our own way of saying ‘I love you’ or ‘I miss you.’ To send a kiss… we use a set of characters different from the usual. Basta secret na namin ‘yon (It is our secret). Fun Majority of the respondents identified communicative code change as the most exciting and fun part in texting. “It is one of the best things about relating with someone through texting. It is one of the most fun things to do” (Mario). And the amusement that this interaction caused was not only limited in the virtual environment and the textual context. “It is one of the fun things about our texting and it even carries over when we are together personally” (Justin). “Since words are what we have, we play with them and try to be creative. Para masaya, exciting (So that it is fun and exciting)” (Charm). Incidentally, this sense of fun and excitement is also one of the attributes that Pertierra and his co-authors mentioned in their book Txt-ing Selves (Pertierra et al. 140): “Many see texting as an opportunity for fun.” Texting and Network Convergence Texting also made network convergence possible among partners, and their respective social circles, in a romantic relationship. Because the respondents engaged in non-stop texting, their friends and family started to notice their change in behavior. “People become curious… They want to know the person I text with every minute of every day… I guess people can tell when a person’s in love, even when it has only developed through texting” (Clara). Jake shared a very likely scenario: “If you get text messages when you’re with your friends/family and you laugh at the message you receive, or just react to whatever you receive, you’d have to make kwento (tell) who you’re texting to make sense of your reactions.” Others though, readily announced their relationships to everyone: “I’ll text my friends first na ‘Uy, may bago ako.’ (I will text my friends first that: ‘Hey, I have a new girlfriend.’)” (Richard). But sometimes, texters also introduced their partners to people outside their friends and family circles. “Sometimes, it even goes beyond personal. Example, if my ‘new partner’ who has never met any of my friends and family need help with something (business, academic, etc.) then I introduce him to someone from my circle who can be of help to him” (Jetrin). Network convergence could also take place through and within the medium itself. Respondents revealed that their family and friends actually interact with each other through texting without necessarily having the opportunity to meet in person. Pauline shared: “Ate (My older sister)… used to send text messages to him before to ask where I am. And my mom stole his number from my phone ‘just in case’.” Didith and her boyfriend also experienced having their friends involved in the dynamics of their relationship: “During our first major quarrel, he texted and called my friend to ask what I was mad about. Likewise, when we have a minor spat, I call his friend to vent or ask about him.” Conclusion This study establishes the texting technology’s capacity as a romancing gadget. As the interview participants pointed out, because of the technology’s capacity to allow users to create their own world capable of expressing real and virtual emotions, and managing contextual cues, texters were able to increase their dependence and understanding of one another. It also allowed for partners to exchange more personal and intimate information through an instant and private delivery of messages. The facilitation of communicative change made their relationship more exciting and that the texting medium itself became the message of commitment to their relationship. Finally, texting also led the partners to introduce one another to their families and friends either through the texting environment or face-to-face. Ultimately, texting became their means to achieving intimacy and romance. Texting offered a modern communication medium for carrying out traditional gender roles in pursuing romance for the heterosexual majority of the respondents. However, the messaging tool also empowered the homosexuals and bisexuals involved in the study. The highly private and autonomous textual environment enabled them to explore new and unorthodox romantic and even sexual relations. Moreover, texting may be considered as a venue for “technological foreplay” (Nadarajan). Almost all of those who have used texting to sustain their intimacy indicated the choice to expand to other modes of communication. Although relationships set in a purely virtual environment actually exist, the findings that these relationships rarely stay virtual point to the idea that the virtual setting of texting becomes simply just another place where partners get to exercise their romance for each other, only to be further “consummated” perhaps by a face-to-face contact. Data gathering for this research revealed a noteworthy number of respondents who engage in a purely virtual textual relationship. A further investigation of this occurrence will be able to highlight the capacity of texting as a relationship gadget. Long distance relationships sustained by this technology also provide a good ground for the exploration of the text messaging’s potentials as communication tool. References Lallana, Emmanuel. SMS, Business, and Government in the Philippines. Manila: Department of Science and Technology, 2004. Leung, Louis, and Ran Wei. “More than Just Talk on the Move: Uses and Gratifications of the Cellular Phone.” Journalism and Mass Communication Quarterly 77 (2000): 308-320. Levinson, Paul. Cellphone: The Story of the World’s Most Mobile Medium and How It Has Transformed Everything! New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004. Mangahas, Malou. “For the Little History of EDSA-2.” Social Weather Station 26 Jan. 2001. 31 Jan. 2005 http://www.sws.org.ph/&gt;. Nadarajan, Gunalan. Personal communication with the author. 2004. Parks, Malcolm. “Communication Networks and Relationship Life Cycles.” Handbook of Personal Relationships: Theory, Research, and Interventions. 2nd ed. Ed. Steve Duck. London: John Wiley, 1997. 351-72. Pertierra, Raul. Transforming Technologies: Altered Selves – Mobile Phone and Internet Use in the Philippines. Manila: De La Salle UP, 2006. Pertierra, Raul, et al. Text-ing Selves: Cellphones and Philippine Modernity. Manila: De La Salle UP, 2002. Solis, Randy Jay. “Mobile Romance: An Exploration of the Development of Romantic Relationships through Texting.” Asia Culture Forum, Gwangju, South Korea: 29 Oct. 2006. &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Citation reference for this article&#x0D; &#x0D; MLA Style&#x0D; Solis, Randy Jay C. "Texting Love: An Exploration of Text Messaging as a Medium for Romance in the Philippines." M/C Journal 10.1 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/05-solis.php&gt;. APA Style&#x0D; Solis, R. (Mar. 2007) "Texting Love: An Exploration of Text Messaging as a Medium for Romance in the Philippines," M/C Journal, 10(1). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; from &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0703/05-solis.php&gt;. &#x0D;

AbstractThe notions of function growth and sharp global integral estimates in p-harmonic geometry in Wei (Contemp Math 756:247–269, 2020) and Wei et al. (Sharp estimates on $$\mathcal {A}$$ A -harmonic functions with applications in biharmonic maps) naturally lead to a generalized uniformization theorem and a generalized Bochner’s method. These tools enable one to explore various geometric and variational problems in complete noncompact manifolds of arbitrary dimensions. In particular, we find the first set of nontrivial geometric quantities that are p-subharmonic and p-superharmonic functions (cf. Sect. 4.2). As further applications, we establish Liouville theorems for nonnegative $${\mathcal {A}}$$ A -superharmonic functions (cf. Theorem 2.1) and for p-harmonic morphisms (cf. Theorem 4.3), Picard type theorems (cf. Sect. 4.3), existence theorems of harmonic maps (cf. Theorem 4.6), and a solution of the generalized Bernstein problem under p-parabolicity condition (without any volume growth condition, cf. Theorem 5.1) or under p-moderate volume growth (2.4) (cf. Corollary 5.1). These findings generalize and extend the work of Schoen–Simon–Yau under volume growth condition (0.1) which is due to $$({\text {i}})$$ ( i ) Corollary 2.1(iv), which states that a manifold with p-moderate volume growth (2.4) must be p-parabolic (generalizing a result of Cheng and Yau (Commun Pure Appl 28(3):333–354, 1975) for the case $$p=2$$ p = 2 , $$F(r)\equiv 1$$ F ( r ) ≡ 1 ), $$({\text {ii}})$$ ( ii ) Example 2.1 of a p-parabolic manifold with exponential volume growth, and $$({\text {iii}})$$ ( iii ) volume growth condition (0.1) $$\overset{(\text {implies})}{\Longrightarrow }$$ ⟹ ( implies ) p-moderate volume growth (2.4). Furthermore, we offer applications to p-harmonic maps and stable p-harmonic maps. Notably, these outcomes address an intriguing question posed by Kobayashi if p-subharmonic functions are valuable tools for studying p-harmonic maps or related topics (cf. in: Kobayashi, Midwest Geometry Conference, University of Oklahoma, Oklahoma, 2006. Private Communication, 1996), and answer in the affirmative. Other applications of the notions and estimates to biharmonic maps, isometric immersions, holomorphic functions on Kähler manifolds, generalized harmonic forms, and Yang–Mills fields on complete noncompact manifolds can be found in Wei et al. (Sharp estimates on $$\mathcal A$$ A -harmonic functions with applications in biharmonic maps), Chen and Wei (Glasg Math J 51(3):579–592, 2009), Wei (Bull Transilv Univ Brasov Ser III 1(50):415–453, 2008), Wei (Growth estimates for generalized harmonic forms on noncompact manifolds with geometric applications, Contemp Math 756 American Mathematical Society, Providence, 247–269, 2020), Wei (Sci China Math 64(7):1649–1702, 2021) and Wei (Isolation phenomena for Yang–Mills fields on complete manifolds). We generate the work of Schoen–Simon–Yau under p-parabolic condition, in which the result can be used in other types of new manifolds we found, by an extrinsic average variational method we proposed (cf. Wei in Rom J Math Comput Sci 13(2):100–124, 2023; in: Wei, Connecting Poincare inequality with Sobolev inequality on Riemannian manifolds, Int Electron J Geom 17(1):290–305, 2024).

Abstract Funding Acknowledgements Type of funding sources: None. Introduction An online education management solution (EMS) has established for the purpose of building staff interest and motivating nurses to establish professional development portfolio and becoming lifelong learners. Background In 2013 some clinical skills were collected in an e-book with a search bar to fit as a clinical procedure reference. Then in 2017, an internal website that contains more than 65 courses which the staff can access, self-enrolled and become automatically certified. This site contains hospital orientation guide, education resources and an education calendar. Education resources contain 147 clinical skills, 69 self-enrolled courses, 12 instructor-led courses. Aim To assess the nursing staff experience response and feedback to the internal EMS. Process A survey was sent to nursing staff for data collection for 5 days. The survey covers the following points: Is it the first time to visit the website? Did you find what you need? How easy do you find information on the site? How frequently do you surf the web? What is your overall impression of the site? Data Analysis Most of the nurses visit the internal website with a percentage of 85% as illustrated in chart 1. 99% from the staff found the information they are searching for, 35% found all the topics and 64% found some of the topics. How easy to find information? staff answered as 46% easy to find the information they are looking for, as 48% were in the middle side and only 6% replied as they face difficulty to find the information on the website. As mentioned before 85% from the nursing staff responded to survey visit the website, farther analysis that show that 17% visit the EMS every day to 3 times per week, 44.2% of the staff visit the site once a week to 3 time per month, 28.5% surf the site once or less per month and 10.5% are not sure how frequent they surf the EMS. Staff replay with satisfaction response regarding to site professional, informative and visual pleasing. Conclusion Having a Learning management system (LMS) takes the team training to the next level, as self-learners, but E-Learning can take it even further with accepted EMS. Staff feedback regarding the EMS will help in editing and adding the required learning recourses. Free web resources such as (google site, forms, and drive – certify me) (a customized EMS) can be established in healthcare facilities.

Abstract Background Digital services are expected to improve the availability of public social and health care services in many European countries as well as in Finland. eHealth and eWelfare services often require strong electronic identification which may form barriers in the availability of care. This study focuses on recognising population groups who are vulnerable to exclusion either by not having access to web or by lacking a strong electronic identification. Methods The data were gathered from the cross-sectional survey on well-being among people aged 20-64 with foreign background (PFB) (FinMonik), conducted in Finland 2018-19 (N = 12 877; response rate 53%). The data from the National survey of health, well-being and service use (FinSote 2017-18) were used as reference data for the overall population, (N = 26 422, response rate 45%). Surveys asked respondents “Do you have at your disposal internet access at home, your workplace, library or some other place?” and 'Do you have at your disposal online banking codes or a mobile certificate for electronic identification online?”. PFB were defined by background country into seven country-groups. The age-standardized proportions with confidence intervals were examined by socio-demographic background variables. Results Almost all (98%) of the overall population reported access to internet, but the proportion was lower (92%) among PFB (p &amp;lt; 0.001). Proportion of having a strong electronic identification was higher among general population (98%) than among PFB (88%) (p &amp;lt; 0.001). In both populations, younger age increased the likelihood of having a strong electronic identification. PFB students reported lower level of strong electronic identification compared to the employed. Conclusions Although most had access to internet and a strong identification, there were statistically significant differences between country-groups and by employment status. Key messages Designing and developing of eHealth and eWelfare services must ensure that everyone has the opportunity to have a strong electronic identification. Development of digital services requires user guidance, which takes into account the varying needs and operating environments.

<strong>The </strong><strong>Audio, Speech, and Vision Processing Lab </strong><strong>Emotional</strong><strong>&nbsp;Sound database</strong><strong>&nbsp;(</strong><strong>ASVP-ESD</strong><strong>)</strong> Dejoli Tientcheu Touko Landry; Qianhua He; Wei Xie <strong>Citing the </strong><strong>ASVP-ESD</strong> The ASVP-ESD emotional sound database is released by Audio, Speech, and Vision Processing Lab(http://www.speech-led.com/main.htm, from the South China University of Technology), so please cite the ASVP-ESD: A dataset and its benchmark for emotion recognition using both speech and non-speech utterances( papers which is a study conducted using &nbsp;the first batch of the collected database) &nbsp;if it is used in your work in any form. Personal works, such as machine learning projects or posts, should provide a URL to this page, through a reference. <strong>Contact Information</strong> If you would like further information about the ASVP-ESD, when&nbsp;facing any issues downloading files, please contact us at&nbsp;&nbsp;201722800077@mail.scut.edu.cn,&nbsp;1197581424@qq.com <strong>Data labeling process</strong> The first version dataset labeling &nbsp;(containing 63+2 folders) was done by 5 different annotators through a tagging application specially designed for audio tagging the latest added folders were done by 3 other annotators. After listening to each audio the judge should choose the corresponding label according to personal feeling; Then after the tagging part, a simple voting algorithm was built for voting and upgrading the corresponding audio to the class having the most number of votes. <strong>Construction and Validation</strong> The ASVP-ESD contains 12625 audio files(with additional 1204 files for babies&#39; voices in 3 folders range in bonus directory) in the Audio directory; It is an emotional-based database, containing speech and non-speech emotional sound; The audio was recorded and collected from movies, tv shows, youtube channels, and others website. Compared to other public available emotional databases, ASVP-ESD is more realistic and non-scripted with no language restriction. <strong>Description</strong> The Audio, Speech, and Vision Processing Lab Emotional Sound database(ASVP-ESD) contains audio files regrouped in 130 folders; The data are organized as follows: &nbsp;Meanwhile some are mixed, odd folder number are mainly for females, and even for males (total size: 2 GB). As it&#39;s a realistic dataset some folders contain dialog or several people interacting in the audio; Speech and non-speech Emotional sounds include boredom(sigh,yawn), neutral, happiness (laugh, gaggle), sadness(cry), anger, fear (scream, panic), surprise(amazed,gasp), disgust(contempt), excite(Triumph,elation), pleasure(desire), pain(groan), disappointment; A &nbsp;total of 12 different emotions plus breath. 2 levels of intensity were used for the database (normal and high). Audio is available in 16k, 1 channel, .wav format, the average length of the file is between 0.5 to 20 seconds, for a total of more than 11 hours. Note, there are 3 additional folders (acteur_200,acteur_150,acteur_50) that contains only babies audio(laugh, cry); Audio-only files are regrouped as: Actor_00 and Actor_50 are composed of mixed audio samples from movies and website sounds. From actor_01 to actor_19 and actor_31 to acteur_38 &nbsp;are different actors from 3 different movie sounds. Actor_100(actor_100 are crowd or many people voices) &nbsp;to actor_102 are from the same website ,same for actor_103 to actor_106. Actor_120 just as Actor_00 also have both Gender interating in the same audio. From actor_21 to actor_29 &nbsp;and &nbsp;actor_39 to actor_121; are only for sounds randomly collected on the online platform such as : https://www.epidemicsound.com https://sfx.productioncrate.com https://elements.envato.com/sound-effects/ https://www.aigei.com/view/121628-45344256.html https://mixkit.co/free-sound-effects/human/?page=3 https://www.zapsplat.com/sound-effect-category/ http://freesoundeffect.net/tags/sigh?page=7 &nbsp;&nbsp; and others File naming convention Each of the audio files has a unique filename. The filename consists of numerical identifiers (e.g., 02-01-06-01-02-105-02-01-02.wav, for speech 02-01-06-01-02-105-02-01-02-01-03.wav, for non-speech) these identifiers define the stimulus characteristic. Filename identifiers: Modality ( 03 = audio-only). Vocal channel (01 = speech, 02 = non speech). Emotion ( 01 = boredom,sigh| 02 = neutral,calm| 03 = happy, laugh,gaggle|04 = sad,cry | 05 = angry,grunt,frustration|06 = fearful,scream,panic| 07 = disgust, dislike,contempt|08 = surprised,gasp,amazed| 09 = excited| 10 = pleasure, 11 = pain,groan| 12 = disappointmen,disapproval| 13=breath). Emotional intensity (01 = normal, 02 = high). Statement (as it&rsquo;s non scripted this help to refer approximately to data collected from the same period or source base on their rank ). Actor ( even numbered acteurs are male, odd numbered actors are female). Age(01 = above 65, 02 = between 20~64, 03 = under 20,04= baby). Source of downloading (01 -02 = =website ,youtube channel| 03= movies). Language(01=Chinese , 02=English ,04 = French , others:Russian and Others ). Filename example: 03-01-06-01-02-12-02-01-01-16.wav: 1.audio-only (03) 2.Speech (01) 3.Fearful (06) 4.Normal intensity (01) 5.Statement (02) 6.12th Actorr (12) folder 12 male as its even 7.Age(02) 8.Source(01) 9.language(01) 10. similarity with others emotion/sound (16) All audio file with 77 at the end means files with a high noise environment. audio with 66 at the end means mixed voices(there is a limited number of free download on online platform, downloading more will come with mixed voice that can affect the sound) for non-speech data: Happyness is a collection of (laugh=13,gaggle=23,others=33) sadness is a collection of (cry=14, sigh=24,sniffle=34,suffering=44) fear is a collection of (scream 16,panic=36) angry (rage=15,frustration=25 ,other=35,grunt) surprise (surprised=18, amazed=28 ,astonishment=38,others=48) disgust(disgust=17, rejection=27) pain(moaned) boredom(sigh) For any suggestions please don&#39;t hesitate just send us an email. We wouldn&#39;t be here without the help of other lab mates &nbsp;and annotators. below is &nbsp;link to download the materials used such as the annotation Exe App, and the voting code to allow each person interested to make his personal annotation or tagging. For audio emotion analysis, and classification the audio file is the corresponding file to be used. voting : https://github.com/landryroni/emotions-voting tagging : https://github.com/landryroni/emotion_tagging&nbsp; For any suggestion please don&#39;t&nbsp; hesitate just send us an email.

Abstract Background In 2010, the Italian Ministry of Health set out recommendations for the use of Web 2.0, inviting organizations within the Italian National Health Service (INHS) to implement these tools. In 2014, a study carried out by the National Institute of Health showed a low presence of Local Health Authorities and Italian public hospitals on social media. Considering the constant increase of the use of social media in the population, the aim of the study is to understand if and how healthcare context is moving towards this direction. Methods The list of all public and private hospitals in Italy were retrieved by the official website of INHS. The websites of all the hospitals (n = 1054) will be visited to look for the presence of social media. Engagement level and use of social media will be evaluated. Results A preliminary analysis focused one 97 hospitals, of which 64 public and 33 private. Social media are present in 38 (39%) of them, particularly Facebook, Twitter and You Tube (92%). Only Twitter or YouTube are present in three hospitals. Social media are present more in hospitals in the North of Italy (58%) compared to Center (29%) and South (13%) (p = 0.002). Furthermore social media are present more in private hospitals than public (55% vs 44%, p &amp;lt; 0.001). Conclusions Preliminary results show a low presence of hospitals on social media, with some differences between geographical areas and type of hospitals. Adherence to Ministry of Health’s recommendations seems still low. Key messages Public health communication need to implement new strategies to increase public participation and provide reliable information using the information channels most used by the population. Considering the spread of health information through social media, an active presence of healthcare organizations on these channels could be an opportunity to engage people in health interventions.

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Affect theory is generally associated with the lifetime’s work of Silvan S. Tomkins, whose four volume work, Affect, Imagery, Consciousness, was published between 1962-92. The volumes argue that humans are subject to a range of innate affects: two positive (interest/excitement; enjoyment/joy), one neutral (surprise/startle) and six negative (distress/anguish; fear/terror; anger/rage; shame/humiliation; dissmell [reaction to a bad smell]; disgust). &#x0D; &#x0D; In a crude “advanced search” using Google, affect is related to emotion in 3,620,000 Web references; to intellect in 1,530,000 instances; and to both intellect and emotion in 1,670,000 cases (Google). Affect may consequently be constructed as a common but complicated response which cannot be simply elided with either emotion or intellect but which involves the integration of both. In particular, affect is generally constructed as a human response to a precipitating stimulus (be it an idea, a physical event, etc). If this is accepted, then Tomkins’s Affect theory might imply that the innate affects only reach conscious awareness as a result of a change in circumstance (e.g., idea or event) which requires a response.&#x0D; &#x0D; The importance of affect as a motivator for action has long been put to good use by advertising and marketing professionals who recognised early in their professions’ development that it is the ESP (emotional selling proposition) that delivers more punch, more quickly, than rational argument. An organisation’s (or individual’s) unique selling point can be rational or emotional, but it is easier for many people marketing a product or service to craft a perceived (unique) difference using emotion rather than logical rationality. For example, Coke and Pepsi are generally constructed as fighting their turf wars based on their emotional appeals, rather than any logical difference between the brands.&#x0D; &#x0D; This paper deals with the use of affect to craft an online therapeutic Website (HeartNET) as a joint ARC-Linkage research project between the National Heart Foundation of Australia (WA Division) and Edith Cowan University’s School of Communications and Multimedia. The research originally started with the idea that heart patients would appreciate the opportunity to communicate online with people going through similar experiences, and that this might create a virtual community of mutually supportive recovering participants. The reality held a few surprises along the way, as we discuss below.&#x0D; &#x0D; HeartNET has been designed to: 1) reduce the disadvantage experienced by people in regional and remote areas; 2) aid the secondary prevention of heart disease in Australia; and, 3) investigate whether increased interaction with an organisation-sponsored affective environment (e.g., the Website) impacts upon perceptions of the organisation. (This might have long-term implications for the financial viability of charitable organisations). In brief, the purpose of the research is to understand the meanings that Web-participants might generate in terms of affective responses to the notion of a shared HeartNET community, and investigate whether these meanings are linked to lifestyle change and responses to the host charity. Ultimately the study aims to determine whether the Website can add value to the participants’ communication and support strategies. The study is still ongoing and has another 18 months to run. &#x0D; &#x0D; Some early results, however, indicate that we need more than a Website and a common life experience to build an affective relationship with others online. The added extra might be what makes the difference between interaction and affective interaction: this needs conscious strategies to generate involvement, aided by the construction of a dynamic (and evolving) Web environment. In short, one stimulus is not enough to generate persistent affective response; the environment has to sustain multiple, evolving and complex stimuli.&#x0D; &#x0D; Online support groups are proliferating because they are satisfying unmet needs and offering an alternative to face-to-face support programs (Madara). Social support also combines some elements of affective community, namely belongingness, intimacy and reciprocity. These community elements can be observed through three levels or layers of social support: 1) belongingness or a sense of integration, 2) bonding which is somewhat more personal and involves linkages between people, and, 3) binding whereby a sense of responsibility for others is experienced and expressed (Lin). Here, social support may prompt an affective response and provide a useful measure of community because it incorporates other elements. &#x0D; &#x0D; Initial Design&#x0D; &#x0D; The project was initially designed to build “an affective interactive space” in the belief that an effective online community might develop thereafter. However, the first stumbling block came in terms of recruiting participants: this took almost nine-months longer than anticipated (even once Ethics approval had been granted). Partly this was due to a specific focus on recruiting people born between 1946–64 (“baby boomers”), partly it was due to the requirement that participants had access to the Web, and partly it was because we sought to specifically recruit non-metropolitan Western Australians who had suffered a health-challenging heart-related episode. We were hoping to identify at least 80 such people, to allow for a control group in addition to the people invited to join the online community. Stage 1 was to be the analysis of the functioning of the online community; Stage 2 would take the form of interviews of both community members and the control group. One aspect of the research was to determine whether online participants perceived themselves as belonging to an online community (as opposed to “interacting on a Website”) and whether this community was constructed as therapeutic, or in other ways beneficial.&#x0D; &#x0D; Once the requisite number of people had been recruited, the Website went “live”. Usage was extremely hesitant, and this was the case even though more people were added to the Website than originally planned. (In the end we had to rely upon the help of cardiologists publicising the research among their heart patients. This had a continuing trickle effect that meant that the Website ultimately had 68 people who agreed to participate, of whom 15 never logged in. Of the remaining 53 participants, 31 logged in but never posted anything. Of the 22 people who posted, 17 made between one and four contributions. The remaining five people posted five or more times, and included the researcher and an experienced facilitator, Sven (name changed), who was serving in a “professionally-supportive” role (as well as a recovering heart patient himself). This was hardly the vibrant, affectively-supportive environment for which we had been planning. Even with the key researcher-moderator calling people individually and talking them through the mechanics of how to post, the interactions fell away and eventually ceased, more or less, altogether after 11 weeks.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; One of the particularly distressing implications of the lack of interaction was the degree of self-revelation that some participants had offered when first logging onto the site. New members, for example, were encouraged to “share their heart story”. Susan’s (name changed) is an example of how open these could be:&#x0D; &#x0D; I had a heart attack in February 2004. This came as a huge shock. I didn’t have any of the usual risk factors. Although my father has Coronary Vascular Disease, he didn’t have any symptoms until his mid 60s and never had a heart attack. I had angioplasty and a stent. I accept I will be taking medication for the rest of my life. I’m fine physically but am having treatment for depression, which was diagnosed 6 months after my heart attack.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; In normal social situations an affective revelation such as “I’m fine physically but am having treatment for depression” would elicit a sympathetic response. In fact, such “stories” did often get responses from active members (and always got a response from the researcher-moderator), but the original poster would often not log in again and would thus not receive the group’s feedback. In this case, it was particularly relevant that the poster should have learned that other site users were aware that some heart medication has depression as a common side effect and were urging Susan to ask her doctor whether this could be a factor in her case. &#x0D; &#x0D; A further problem was that there was no visible traffic on much of the Website. During the first 12 weeks, only seven of 155 posts were made to the discussion forums. Instead, participants tended to leave individual messages for each other in “private spaces” that had been designed as blogs, to allow people to keep online diaries (and where blog-visitors had the opportunity to post comments, feedback and encouragement). It was speculated that this pattern of invisible interaction was symptomatic of a generation that felt most comfortable with using the internet for e-mail, and were unfamiliar with discussion boards. (Privacy, ethics, research design and good practice meant that the only way that participants could contact each other was via the Website; they couldn’t use a private e-mail address.) The absence of visible interactive feedback was a disincentive to participation for even the most active posters and it was clear that, while some people felt able to reveal aspects of themselves and their heart condition online, they needed more that this opportunity to encourage them to return and participate further. Effectively, the research was in crisis.&#x0D; &#x0D; Crisis Measures&#x0D; &#x0D; After 10 weeks of the HeartNET interaction stalling, and then crashing, it was decided to do four things:&#x0D; &#x0D; write up what had been learned about what didn’t work (before the site was “polluted” by what we hoped would be the solution); redesign the Website to allow more ways to interact privately as well as publicly; throw it open to anyone who wished to join so that there was a more dynamic, developing momentum; use a “newbie” icon to indicate new network members joining in the previous seven days so that these people could be welcomed by existing members (who would also have an incentive to log in at least weekly).&#x0D; Five weeks into the revamped Website a number of things have become apparent.&#x0D; &#x0D; There is some “incidental traffic” apart from research-recruited participants and word-of-mouth, for example (Jane): “I discovered this site while surfing the net. I haven’t really sought much support since my heart attack which was nearly a year ago, but wish I had since it would have made those darker days a lot easier to get through.” An American heart patient has joined the community (Sam): “I have a lot to be positive about and feel grateful to have found this site full of caring people.” Further, some returnees, who had experienced the first iteration of the site, were warm with acknowledgement (Betty): “the site is taking off in leeps [sic] and bounds. You should all be so proud.” &#x0D; &#x0D; People are making consecutive postings, updating and developing their stories, revealing their need for support and recognising the help when they receive it. It is not hard to empathise with “Wonky” (name changed) who may not have family in whom s/he can confide:&#x0D; &#x0D; (Wonky, post 12, Wed) [I need] preventative surgery of this aorta [addressing a bi-cuspid aortic valve] before it has an aneurysm or dissects … and YES I AM SCARED … but trying to be brave cos at least now I know what is wrong with me and its kinda fixable … &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; After being asked by interested members to update the community on his/her progress, Wonky makes the following posts:&#x0D; &#x0D; (Wonky, post 13, Wed) […] I am currently petrified … And anxiously waiting to see the cardio at 3 pm Thursday regarding the results of my aorta echo … and when they are going to decide I need lifesaving surgery …&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; (Wonky, post 15, Fri) ok…so I am up to Friday morning and fasting for the CT scan of the dodgy aorta etc … this morning … why do I get hungry when I have to fast yet any other day I really have to force myself to remember to even eat …&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; (Sven, online support person, Fri) great news [Wonky] and I sense a more ‘coming to terms’ understanding of your situation on your part. You’re in good hands believe you me and you are surrounded by a great number of friends who are here to cheer you on. Keep smiling. […]&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; (Wonky, post 16, Sun) Yes [Sven], you are exactly right […] [declining health] I guess is what scared me and plus I had pretty-much not bothered to research into the condition early on when I was first diagnosed … but yeah … my cardio guy is wonderful and has assured me I am not going to drop dead any-time soon from this …&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; For people who had experienced heart disease without support, the value of the HeartNET site was self-evident (Jace): “My heart attack was 18 months ago and I knew no one with a similar experience. My family and friends were very supportive but they were as shocked as me. Heartnet has given me the opportunity to hear other people’s stories.” Almost two weeks later, Jace was able to offer the benefit of her experience to someone suffering from panic attacks:&#x0D; &#x0D; I had several panic attacks post my heart attack. They are very frightening aren’t they? They seemed to come out of nowhere and I felt very out of control. I found making myself breath[e] more slowly and deeply, while telling myself to calm down, helped a lot. I also started listening to relaxation CDs as well. Take care, [Jace].&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Others have asked for advice:&#x0D; &#x0D; (Anne): “Everyone, and I mean everyone, has been saying ‘are you sure you want to go [back to work]?’ Does anyone have coping strategies for those well meaning colleagues and bosses who think you need to be wrapped up in cotton wool?”&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Several people have taken the opportunity to confide their deepest fear:&#x0D; &#x0D; (Marc): “Why me? Why now? Can I get back to work normally? Every twinge you feel, you think is the big one or another attack that will get you this time.” (Anne): “I decided to spend last night in A&amp;E [accident and emergency] after a nice little ambulance ride. It turned out to be nothing more than stress and indigestion but it scared the crap out of me. I have taken it so easy today and intend to rest up from now on in.”&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Some of the posts are both celebratory and inspirational (although the one cited below required a rider to the effect that any change in activity should be checked with a GP or specialist):&#x0D; &#x0D; (Joggy) I mentioned on an earlier post that I was going to run the 4km in the City to Surf and I actually did it.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; This is from someone who has probably run no more than 100 metres in one go in her life and guess what, I quite like it now […] I know that I am way fitter now than I have ever been and in a nutshell it’s great. &#x0D; &#x0D; Others see support as a two-way street:&#x0D; &#x0D; (Drew) “If you no longer fell [sic] YOU need the support, keep in mind others may benefit from YOUR support.”&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Discussion&#x0D; &#x0D; Tomkins’s Affect theory suggests that humans are subject to two positive affects: interest/excitement; enjoyment/joy, and one neutral affect: surprise/startle, along with six negative affects. All these affects are decoded/interpreted from facial expressions and require face-to-face interactions to be fully perceived. When we look at what affective prompts may be inciting people to log into HeartNET and communicate online, however, it becomes hard to second guess the affective motivation. Interest/excitement may be overstating the emotional impulse while enjoyment/joy may be an extreme way to describe the pleasure of recognition and identification with others in a similar situation. Arguably, HeartNET offers an opportunity to minimise negative affect, in particular “distress/anguish; fear/terror; anger/rage; shame/humiliation” – all of which may be present in some people’s experiences of heart disease. A strategy for reducing negative affect may be as valuable as the promise of increasing the experience of positive affect.&#x0D; &#x0D; As for the rational or emotional impact, it seems clear from the first stages of the research that rationally people were willing to take part in the trial and agreed to participate, but a large majority then failed to either log in or post any contribution. The site came to emotional life only when it was less obviously a “research project” (in the sense that all participants still had to log in via an ethics disclosure and informed consent screen) in that people could join when and if they were motivated to do so, and were invited to participate by those who were already online. Since the Website was revamped and relaunched on 2 August 2005 a further 124 people have joined. It appears that HeartNET is now both an affective and effective success.&#x0D; &#x0D; References&#x0D; &#x0D; “Affective Therapy.” Affective Therapy Website: Tomkins and Affect. 9 Oct. 2005 http://www.affectivetherapy.co.uk/Tomkins_Affect.htm&gt;. “Google Advanced Search.” Google. 1 Nov. 2005 http://www.google.com.au/advanced_search&gt;. Lin, Nan. Conceptualizing Social Support: Social Support, Life Events, and Depression. Ed. Nan Lin, Alfred Dean, &amp; Walter Ensel. Orlando: Florida, Academic Press, 1986. Madara, Edward. “The Mutual-Aid Self-Help Online Revolution”. Social Policy 27 (1997): 20. Tomkins, Silvan S. Affect, Imagery, Consciousness (Volume 1): The Positive Affects. New York: Springer, 1962. ———. Affect, Imagery, Consciousness (Volume 2): The Negative Affects. New York: Springer, 1963. ———. Affect, Imagery, Consciousness (Volume 3): The Negative Affects: Anger and Fear. New York: Springer, 1991. ———. Affect, Imagery, Consciousness (Volume 4): Cognition: Duplication and Transformation of Information. New York: Springer, 1992.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Citation reference for this article&#x0D; &#x0D; MLA Style&#x0D; Bonniface, Leesa, Lelia Green, and Maurice Swanson. "Affect and an Effective Online Therapeutic Community." M/C Journal 8.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/05-bonnifacegreenswanson.php&gt;. APA Style&#x0D; Bonniface, L., L. Green, and M. Swanson. (Dec. 2005) "Affect and an Effective Online Therapeutic Community," M/C Journal, 8(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; from &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0512/05-bonnifacegreenswanson.php&gt;. &#x0D;

I first met with the enigmatic Dutch artist-couple, Zoot and Genant, in the Summer of 2000. We talked about their performances as part of the collective Artporn and their later work as a duo. Zoot and Genant combine the best of Amsterdam hippie culture with advanced technological networking. As good Dutch citizens, they intervene in global media debates with bodily performances and a harsh critique of consumerist sex industries. A uniquely burlesque quality pervades their work, as their performances take on dreamy and raw forms. Performance modes are invented ‘from the bottom up’ with performances such as Oysterbarpiece (1995) and Anal Restaurant (1996) translating clever concepts into physically bawdy gestures. In Anal Restaurant, a naked performer is tied to a platform, his/her bottom stuffed with mashed potatoes, and the mixture released into the gallery when the fastly rotating platform is abruptly brought to a halt. In Oysterbarpiece, Genant asks participants to suck oysters from between her legs. She stands on her head with legs wide open and ‘gazes back’ at the participant by taking his/her picture with a camera. By assuming this position, she wants to make audiences aware of their voyeuristic role by ‘reversing their gaze’, as she argues that every voyeur is a sexual being to somebody’s else’s gazing eye. Reversing the gaze means opening up new and uncensored spaces of eroticism – as they write in the Irotic Manifesto: “The historically situated gaze is turned upside down and no longer do we stare into a void. We create many more spaces than are actually allowed … You may enter space with a certain literary baggage, the handcuffs of Sacher-Masoch welded to the wonders of Rabelais” (Artporn). Theories of erotic space are tested in community spaces where special attention is paid to the strong grip of commodified sex regimes on the audience. Zoot and Genant circulate their own sexual energy as ‘art’, distributing it to audiences who react sometimes with their own heightened energy and sometimes half-paralyzed. Zoot explains that the difference between live performances and mediated performances is enormous, as live performances are short-lived and cannot conceal the performer’s body or his/her state of excitement. They opted for an extended internet performance with Fucking Retreat 8x8x72. For this, they held an‘artist retreat’ in the Amsterdam Gallery De Praktijk and demonstrated their sexual intercourse by means of a webcam. Going back to a Taoist ritual, they fucked eight times a day for eight days in a row, with 72 thrusts on each particular occasion and an attempt not to reach orgasm. With this extremely popular web action, they reached a high/height in media activism, as the loving couple became the medium itself, and they were able to manipulate cameras and stream their digital images to hordes of sexually conditioned net viewers. Philosopher Cees Maris signals the performance as ‘post-revolutionary’ as the couple represent the integration of both monogamy and polymorphous perversity in contemporary society. Libidot: Did you want to hold a ‘sexual think-tank’ with Fucking Retreat 8x8x72 and distribute it as free porn on the Internet? Genant: 8x8x72 was an abstraction-exercise in making love within our relationship. It was a performance where we were sealed inside a gallery and used a webcam to enable viewers to participate in the concept of the experiment. But we never intended to distribute ‘pornographic’ images. For many years we have separated the realm of pleasure from that of pornography. We wanted people to participate in the abstract experiment itself, the result of which only we, as performers, could feel in our bodies. Zoot: What we did was an everyday action – fucking – stretched out over a manipulated time-line. As performers it was a challenge to play with the time-line and make it more complex because, on the actual stage, the interaction with the audience is short-lived and intense. It was a very complex experience for me, to engage in such an extremely intimate action in front of a webcam, making love to Genant. A maximum viewing public was created by the computer and cameras, which were also acting as a filter between ourselves and the audience. This filter gave us the possibility of reaching a high level of intimacy and softness, together with lots of laughter – just the way we ourselves are. But it took a while before we figured that out. Once we loosened up and incorporated the technology of ‘streaming’ into the performance, I became aware of the relationship with the public and all the machine-buttons we could manipulate. That is very different from reality television or commercial porn sites, where the machines are owned and steered by a company. The entire complex of autonomous media activism made a big impression on me. We actually accomplished one of our long-time artistic goals, that is, to become the medium itself and to be completely autonomous. Genet: The technological distribution of ‘live’ events has become essential after 9/11. We used machinery welded to physical effort to offer the viewer many options, including going through our web archives. It is momentarily frightening to perform such actions, to do actions in front of a camera using autonomous media. Libidot: You are wary of the Internet’s sexual energy, as you write in your announcement: “Zoot and Genant laugh at those who are excessively sexualized by Internet, they hover above the hypererotic nausea of gazing eyes and digital drifters, performing cyber-squatting amidst digital slavery of cybersexual commodification”. How did your own sexual energy transfer to remote viewers? Zoot: In the first instance the performance was food for the average voyeuristic web user, as the strength of his/her unconscious pornographic desire was nurtured by recognizable movements. Sex is, indeed, the lubricant of the Internet. But the images we delivered to the Internet were of a different nature and, hopefully, caused a mutation in the subconscious pornographic gaze of the viewer. Lots of pleasing reactions resonated in the city. I believe that people started experimenting themselves. I heard from ‘real’ men that they found it hard to believe that we fucked 64 times in 8 days. Why are people looking for quantity rather than quality? In order to be really effective one would have to get feedback from all of those people, but it was hard for us to plough through the endless piles of ‘chat-diarrhea’ in the chatroom. Libidot: Bianca Stigter’s review in NRC Handelsblad indicates that webcams documenting ‘everydayness’ have flooded the Internet and that your work is in line with this trend: “Their webcam is in tune with all the other webcams on the Internet that give access to life here and there, everywhere. In a zoo in Singapore a monkey is eating an apple. Tourists in Times Square are crossing the road. In the Lauriergracht in Amsterdam, two people are fucking” (Stigter). Would it be possible for your performance to be perceived as part of an expanding webcam ‘amateur porn’ industry? Genant: We do not want to add anything to the porn industry. Ours was an art experiment, a physical performance around the subject of physical love. I don’t think that lions in Artis Zoo or whales in Oahu are fucking in a similar series, but our performances do reach similar mass audiences to the Tour de France or American football. Of course we got a big kick when the statistics revealed that we were visited by viewers from 48 countries, including Easter Island. Just the idea that on Easter Island, on the other side of the globe, Rapa Nui in winter time, people were watching a performance in an Amsterdam gallery and chatting with somebody from Japan about the difference between an imagined performance and the actual event: that was a big ‘opening’ for us. Libidot: How does Taoist ritual affect your actual relationship and your sex life? Genant: Taoism is about making a commitment to a partner, cutting through random animal attractions and irritations. Artificial seduction rituals fall apart after a couple of days. In our performance, there was no extended foreplay or afterplay, just an abstention of climax. Before the climax dissipated, our bodies recharged with energy and returned to remembering moments of enjoyment, each time a little more quickly. I got an energy charge from top to toe and by the time I wanted to surrender and come completely, my bodily cells had been exposed to a routine pattern. Abstention then is like a coitus interruptus, a spectacular thing to feel from a partner whom you love. The numbers 8 and 64 are magical. I felt the symbolism of an alchemical wedding as we tuned into the mantra of a fully controlled electronic network. It felt like deafening energy, rather than lust or an act of procreation. The effect of this was very rewarding and, afterwards, we lingered in a state of creative sexual energy for a week. When we arrived home we were free to do whatever we wanted and let the holy juices flow. We realized love was a blessing. We made love day after day and gave energy to each other, as if we were in love for the first time. Sweet monogamic love, we embraced and worshipped her. (Interview translated into English by Katrien Jacobs) Works Cited Artporn. Irotic Manifesto. Unpublished document, 5 Stigter, Bianca. “Een Hobby als Vissen”. NRC Handelsblad, 5 July 2002 (author’s own translation) Stigter, Bianca. “Een Hobby als Vissen, NRC Handelsblad, 5 July 2002 (author’s own translation) To order Zoot and Genant’s 8x8x72 Fucking Retreat on CD-Rom, look for their artist profile on http://www.depraktijk.nl Zoot and Genant can be contacted at zootengenant@newyork.com Links mailto:zootengenant@newyork.com http://www.depraktijk.nl Citation reference for this article Substitute your date of access for Dn Month Year etc... MLA Style (a.k.a Libidot), Katrien Jacobs. "‘Streaming Physical Love’" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 5.6 (2002). Dn Month Year &lt; http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/streamingphysicallove.php&gt;. APA Style (a.k.a Libidot), K. J., (2002, Nov 20). ‘Streaming Physical Love’. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 5,(6). Retrieved Month Dn, Year, from http://www.media-culture.org.au/0211/streamingphysicallove.html

Fig. 1: "Xiao Ming (little Ming) and xiao meng (little sprout/cutie)", satirical take on a popular Chinese textbook character. Shared online Introduction: Cuteness, Online Vernaculars, and Digital FolkloreThis short essay presents some preliminary materials for a discussion of the social circulation of contemporary Chinese vernacular terms among digital media users. In particular, I present the word meng (萌, literally "sprout", recently adopted as a slang term for "cute") as a case in point for a contextual analysis of elements of digital folklore in their transcultural flows, local appropriations, and social practices of signification. One among many other neologisms that enter Mandarin Chinese from seemingly nowhere and gain a widespread popularity in everyday online and offline linguistic practices, meng belongs to a specific genealogy of Japanese animation fansubbing communities, and owes its rapid popularisation to its adaptation to local contexts in different syntactic forms. The resulting inclusion of meng in the changing repertoire of wangluo liuxing ciyu ("words popular on the Internet")—the online vernacular common among Chinese Internet users which is often the target of semantic or structural analyses—is in fact just the last step of processes of networked production and social signification happening across digital media and online platforms.As an anthropologist of media use, I aim to advance the thesis that, in the context of widespread access to digital media, vernacular terms popularised across online platforms and making their way into everyday linguistic interactions are not necessarily the epiphenomena of subcultural formations, nor can they be simply seen as imported aesthetics, or understood through semantic analyses. Rather, “words popular on the Internet” must be understood as part of a local digital folklore, the open repertoire of vernacular content resulting from the daily interaction of users and digital technologies (Lialina &amp; Espenschied 9) in a complex and situated media ecology (Fuller). I argue that the difference between these two approaches is the same passing between a classical structural understanding of signification proposed by Lévi-Strauss and the counter-Copernican revolution proposed by Latour’s quasi-objects proliferating in collectives of actors. Are incredibly pervasive terms like meng actually devoid of meaning, floating signifiers enabling the very possibility of signification? Or are they rather more useful when understood as both signifiers and signifieds, quasi-objects tracing networks and leading to collectives of other hybrids and practices?The materials and observations presented in this essay are part of the data collected for my PhD research on Chinese digital folklore, a study grounded on both ethnographic and archaeological methods. The ethnographic part of my project consists of in-depth interviews, small talk and participant observation of users on several Chinese online platforms such as AcFun, Baidu Tieba, Douban, Sina Weibo and WeChat (Hine). The archaeological part, on the other hand, focuses on the sampling of user-generated content from individual feeds and histories of these online platforms, an approach closer to the user-focused Internet archaeology of Nicholson than to the media archaeology of Parikka. My choice of discussing the term meng as an example is motivated by its pervasiveness in everyday interactions in China, and is supported by my informants identifying it as one of the most popular vernacular terms originating in online interaction. Moreover, as a rather new term jostling its way through the crowded semantic spectrum of cuteness, meng is a good example of the minor aesthetic concepts identified by Ngai as pivotal for judgments of taste in contemporary consumer societies (812). If, as in the words of one of my informants, meng "just means 'cute'," why did it end up on Coca-Cola bottle labels which were then featured in humorous self-portraits with perplexed cats? Fig. 2: "Meng zhu" (Cute leader, play on word on homophone “alliance leader”) special edition Coca-Cola bottle with cat, uploaded on Douban image gallery. Screenshot by the author Cuteness after JapanContemporary Japan is often portrayed as the land of cuteness. Academic explanations of the Japanese fascination with the cute, neotenic and miniaturised abound, tackling the topic from the origins of cute aesthetics in Japanese folkloric characters (Occhi) and their reappearance in commercial phenomena such as Pokémon (Allison), to the role of cuteness as gender performance and normativity (Burdelski &amp; Mitsuhashi) and the "spectacle of kawaii" (Yano 681) as a trans-national strategy of cultural soft power (683). Although the export and localisation of Japanese cultural products across and beyond Asia has been widely documented (Iwabuchi), the discussion has often remained at the level of specific products (comics, TV series, games). Less frequently explored are the repertoires of recontextualised samples, snippets and terms that local audiences piece together after the localisation and consumption of these transnational cultural products. In light of this, is it the case that "the very aesthetic and sensibility that seems to dwell in the playful, the girlish, the infantilized, and the inevitably sexualized" are inevitably adopted after the "widespread distribution and consumption of Japanese cute goods and aesthetics to other parts of the industrial world" (Yano 683)? Or is it rather the case that language precedes aesthetics, and that terms end up reconfigured according to the local discursive contexts in ongoing dialogic and situated negotiations? In other words, what happens when the Japanese word moe (萌え), a slang term "originally referring to the fictional desire for characters of comics, anime, and games or for pop idols” (Azuma 48) is read in its Mandarin Chinese pronunciation meng by amateur translators of anime and manga, picked up by audiences of video streaming websites, and popularised on discussion boards and other online platforms? On a broader level, this is a question of how the vocabularies of specialised fan cultures mutate when they move across language barriers on the vectors of digital media and amateur translations. While in Japanese otaku culture moe indicates a very specific, physically arousing form of aesthetic appreciation that is proper to a devote fan (Azuma 57), the appropriation of the (originally Chinese) logograph by the audiences of dongman (animation and comics) products in Mainland China results in the general propagation of meng as a way of saying 'cute' slightly more fashionable and hip than the regular Mandarin word ke'ai. Does this impact on the semantics or the aesthetics of cuteness in China? These questions have not been ignored by researchers; Chinese academics in particular, who have a first-hand experience of the unpredictable moods of vernacular terms circulating from digital media user cultures to everyday life interactions, appear concerned with finding linguistic explanations or establishing predictors for these rogue terms that seem to ignore lexical rules and traditional etymologies. Liu, for example, tries to explain the popularity of this particular term through Dawkins' neo-Darwinian theorisation of memes as units of cultural transmission, identifying in meng the evolutionary advantages of shortness and memorisability. As simplistic treatments of language, this sort of explanations does not account for the persistence of various other ways of describing general and specific kinds of cuteness in Mandarin Chinese, such as ke'ai, dia or sajiao, as described by Zhang &amp; Kramarae (767). On the other hand, most of the Chinese language research about meng at least acknowledges how the word appears under the sign of a specific media ecology: Japanese comics and animation (dongman) translated and shared online by fan communities, Japanese videogames and movies widely consumed by Chinese young audiences, and the popularisation of Internet access and media literacy across China. It is in this context that this and other neologisms "continuously end up in the latest years' charts of most popular words" (Bai 28, translation by the author), as vernacular Mandarin integrates words from digital media user cultures and online platforms. Similar comparative analyses also recognise that "words move faster than culture" (Huang 15, translation by the author), and that it is now young Chinese digital media users who negotiate their understanding of meng, regardless of the implications of the Japanese moe culture and its aesthetic canons (16). According to Huang, this process indicates on the one hand the openness and curiosity of Chinese youth for Japanese culture, and on the other "the 'borrowist' tendency of the language of Internet culture" (18). It is precisely the speed and the carefree ‘borrowist’ attitude with which these terms are adopted, negotiated and transformed across online platforms which makes it questionable to inscribe them in the classic relationship of generational resistance such as the one that Moore proposes in his treatment of ku, the Chinese word for 'cool' described as the "verbal icon of a youth rebellion that promises to transform some of the older generation's most enduring cultural values" (357). As argued in the following section, meng is definitely not the evolutionary winner in a neo-Darwinian lexical competition between Chinese words, nor occupies a clear role in the semantics of cuteness, nor is it simply deployed as an iconic and rebellious signifier against the cultural values of a previous generation. Rather, after reaching Chinese digital media audiences along the "global wink of pink globalization" (Yano 684) of Japanese animation, comics, movies and videogames, this specific subcultural term diffracts along the vectors of the local media ecology. Specialised communities of translators, larger audiences of Japanese animation streaming websites, larger populations of digital media users and ultimately the public at large all negotiate meng’s meaning and usage in their everyday interactions, while the term quickly becomes just another "word popular on the Internet” listed in end-of-the-year charts, ready to be appropriated by marketing as a local wink to Chinese youth culture. Fig. 3: Baidu image search for 萌 (meng), as of 28 February 2014: the term ‘cute’ elicits neotenic puppies, babies, young girls, teen models, and eroticised Japanese comic characters. Screenshot by the author Everything Meng: Localising and Appropriating CutenessIn the few years since it entered the Chinese vernacular, first as a specialised term adopted by dongman fans and then as a general exclamation for "cute!", meng has been repurposed and adapted to local usages in many different ways, starting from its syntactic function: while in Japanese moe is usually a verb (the action of arousing feelings of passion in the cultivated fan), meng is more frequently used in Chinese as an adjective (cute) and has been quickly compounded in new expressions such as maimeng (literally "to sell cuteness", to act cute), mengwu (cute thing), mengdian (cute selling point), widening the possibilities for its actual usage beyond the specific aesthetic appreciation of female pre-teen anime characters that the word originally refers to. This generalisation of a culturally specific term to the general domain of aesthetic judgments follows local linguistic patterns: for example maimeng (to act cute) is clearly modelled on pre-existing expressions like zhuang ke'ai (acting cute) or sajiao (acting like a spoiled child) which, as Zhang &amp; Kramarae (762) show, are common Mandarin Chinese terms to describe infantilised gender performativity. This connection between being meng and setting up a performance is confirmed by the commentative practices and negotiations around the cuteness of things: as one of my informants quipped regarding a recently popular Internet celebrity: "Some people think that he is meng. But I don't think he's meng, I think he's just posing." Hence, while Japanese moe characters belong to a specific aesthetic canon in the realm of 2D animation, the cuteness that meng indicates in Chinese refers to a much broader scope of content and interactions, in which the semantic distinctions from other descriptors of cuteness are quite blurred, and negotiated in individual use. As another informant put it, commenting on the new WeChat avatar of one of her contacts: "so meng! This is not just ke'ai, this is more ke'ai than ke'ai, it's meng!" Other informants explained meng variably as a more or less performed and faked cuteness, as regular non-specified cuteness, as a higher degree or as a different form of it, evidencing how the term is deployed in both online and offline everyday life interactions according to imitation, personal invention, context and situation, dialogic negotiations, shared literacies, and involvements in specific communities. Moreover, besides using it without the sexual overtones of its Japanese counterpart, my research participants were generally not aware of the process of cross-linguistic borrowing and specialised aesthetic meaning of meng—for most of them, it just meant 'cute', although it did so in very personal ways. These observations do not exclude, however, that meng maintains its linkages to Japanese cultural products and otaku fandom: on the same online platforms where meng was originally borrowed from the lines of fansubbed Japanese anime series, its definition continues to be discussed and compared to its original meaning. The extremely detailed entries on Mengniang Baike (MoeGirl Wiki, http://zh.moegirl.org) testify a devoted effort in collecting and rationalising the Japanese moe aesthetics for an audience of specialised Chinese zhainan (literally 'shut-in guy", the Chinese word for otaku), while Weimeng (Micro-Moe, http://www.weimoe.com) provides a microblogging platform specifically dedicated to sharing dongman content and discuss all things meng. The recent popularity of the word is not lost on the users of these more specialised online platforms, who often voice their discontent with the casual and naive appropriations of uncultured outsiders. A simple search query of the discussion board archives of AcFun, a popular zhainan culture video streaming website, reveals the taste politics at play around these vernacular terms. Here are some complaints, voiced directly by anonymous users of the board, regarding meng: "Now I really detest this meng word, day and night everywhere is meng meng meng and maimeng but do you really understand what do these words mean?" "Don't tell me, alternative people think that watching anime is fashionable; they watch it, learn some new word and use it everywhere. Last time I was playing videogames I heard a girl saying Girl: 'Do you know what does meng mean?' Guy: 'I don't know' Girl: 'You don't even know this! Meng means beautiful, lovely' Fuck your mom's cunt hearing this I wanted to punch through the screen" "Anyway these 'popular words' are all leftovers from our playing around, then a bunch of boons start using them and feel pleased of 'having caught up with fashion', hehe" Fig. 4: "Don't tell me, alternative people think that watching anime is fashionable…", anonymous post commenting on the use of meng on the AcFun message board. Screenshot by the authorConclusion: Do Signifiers Float in Media Ecologies? The choice of examining the networks traced by a slang term signifying cuteness was determined by the conviction that the "minor aesthetics" described by Ngai (812) play an important role in the social construction of taste and judgment in contemporary consumer societies. This is especially significant when discussing digital folklore as the content produced by the everyday interactions of users and digital media: cuteness and the negotiations around its deployment are in fact important features of the repertoires of user-generated content shared and consumed on online platforms. In the case of this essay, the strange collective included green sprouts, textbook illustrations, cats, Japanese anime characters, selfies, and Coke bottle label designs. Summing up the overview of the word meng presented above, and attempting a critical response to Ngai's linkage of the minor aesthetics of cuteness to national contexts which make them "ideologically meaningful" (819), I suggest the recuperation of Lévi-Strauss’ concept of floating signifier as developed in his analysis of Melanesians’ fuzzy notion of mana. This theoretical choice comes almost naturally when dealing with pervasive terms: as Holbraad explains, “part of the original attraction of mana-terms to anthropologists was their peculiarly double universality – their semantic breadth (‘mana is everywhere’, said the native) coupled with their geographical diffusion (‘mana-terms are everywhere’, replied the anthropologist)” (189). Meng seems to be everywhere in China as both a term (in everyday, online and offline interactions) and as cuteness (in popular culture and media), thus making it an apparently perfect candidate for the role of floating signifier. Lévi-Strauss deployed Mauss’ concept as a reinforcement of his structuralist conception of meaning against a surfeit of signifiers (Holbraad 196-197), "a symbol in its pure state, therefore liable to take on any symbolic content whatever [...] a zero symbolic value […] a sign marking the necessity of a supplementary symbolic content over and above that which the signified already contains" (Lévi-Strauss 63-64). Moore’s framing of the Chinese ku and the American cool as “basic slang terms” (360) follows the same structuralist logic: extremely pervasive terms lose in meaning and specificity what they gain in supplementary symbolic content (in his case, generational distinction). Yet, as shown through the examples presented in the essay, meng does in no case reach a zero symbolic value—rather, it is “signifier and signified (and more)” (Holbraad 197), meaning different kinds of cuteness and aesthetic judgement across more or less specialised usages, situated contexts, individual understandings and dialogic negotiations. This oversimplified rebuttal to Lévi-Strauss' concept is my attempt to counter several arguments that I believe to be grounded in the structuralist theorisation of series of signifiers and signified: the linkage between aesthetic categories and national contexts (Ngai); the correlation between language and cultural practices or aesthetics (Yano); the semantic analyses of slang terms (Moore, Bai); the memetic explanations of digital folklore (Liu). As briefly illustrated, meng’s popularity does not necessarily convey a specific Japanese aesthetic culture, nor does its adaptation mirror a peculiarly Chinese one; the term does not necessarily define a different form of cuteness, nor does it confront generational values. It could be more useful to conceptualise meng, and other elements of digital folklore, as what Latour calls quasi-objects, strange hybrids existing in different versions and variations across different domains. Understood in this way, meng traces a network leading to: the specialised knowledge of fansubbing communities, the large audiences of video streaming websites, the echo chambers of social networking platforms and participatory media, and the ebbs and flows of popular culture consumption. To conclude, I agree with Yano that "it remains useful for Asia analysts to observe these ebbs and flows as they intersect with political frameworks, economic trends, and cultural values" (687-88). Meng, as scores of other Chinese slang terms that crowd the yearly charts of ‘words popular on the Internet’ might not be here to stay. But digital folklore is, as long as there will be users interacting and negotiating the minor aesthetics of their everyday life on online platforms. The general theoretical aim of this brief discussion of one vernacular term is evidencing how the very idea of a "Internet culture", when understood through the concepts of media ecology, online vernaculars and quasi-objects becomes hard to grasp through simple surveying, encyclopaedic compilations, statistical analyses or linguistic mapping. Even in a brief contextualisation of one simple slang term, what is revealed is in fact a lively bundle of practices: the cross-linguistic borrowing of a specialised aesthetic, its definition on crowdsourced wikis and anonymous discussion boards, the dialogic negotiations regarding its actual usage in situated contexts of everyday life, and the sectorial dynamics of distinction and taste. Yet, meng just means 'cute'.ReferencesAllison, Anne. “Portable Monsters and Commodity Cuteness: Pokémon as Japan’s New Global Power.” Postcolonial Studies 6.3 (2003): 381–95. Azuma, Hiroki. Otaku: Japan's Database Animals. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 2009. Bai, Lin. “Qianxi Wangluo Liuxingyu - Meng [A Brief Analysis of a Popular Internet Term - Meng].” Wuyi Xueyuan Xuebao 31.3 (2012): 28–30. Burdelski, Matthew, and Koji Mitsuhashi. “‘She Thinks You’re Kawaii’: Socializing Affect, Gender, and Relationships in a Japanese Preschool.” Language in Society 39.1 (2010): 65–93. 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&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Central within the discourses that have surrounded the commercial internet during its emergence has been an underlying promise of disorder. The claims for consumer empowerment with which e-commerce was promoted and discussed within industry and academic literature (Flamberg; Gates; Horton; Levine et al. for instance), coupled with recurring claims that the emergence of e-commerce was as profound a shift as that occasioned by the Industrial Revolution (Dancer; Sullivan; Lynch for instance), established an underlying sense of chaotic upheaval – a clear and present danger to the established order. And on the surface it would appear as if the commercial internet does serve as a challenge to established authority. User interfaces function by offering a degree of autonomy and informal control to the user. However, the infrastructure supporting e-commerce is multi-layered. It is here that the friendly interface cedes to a vast data structure: an ordered and ordering database. Using an August 2002 sample of the corporate portal ninemsn extensively analysed as part of a broader PhD project, this paper explores the tension between front end disorder and back end order. Its goal is to indicate how the surface forms of this site are superimposed on a machinery which orders, or perhaps disciplines, consumer activity. The ninemsn Interface The ninemsn website is typified by a dominance of written text over graphic images. It is constituted primarily by complex noun phrases (the most commonly occurring utterance type) followed by imperative formations. Less often used are statements and interrogatives. The preponderance of noun phrases is readily explained by the metafunction of these utterances as hypertext anchors. Content analyses conducted by Haas and Grams indicate a typical use of noun phrases as anchor text on websites. But it is the fact that all of the phrase types are used on the ninemsn website as hypertext which renders the distinction between utterance types redundant. Despite their different surface forms, the status of the utterances as hypertext anchors makes them similar in terms of function. All of the utterances become actionable, open to activation and engagement by the consumer, thereby challenging their function as direct commands or statements. By inviting the act of linking, hypertext presupposes that there is ‘something else’ which lies behind those pieces of text. They are, therefore, never merely utterances which can be interpreted solely at their surface but are marked by the immanent existence of what Chomsky calls deep structure, layers of significance beyond that revealed in the surface form. None of the linguistic features previously identified is therefore a simple utterance. Each has an alternative form and function by virtue of the fact that it is constituted within a logic of hypertext. On ninemsn all the utterances have the performative (illocutionary) force (Austin) of offers. The surface forms can be read as the result of a transformation (Chomsky) of this underlying linguistic structure. The base form best associated with a commercial institution operating within a hypertextual medium is the interrogative “would you like …?” Consequently, the noun phrase “Bust-shaping bodysuit” (ninemsn Home Page 12 Aug 2002) is a transformation of the underlying interrogative “Would you like a bust-shaping bodysuit?”, or the humble statement “I [ninemsn] offer you [the user] a bust-shaping bodysuit”. But what is significant is that for the site to make sense and serve as something other than a random collection of statements and imperatives, this underlying form must be recovered by the user. And it would be a naïve user indeed who did not recognise the polite offers of hypertext which underpin the commands appearing at the surface of the ninemsn website. These transformative effects mitigate the power, or control, being obviously exerted by the company over the user’s experience of ninemsn. Firstly they do this by transforming commands and bold declaratives into polite inquiries. But the very nature of hypertext alone works to this end. As Miles has argued, the illocutionary force of hypertext, in this case the act of offering, is contained within the relationship between anchor text and the destination site. “It is not in the nodes that hypertext ‘happens’, but in the causal connections and pathways made between nodes” (Miles “Cinematic Paradigms” n.pag.). Thus, for Miles, what becomes important in a hypertextual document is the ‘event of connection’ (“Hypertext Structure” n.pag.) – an act performed by the user. Thus, hypertext and the performative power it extends to the statements on the ninemsn website, make the user the key active agent in the determination of meaning on the site rather than the company. By denying control of the site, both in the form of user activated hypertext and through the underlying invitational nature of its utterances, ninemsn opens itself to random and chaotic interaction. It becomes a site not for the direct and strict ordering of users – neither in the form of direct imperatives nor in the form of control of practice. Rather it is a site for the de-control of user activity. The interactivity enabled by hypertext here becomes a tool for disorder. The ninemsn Database However thus far we have only examined the surface structures of the site, the user-friendly interface of the corporate entity that is ninemsn. Below this lies the infrastructure of the site: the database. ninemsn is a database in two senses. Firstly it is a collection of sites, pages, and links which cohere under the ninemsn brand umbrella. Pages which are marked with the ninemsn brand, and to which links are directly offered from the site, do not constitute the entire World Wide Web. This occurs despite the site’s description as a portal implying that it functions as a window onto the system. At this level, ninemsn can be conceived as a particular ordering through selection and collation of the information system that is the Web. But it is also an active ordering of the activities of the user. By only offering a limited set of links to strategic partners, and offering paid listings foremost in its Web-wide search function, the site delimits the autonomy which it appears to offer at the hypertextual interface. At the level of the database, it becomes an attenuated autonomy, ordered by strategic hyperlinking (Jackson). But ninemsn is also a database of consumers and consumer traffic patterns which are then onsold to advertisers and strategic partners. The site invites users to personalise the interface by entering preferences which effectively expose their consumer behaviour. They are offered memberships which result in extra rewards but involve filling in a proforma listing personal details remarkably similar to the demographic information the site offers advertisers about its consumers. By entering data into the system in these ways – a voluntary act of choice lured by the personalisation options it enables – the consumer becomes ordered. Online consumer activity here becomes organised into a set of pre-ordained fields which constitute that user for the purposes of that transaction (Poster). They become known, not through the self-directed, disorderly conduct of surfing, but through the pre-defined and orderly fields of the marketing database. This effect can be traced further in the commercial Web. By similarly mapping the behaviours of users, cookies and other forms of more passively activated ‘spyware’ also reduce the behaviour of users to pre-constituted fields of value. As the consumer interacts with the system following the polite invitations of hypertext, the system orders this trail into valuable marketing data. Thus, it is the same hypertext which offers the illusion of autonomy at the site interface which enables the increasing surveillance and ordering of consumers at the lower levels of the database. Interactivity as an Ordering Practice Interactivity and its e-commerce companion, the promise of personalisation, here become disciplining practices, seductively drawing the consumer further into the ordering machinery of the site. They encourage the user to submit more and more of their Self – their interests, the trajectory of their logic – to the ordering gaze of the market. Using Virilio’s terms, we can therefore understand interactivity in e-commerce as both an accelerator and a brake on human movement, in this instance the movement of hypertext as the manifestation of individual choice. It is both a technology which ‘empowers’ the user to move in their personally determined disordered fashion, mimicking the radical potential of dynamic bodies, and a delimiting of that potential into the regimented service of commerce. But this is not to argue that consumers necessarily accept this role, nor to imply any (over)- determining role for hypertextual environments. Foucault himself recognises the immanent potential for resistance within any disciplining practice. It is however, to point to the ordered disordering that constitutes the new media environment, particularly in its commercial forms. Like Featherstone on consumer culture we can read interactive media as a site for the ‘controlled de-control’ of emotion. We can see it as a site where disorder is not necessarily the weapon of the revolutionary or the radical, but is also, and simultaneously, in the service of the order it ostensibly challenges. References Austin, J.L. How to Do Things with Words: The William James Lectures Delivered at Harvard University in 1955. 2nd edition. Eds. J.O. Urmson and Marina Sbisa. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975. Chomsky, Noam. Aspects of the Theory of Syntax. Cambridge, Massachusetts: MIT Press, 1965. Dancer, Helen. “Riding the Storm”. The Bulletin 1 Feb 2000: 64-5. Featherstone, Mike. Consumer Culture and Postmodernism. London: Sage, 1991. Flamberg, Danny. “Understanding the Empowered E-Consumer”. iMarketing News 1.9 (19 Nov 1999): 32. Foucault, Michel. The Will to Knowledge: The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1. Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1998. Trans. Robert Hurley. Originally published 1976. Gates, Bill, with Nathan Myhrvold and Peter Rinearson. The Road Ahead. Revised edition. London: Penguin Books, 1996. Originally published 1995. Haas, Stephanie W., and Erika S. Grams. “Page and Link Classifications: Connecting Diverse Resources”. Proceedings of the Third ACM Conference on Digital Libraries, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, USA, 1998: 99-107. 2 Oct 2002 http://portal.acm.org&gt;. Haas, Stephanie W., and Erika S. Grams. “Readers, Authors and Page Structure: A Discussion of Four Questions Arising from a Content Analysis of Web Pages.” Journal of the American Society for Information Science 51.2 (2000): 181-92. Horton, Matthew. “The Internet and the Empowered Consumer: From the Scarcity of the Commodity to the Multiplicity of Subjectivities.” Media International Australia 91 (May 1999): 111-23. Jackson, Michele H. “Assessing the Structure of Communication on the World Wide Web”. Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication 3.1 (Jun 1997). 8 Aug 2002 http://www.ascusc.org/jcmc/&gt; Levine, Rick, Christopher Locke, Doc Searls and David Weinberger. The Cluetrain Manifesto: The End of Business as Usual. South Yarra: Hardie Grant Books, 2000. Lynch, Adrian. “Revolution Gives Power to Consumers.” The Australian 30 May 2000: IT section 17. Miles, Adrian. “Cinematic Paradigms for Hypertext.” Presented at Digital Arts &amp; Culture conference, Bergen, Norway, 26-28 Nov 1998. 3 Oct 2002 http://cmc.uib.no/dac98/&gt; Miles, Adrian. “Hypertext Structure as the Event of Connection.” Journal of Digital Information 2.3 (2002). Originally presented at ACM Hyperlink 2001 conference in Aarhus, Denmark. 5 Sep 2002 http://jodi.ecs.soton.ac.uk&gt;. Poster, Mark. The Second Media Age. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995. Sullivan, Andrew. “Dotcommo e-Volution”. The Australian 19 Jun 2000: 40. Virilio, Paul. Speed and Politics: Essays on Dromology. New York: Semiotext(e), 1986. Trans. Mark Polizzotti. Originally published 1977. &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Citation reference for this article&#x0D; &#x0D; MLA Style&#x0D; Jarrett, Kylie. "Ordering Disorder: ninemsn, Hypertext and Databases." M/C Journal 7.6 (2005). echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/07-jarrett.php&gt;. APA Style&#x0D; Jarrett, K. (Jan. 2005) "Ordering Disorder: ninemsn, Hypertext and Databases," M/C Journal, 7(6). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; from &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0501/07-jarrett.php&gt;. &#x0D;

IntroductionSince its launch in 2005, YouTube has fast become one of the most popular video sharing sites, one of the largest sources of user generated content, and one of the most frequently visited sites globally (Burgess and Green). As YouTube’s popularity has increased, more and more people have taken up the site’s invitation to “Broadcast Yourself.” Vlogging (video blogging) on YouTube has increased in popularity, creating new genres and communities. Vlogging not only allows individuals to create their own mediated content for mass consumption—making it a site for participatory culture (Burgess and Green; Jenkins) and resembling contemporary forms of entertainment such as reality television—but it also allows individuals to engage in narrative and identity forming practices. Through filming their everyday lives, and presenting themselves on camera, YouTubers are engaging in a process of constructing and presenting their identity online. They often form communities around these identities and continue the practice in dialogue and collaboration with their communities of viewers on YouTube. Because of YouTube’s mass global reach, the ability to create one’s own mediated content and the ability to publicly play with and project different self representations becomes a powerful tool allowing YouTubers to publicly challenge social norms and encourage others to do the same. This paper will explore these features of YouTube using the recent “The Power of MAKEUP!” movement, started by NikkieTutorials, as an example. Through a virtual ethnography of the movement as developed by Christine Hine—following the people, dialogue, connections, and narratives that emerged from Nikkie’s original video—this paper will demonstrate that YouTube is not only a tool for self transformation, but has wider potential to transform norms in society. This is achieved mainly through mobilising communities that form around transformative practices, such as makeup transformations, on YouTube. Vlogging as an Identity Forming Practice Vlogging on YouTube is a contemporary form of autobiography in which individuals engage in a process of documenting their life on a daily or weekly basis and, in doing so, constructing their identity online. Although the aim of beauty vlogs is to teach new makeup techniques, demonstrate and review new products, or circulate beauty-related information, the videos include a large amount of self-disclosure. Beauty vloggers reveal intimate things about themselves and actively engage in the practice of self-representation while filming. Beauty vlogging is unique to other vlogging genres as it almost always involves an immediate transformation of the physical self in each video. The vloggers typically begin with their faces bare and “natural” and throughout the course of the video transform their faces into how they want to be seen, and ultimately, who they want to be that day, using makeup. Thus the process of self-representation is multi-dimensional as not only are they presenting the self, but they are also visually constructing the self on camera. The construction of identity that beauty vloggers engage in on YouTube can be likened to what Robert Ezra Park and later Erving Goffman refer to as the construction and performance of a mask. In his work Race and Culture, Park states that the original meaning of the word person is a mask (249). Goffman responds to this statement in his work The Presentation of Self in Everyday Life, saying the mask is “our truer self, the self we would like to be” (30). Beauty vloggers are engaging in the process of constructing their mask—their truer self and the self they would like to be—both through their performance on YouTube, and through the visual transformation that takes place on camera. Their performance on YouTube not only communicates a desired identity, but through their performance they realise this identity. The process of filming and the visual process of constructing or transforming the self on camera through makeup brings the subject into being. Scholarship in the fields of Life Writing and Digital Media including Autobiography, Automedia and Persona Studies has acknowledged and explored the ways narratives and identities—both online and offline—are constructed, created, shaped, chosen, and invented by the individual/author (Garner; Bridger; Eakin; Maguire; Poletti and Rak; Marshall; Smith and Watson). It is widely accepted that all representations of the self are constructed. Crucially, it is the process of documenting or communicating the self that is identity forming (Richardson; Bridger), as the process, including writing, filming, and posting, brings the subject or self into being (Neuman). The individual embodies their performance and realises the self through it. Park and Goffman argue that we all engage in this process of performing and realising the self through the roles we play in society. The significance of the beauty vlogger performance and transformation is the space in which it occurs and the community that it fosters. YouTube as a Transformative Tool and MirrorThe space in which beauty vloggers play with and transform the self on camera is significant as digital technologies such as YouTube invite exploration of the self. Networked digital media (Meikle and Young) invite multiplicity, heterogeneity, and fragmentation in/of identity performances (Bolter; Gergen; Turkle, "Parallel Lives"). These technologies create opportunities for defining and re-defining the self (Bolter 130), as they allow people to present a more multi-mediated self, using both audio-visual components and text (Papacharissi 643).YouTube, in particular, allows the individual to experiment with the self, and document an ongoing transformation, through film (Kavoori). Many scholars have described this ongoing process of identity construction online using the metaphor of “the mirror” (see Kavoori; Raun; and Procter as recent examples). In his research on trans gender vlogging on YouTube, Tobias Raun explores the theme of the mirror. He describes vlogging as a “transformative medium for working on, producing and exploring the self” (366). He argues the vlog acts as a mirror allowing the individual to try out and assume various identities (366). He writes, the mirroring function of the vlog “invites the YouTuber to assume the shape of a desired identity/representation, constantly assuming and evaluating oneself as an attractive image, trying out different ‘styles of the flesh’ (Butler 177), poses and appearances” (367). In reference to trans gender vlogging, Raun writes, “The vlog seems to serve an important function in the transitioning process, and is an important part of a process of self-invention, serving as a testing ground for experimentations with, and manifestations of (new) identities” (367). The mirror (vlog) gives the individual a place/space to construct and perform their mask (identity), and an opportunity to see the reflection and adjust the mask (identity) accordingly. An important feature of the vlog as a mirror is the fact that it is less like a conventional mirror and more like a window with a reflective surface. On YouTube the vlog always involves an audience, who not only watch the performance, but also respond to it. This is in keeping with Goffman’s assertion that there is always an audience involved in any performance of the self. On YouTube, Raun argues, “the need to represent oneself goes hand in hand with the need to connect and communicate” (Raun 369). Networked digital media such as YouTube are inherently social. They invite participation (Smith; Sauter)and community through community building functions such as the ability to like, subscribe, and comment. Michael Strangelove refers to YouTube as a social space, “as a domain of self-expression, community and public confession” (4). The audience and community are important in the process of identity construction and representation as they serve a crucial role in providing feedback and encouragement, legitimising the identity being presented. As Raun writes, the vlog is an opportunity “for seeing one’s own experiences and thoughts reflected in others” (366). Raun identifies that for the trans gender vloggers in his study, simply knowing there is an audience watching their vlogs is enough to affirm their identity. He writes the vlog can be both “an individual act of self validation and . . . a social act of recognition and encouragement” (368). However, in the case of beauty vlogging the audience do more than watch, they form communities embodying and projecting the performance in everyday life and thus collectively challenge social norms, as seen in the “The Power of MAKEUP!” movement. Exploring the “The Power of MAKEUP!” MovementOn 10 May 2015, Nikkie, a well-known beauty vlogger, uploaded a video to her YouTube channel NikkieTutorials titled “The Power of MAKEUP!” Nikkie’s video can be watched here. In her video Nikkie challenges “makeup shaming,” arguing that makeup is not only fun, but can “transform” you into who you want to be. Inspired by an episode of the reality television show RuPaul’s Drag Race, in which the competing drag queens transform half of their face into “glam” (drag), and leave the other half of their face bare (male), Nikkie demonstrates that anyone can use makeup as a transformative tool. In her video Nikkie mirrors the drag queen transformations, transforming half her face into “glam” and leaving the other half of her face bare, as shown in Figure 1. In only transforming half of her face, Nikkie emphasises the scope of the transformation, demonstrating just how much you can change your appearance using only makeup on your face. Nikkie’s video communicates that both a transformed “glam” image and an “unedited” image of the self are perfectly fine, “there are no rules” and neither representations of the self should bring you shame. Figure 1: thumbnail of Nikkie’s videoNikkie’s video started a movement and spread throughout the beauty community on YouTube as a challenge. Other famous beauty vloggers, and everyday makeup lovers, took on the challenge of creating YouTube videos or posting pictures on Instagram of their faces half bare and half transformed using makeup with the tag #thepowerofmakeupchallenge. Since its release in May 2015, Nikkie’s video has been watched over thirty million times, has been liked over five hundred and thirty thousand times, and has received over twenty three thousand comments, many of which echo Nikkie’s experience of “makeup shaming.” “The power of makeup” video went viral and was picked up not only by the online beauty community but also by mainstream media with articles by Huffington Post, Yahoo.com, Marie Claire, BuzzFeed, DailyLife, POPSUGAR, Enews, Urbanshowbiz, BoredPanda, and kickvick among others. On Instagram, thousands of everyday makeup lovers have recreated the transformation and uploaded their pictures of the finished result. Various hashtags have been created around this movement and can be searched on Instagram including #thepowerofmakeupchallenge, #powerofmakeupchallenge, #powerofmakeup. Nikkie’s Instagram page dedicated to the challenge can be seen here. “The power of makeup” video is a direct reaction against what Nikkie calls “makeup shaming”—the idea that makeup is bad, and the assumption that the leading motivation for using makeup is insecurity. In her video Nikkie also reacts to the idea that the made-up-girl is “not really you,” or worse is “fake.” In the introduction to her video Nikkie says,I’ve been noticing a lot lately that girls have been almost ashamed to say that they love makeup because nowadays when you say you love makeup you either do it because you want to look good for boys, you do it because you’re insecure, or you do it because you don’t love yourself. I feel like in a way lately it’s almost a crime to love doing your makeup. So after last weeks RuPaul’s Drag Race with the half drag half male, I was inspired to show you the power of makeup. I notice a lot that when I don’t wear makeup and I have my hair up in a bun and I meet people and I show them picture of my videos or, or whatever looks I have done, they look at me and straight up tell me “that is not you.” They tell me “that’s funny” because I don’t even look like that girl on the picture. So without any further ado I’m going to do half my face full on glam—I’m truly going to transform one side of my face—and the other side is going to be me, raw, unedited, nothing, me, just me. So let’s do it.In her introduction, Nikkie identifies a social attitude that many of her viewers can relate to, that the made-up face isn’t the “real you.” This idea reveals an interesting contradiction in social attitude. As this issue of Media/Culture highlights, the theme of transformation is increasingly popular in contemporary society. Renovation shows, weight loss shows, and “makeover” shows have increased in number and popularity around the world (Lewis). Tania Lewis attributes this to an international shift towards “the real” on television (447). Accompanying this turn towards “the real,” confession, intimacy, and authenticity are now demanded and consumed as entertainment (Goldthwaite; Dovey; King). Sites such as YouTube are arguably popular because they offer real stories, real lives, and have a core value of authenticity (Strangelove; Wesch; Young; Tolson). The power of makeup transformations are challenging because they juxtapose a transformation against the natural, on the self. By only transforming half their face, the beauty vloggers juxtapose the “makeover” (transformation) with “authenticity” (the natural). The power of makeup movement is therefore caught between two contemporary social values. However, the desire for authenticity, and the lack of acceptance that the transformed image is authentic seems to be the main criticism that the members of this movement receive. Beauty vloggers identify a strong social value that “natural” is “good” and any attempt to alter the natural is taboo. Even in the commercial world “natural beauty” is celebrated and features heavily in the marketing and advertising campaigns of popular beauty, cosmetic, and skincare brands. Consider Maybelline’s emphasis on “natural beauty” in their byline “Maybe she’s born with it. Maybe it’s Maybelline.” This is not the way the members of “the power of makeup” movement use and celebrate makeup. They use and celebrate makeup as a transformative and identity forming tool, and their use of makeup is most often criticised for not being natural. In her recreation of Nikkie’s video, Evelina Forsell says “people get upset when I’m not natural.” Like Nikkie, Evelina reveals she often receives the criticism that “the person with a full on face with makeup is not you.” Evelina’s video can be watched here.“The power of makeup” movement and its participants challenge this criticism that the made-up self is not the “real” self. Evelina directly responds to this criticism in her video, stating “when I have a full face of makeup . . . that’s still me, but a more . . . creative me, I guess.” The beauty vloggers in this movement use makeup and YouTube as extensions of the self, as tools for self-expression, self-realisation, and ongoing transformation. Beauty vloggers are demonstrating that makeup is a tool and extension of the self that allows them to explore and play with their self-representations. In the same way that technology enables the individual to extend and “reinvent him/herself online” (Papacharissi 645), so does makeup. And in the same way that technology becomes an extension of the self, or even a second self (Turkle, The Second Self; Vaast) so does makeup. Makeup is a tool and technique of the self. Vlogging is about storytelling (Kavoori), but it is also collective—it’s about telling collective stories (Raun 373) which can be seen in various vlogging genres. As Geert Lovink suggests, YouTube is one of the largest databases of global shared experience. YouTube’s global popularity can be attributed to Strangelove’s assertion that “there’s nothing more interesting to real people . . . than authentic stories told about other real people” (65). Individuals are drawn to Nikkie’s experience, seeing themselves reflected in her story. Famous beauty vloggers on YouTube, and everyday beauty lovers, find community in the collective experience of feeling shame for loving makeup and using makeup to transform and communicate their identity. Effectively, the movement forms communities of practice (Wenger) made up of hundreds of people brought together by the shared value and use of makeup as a transformative tool. The online spaces where these activities take place (mainly on YouTube and Instagram) form affinity spaces (Gee) where the community come together, share information, learn and develop their practice. Hundreds of YouTubers from all over the world took up Nikkie’s invitation to demonstrate the power of makeup by transforming themselves on camera. From well-established beauty vloggers with millions of viewers, to amateur beauty lovers with YouTube channels, many people felt moved by Nikkie’s example and embodied the message, adapting the transformation to suit their circumstances. The movement includes both men and women, children and adults. Some transformations are inspirational such as Shalom Blac’s in which she talks about accepting the scars that are all over her face, but also demonstrates how makeup can make them disappear. Shalom has almost five million views on her “POWER OF MAKEUP” video, and has been labelled “inspirational” by the media. Shalom Blac’s video can be watched here and the media article labelling her as “inspirational” can be viewed here. Others, such as PatrickStarrr, send a powerful message that “It’s okay to be yourself.” Unlike a traditional interpretation of that statement, Patrick is communicating that it is okay to be the self that you construct, on any given day. Patrick also has over four million views on his video which can be watched here. During her transformation, Nikkie points out each feature of her face that she does not like and demonstrates how she can change it using makeup. Nikkie’s video is primarily a tutorial, educating viewers on different makeup techniques that can manipulate the appearance of their natural features into how they would like them to appear. These techniques are also reproduced and embodied through the various contributors to the movement. Thus the tutorial is an educational tool enabling others to use makeup for their own self representations (see Paul A. Soukup for an overview of YouTube as an educational tool). A feminist perspective may deconstruct the empowering, educational intentions of Nikkie’s video, insisting that conceptions of beauty are a social construct (Travis, Meginnis, and Bardari) and should not be re-enforced by encouraging women (and men) to use make-up to feel good. However, this sort of discourse does not appear in the movement, and this paper seeks to analyse the movement as its contributors frame and present it. Rather, “the power of makeup” movement falls within a postfeminist framework celebrating choice, femininity, independence, and the individual construction of modern identity (McRobbie; Butler; Beck, Giddens and Lash). Postfeminism embraces postmodern notions of identity in which individuals are “called up to invent their own structures” (McRobbie 260). Through institutions such as education young women have “become more independent and able,” and “‘dis-embedded’ from communities where gender roles were fixed” (McRobbie 260). Angela McRobbie attributes this to the work of scholars such as Anthony Giddens and Ulrich Beck and their emphasis on individualisation and reflexive modernisation. These scholars take a Foucauldian approach to identity construction in the modern age, where the individual must choose their own structures “internally and individualistically” (260), engaging in an ongoing process of self-monitoring and self-improvement, and resulting in the current self-help culture (McRobbie). In addition to being an educational and constructive tool, Nikkie’s video is also an exercise in self-branding and self-promotion(see Marwick; Duffy and Hund; and van Nuenen for scholarship on self-branding). Through her ongoing presence on YouTube, presenting this video in conjunction with her other tutorials, Nikkie is establishing herself as a beauty vlogger/guru. Nikkie lists all of the products that she uses in her transformation below her video with links to where people can buy them. She also lists her social media accounts, ways that people can connect with her, and other videos that people might be interested in watching. There are also prompts to subscribe, both during her video and in the description bar below her video. Nikkie’s transformation is both an ongoing endeavour to create her image and public persona as a beauty vlogger, and a physical transformation on camera. There is also a third transformation that takes place because her vlog is in the public sphere and consequently mobilises a movement. The transformation is of the way people talk about and eventually perceive makeup. Nikkie’s video aims to end makeup shaming and promote makeup as an empowering tool. With each recreation of her video, with each Instagram photo featuring the transformation, and with each mainstream media article featuring the movement, #thepowerofmakeup movement community are transforming the image of the made-up girl—transforming the association of makeup with presenting an inauthentic identity—in society. ConclusionThe “The Power of MAKEUP!” movement, started by NikkieTutorials, demonstrates one way in which people are using YouTube as a transformative tool, and mirror, to document, construct, and present their identity online, using makeup. Through their online transformation the members of the movement not only engage in a process of constructing and presenting their identity, but they form communities who share a love of makeup and its transformative potential. 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Introduction The coronation of King Charles III was steeped in the tradition of magic and ritual that has characterised English, and later British, coronations. The very idea of a coronation leverages belief in divinity; however, the coronation of Charles III occurred in a very different social environment than those of monarchs a millennium ago. Today, belief in the divine right of Kings is dramatically reduced. In this context, magic can also be thought of as a stage performance that relies on a tacit understanding between audience and actor, where disbelief is suspended in order to achieve the effect. This paper will examine the use of ritual and magic in the coronation ceremony. It will discuss how the British royal family has positioned its image in relation to the concept of magic and how social changes have brought the very idea of monarchy into question. One way to think about magic, according to Leddington (253), is that it has “long had an uneasy relationship with two thoroughly disreputable worlds: the world of the supposedly supernatural – the world of psychics, mediums and other charlatans – and the world of the con – the world of cheats, hustlers and swindlers”. While it may be that a magician aims to fool the audience, the act also requires audiences to willingly suspend disbelief. Once the audience suspends disbelief in the theatrical event, they enter the realm of fantasy. The “willingness of the audience to play along and indulge in the fantasy” means magic is not just about performances of fiction, but it is about illusion (Leddington 256). Magic is also grounded in its social practices: the occult, sorcery, and witchcraft, particularly when linked to the Medieval Euro-American witch-hunts of the fifteenth to seventeenth century (Ginzburg). Religion scorned magic as a threat to the idea that only God had “sovereignty over the unseen” (Benussi). By the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, intellectuals like Karl Marx, Sigmund Freud, and Max Weber argued that “increases in literacy, better living conditions, and growing acquaintance with modern science, would make people gradually forget their consolatory but false beliefs in spirits, gods, witches, and magical forces” (Casanova). Recent booms in Wicca and neopaganism show that modernity has not dismissed supernatural inquiry. Today, ‘occulture’ – “an eclectic milieu mixing esotericism, pop culture, and urban mysticism” – is treated as a “valuable resource to address existential predicaments, foster resilience in the face of the negative, expand their cognitive resources, work on their spiritual selves, explore fantasy and creativity, and generally improve their relationship with the world” (Benussi). Indeed, Durkheim’s judgement of magic as a quintessentially personal spiritual endeavour has some resonance. It also helps to explain why societies are still able to suspend belief and accept the ‘illusion’ that King Charles III is appointed by God. And this is what happened on 6 May 2023 when millions of people looked on, and as with all magic mirrors, saw what they wanted to see. Some saw a … victory for the visibility of older women, as if we did not recently bury a 96-year-old queen, and happiness at last. Others saw a victory for diversity, as people of colour and non-Christian faiths, and women, were allowed to perform homage — and near the front, too, close to the god. (Gold 2023) ‘We must not let in daylight upon magic’ In 1867, English essayist Walter Bagehot (1826-1877) wrote “above all things our royalty is to be reverenced, and if you begin to poke about it, you cannot reverence it … . Its mystery is its life. We must not let in daylight upon magic” (cited in Ratcliffe). Perhaps, one may argue sardonically, somebody forgot to tell Prince Harry. In the 2022 six-part Netflix special Harry and Meghan, it was reported that Prince Harry and his wife Meghan have “shone not just daylight but a blinding floodlight on the private affairs of the royal family” (Holden). Queen Elizabeth II had already learnt the lesson of not letting the light in. In June 1969, BBC1 and ITV in Britain aired a documentary titled Royal Family, which was watched by 38 million viewers in the UK and an estimated 350 million globally. The documentary was developed by William Heseltine, the Queen’s press secretary, and John Brabourne, who was the son-in-law of Lord Mountbatten, to show the daily life of the royal family. The recent show The Crown also shows the role of Prince Phillip in its development. The 110-minute documentary covered one year of the royal’s private lives. Queen Elizabeth was shown the documentary before it aired. The following dialogue amongst the royals in The Crown (episode 3, season 4 ‘Bubbikins’) posits one reason for its production. It’s a documentary film … . It means, um ... no acting. No artifice. Just the real thing. Like one of those wildlife films. Yes, except this time, we are the endangered species. Yes, exactly. It will follow all of us in our daily lives to prove to everyone out there what we in here already know. What’s that? Well, how hard we all work. And what good value we represent. How much we deserve the taxpayer’s money. So, we’ll all have to get used to cameras being here all the time? Not all the time. They will follow us on and off over the next few months. So, all of you are on your best behaviour. As filming begins, Queen Elizabeth says of the camera lights, “it’s jolly powerful that light, isn’t it?” In 1977 Queen Elizabeth banned the documentary from being shown in Britain. The full-length version is currently available on YouTube. Released at a time of social change in Britain, the film focusses on tradition, duty, and family life, revealing a very conservative royal family largely out of step with modern Britain. Perhaps Queen Elizabeth II realised too much ‘light’ had been let in. Historian David Cannadine argues that, during most of the nineteenth century, the British monarchy was struggling to maintain its image and status, and as the population was becoming better educated, royal ritual would soon be exposed as nothing more than primitive magic, a hollow sham ... the pageantry centred on the monarchy was conspicuous for its ineptitude rather than for its grandeur. (Cannadine, "Context" 102) By the 1980s, Cannadine goes on to posit, despite the increased level of education there remained a “liking for the secular magic of monarchy” (Cannadine, "Context" 102). This could be found in the way the monarchy had ‘reinvented’ their rituals – coronations, weddings, openings of parliament, and so on – in the late Victorian era and through to the Second World War. By the time of Queen Elizabeth’s coronation in 1953, aided by television, “the British persuaded themselves that they were good at ceremonial because they always had been” (Cannadine, "Context" 108). However, Queen Elizabeth II’s coronation was very much an example of the curating of illusion precisely because it was televised. Initially, there was opposition to the televising of the coronation from both within the royal family and within the parliament, with television considered the “same as the gutter press” and only likely to show the “coronation blunders” experienced by her father (Hardman 123). Queen Elizabeth II appointed her husband Prince Phillip as Chair of the Coronation Committee. The Queen was opposed to the coronation being televised; the Prince was in favour of it, wanting to open the “most significant royal ceremony to the common man using the new technology of the day” (Morton 134). The Prince argued that opening the coronation to the people via television was the “simplest and surest way of maintaining the monarchy” and that the “light should be let in on the magic” (Morton 135). Queen Elizabeth II considered the coronation a “profound and sacred moment in history, when an ordinary mortal is transformed into a potent symbol in accordance with centuries-old tradition” (Morton 125). For the Queen, the cameras would be too revealing and remind audiences that she was in fact mortal. The press celebrated the idea to televise the coronation, arguing the people should not be “denied the climax of a wonderful and magnificent occasion in British history” (Morton 135). The only compromise was that the cameras could film the ceremony “but would avert their gaze during the Anointing and Holy Communion” (Hardman 123). Today, royal events are extensively planned, from the clothing of the monarch (Hackett and Coghlan) to managing the death of the monarch (Knight). Royal tours are also extensively planned, with elaborate visits designed to show off “royal symbols, vividly and vitally” (Cannadine 115). As such, their public appearances became more akin to “theatrical shows” (Reed 4). History of the ‘Magicalisation’ of Coronations British coronations originated as a “Christian compromise with earlier pagan rites of royal investiture” and in time it would become a “Protestant compromise with Britain’s Catholic past, while also referencing Britain’s growing role as an imperial power” (Young). The first English coronation was at Bath Abbey where the Archbishop of Canterbury crowned King Edgar in 973. When Edward the Confessor came to the throne in 1043, he commissioned the construction of Westminster Abbey on the site of a Benedictine monk church. The first documented coronation to take place at Westminster Abbey was for William the Conqueror in 1066 (Brain). Coronations were considered “essential to convince England’s kings that they held their authority from God” (Young). Following William the Conqueror’s coronation cementing Westminster Abbey’s status as the site for all subsequent coronation ceremonies, Henry III (1207-1272) realised the need for the Abbey to be a religious site that reflects the ceremonial status of that which authorises the monarch’s authority from God. It was under the influence of Henry III that it was rebuilt in a Gothic style, creating the high altar and imposing design that we see today (Brain). As such, this “newly designed setting was now not only a place of religious devotion and worship but also a theatre in which to display the power of kingship in the heart of Westminster, a place where governance, religion and power were all so closely intertwined” (Brain). The ‘magicalisation’ of the coronation rite intensified in the reign of Edward I (Young), with the inclusion of the Stone of Destiny, which is an ancient symbol of Scotland’s monarchy, used for centuries in the inauguration of Scottish kings. In 1296, King Edward I of England seized the stone from the Scots and had it built into a new throne at Westminster. From then on, it was used in the coronation ceremonies of British monarchs. On Christmas Day 1950, four Scottish students removed the stone from Westminster Abbey in London. It turned up three months later, 500 miles away at the high altar of Arbroath Abbey. In 1996, the stone was officially returned to Scotland. The stone will only leave Scotland again for a coronation in Westminster Abbey (Edinburgh Castle). The Stone is believed to be of pre-Christian origin and there is evidence to suggest that it was used in the investitures of pagan kings; thus, modern coronations are largely a muddle of the pre-Christian, the sacred, and the secular in a single ceremony (Young). But the “sheer colour, grandeur, and pageantry of Elizabeth II’s coronation in 1953 was such a contrast with the drabness of post-war Britain that it indelibly marked the memories of those who watched it on television—Britain’s equivalent of the moon landings” (Young). It remains to be seen whether King Charles III’s coronation will have the same impact on Britain given its post-Brexit period of economic recession, political instability, and social division. The coronation channels “the fascination, the magic, the continuity, the stability that comes from a monarchy with a dynasty that has been playing this role for centuries, [and] a lot of people find comfort in that” (Gullien quoted in Stockman). However, the world of King Charles III's coronation is much different from that of his mother’s, where there was arguably a more willing audience. The world that Queen Elizabeth II was crowned in was much more sympathetic to the notion of monarchy. Britain, and much of the Commonwealth, was still reeling from the Second World War and willing to accept the fantasy of the 1953 coronation of the 25-year-old newly married princess. By comparison today, support for the monarchy is relatively low. The shift away from the monarchy has been evident since at least 1992, the annus horribilis (Pimlott 7), with much of its basis in the perceived antics of the monarch’s children, and with the ambivalence towards the fire at Windsor Castle that year demonstrating the mood of the public. Pimlott argues “it was no longer fashionable to be in favour of the Monarchy, or indeed to have much good to say about it”, and with this “a last taboo had been shed” (Pimlott 7). The net favourability score of the royal family in the UK sat at +41 just after the death of Queen Elizabeth II. Six months later, this had fallen to +30 (Humphrys). In their polling of adults in the UK, YouGov found that 46% of Britons were likely “to watch King Charles’ coronation and/or take part in celebrations surrounding it”, with younger demographics less likely to participate (YouGov, "How Likely"). The reported £100m cost of the coronation during a cost of living crisis drew controversy, with 51% of the population believing the government should not pay for it, and again the younger generations being more likely to believe that it should not be funded (YouGov, "Do You Think"). Denis Altman (17) reminds us that, traditionally, monarchs claimed their authority directly from God as the “divine right of kings”, which gave monarchs the power to stave off challenges. This somewhat magical legitimacy, however, sits uneasily with modern ideas of democracy. Nevertheless, modern monarchs still call upon this magical legitimacy when their role and relevance are questioned, as the late 1990s proved it to be for the Windsors. With the royal family now subject to a level of public scrutiny that they had not been subjected to in over a century, the coronation of King Charles III would occur in a very different socio-political climate than that of his mother. The use of ritual and magic, and a willing audience, would be needed if King Charles III’s reign was to be accepted as legitimate, never mind popular. As the American conservative commentator Helen Andrews wrote, “all legitimacy is essentially magic” (cited in Cusack). Recognising the need to continue to ensure its legitimacy and relevance, the British royal family have always recognised that mass public consumption of royal births and weddings, and even deaths and funerals are central to them retaining their “mystique” (Altman 30). The fact that 750 million people watched the fairytale wedding of Charles and Diana in 1981, that two billion people watched Diana’s funeral on television in 1997, and a similar number watched the wedding of William and Catherine, suggests that in life and death the royals are at least celebrities, and for some watchers have taken on a larger socio-cultural meaning. Being seen, as Queen Elizabeth II said, in order to be believed, opens the door to how the royals are viewed and understood in modern life. Visibility and performance, argues Laura Clancy (63), is important to the relevance and authority of royalty. Visibility comes from images reproduced on currency and tea towels, but it also comes from being visible in public life, ideally contributing to the betterment of social life for the nation. Here the issue of ‘the magic’ of being blessed by God becomes problematic. For modern monarchs such as Queen Elizabeth II, her power arguably rested on her public status as a symbol of national stability. This, however, requires her to be seen doing so, therefore being visible in the public sphere. However, if royals are given their authority from God as a mystical authority of the divine right of kings, then why do they seek public legitimacy? More so, if ordained by God, royals are not ‘ordinary’ and do not live an ordinary life, so being too visible or too ordinary means the monarchy risks losing its “mystic” and they are “unmasked” (Clancy 65). Therefore, modern royals, including King Charles III, must tightly “stage-manage” being visible and being invisible to protect the magic of the monarch (Clancy 65). For the alternative narrative is easy to be found. As one commentator for the Irish Times put it, “having a queen as head of state is like having a pirate or a mermaid or Ewok as head of state” (Freyne). In this depiction, a monarch is a work of fiction having no real basis. The anointing of the British monarch by necessity taps into the same narrative devices that can be found throughout fiction. The only difference is that this is real life and there is no guarantee of a happily ever after. The act of magic evident in the anointing of the monarch is played out in ‘Smoke and Mirrors’, episode 5 of the first season of the television series The Crown. The episode opens with King George VI asking a young Princess Elizabeth to help him practice his anointing ceremony. Complete with a much improved, though still evident stutter, he says to the young Princess pretending to be the Archbishop: You have to anoint me, otherwise, I can’t ... be King. Do you understand? When the holy oil touches me, I am tr... I am transformed. Brought into direct contact with the divine. For ... forever changed. Bound to God. It is the most important part of the entire ceremony. The episode closes with the coronation of Queen Elizabeth II. Watching the ceremony on television is the Duke of Windsor, the former King Edward VIII, who was not invited to the coronation. To an audience of his friends and his wife Wallis Simpson, he orates: Oils and oaths. Orbs and sceptres. Symbol upon symbol. An unfathomable web of arcane mystery and liturgy. Blurring so many lines no clergyman or historian or lawyer could ever untangle any of it – It's crazy – On the contrary. It's perfectly sane. Who wants transparency when you can have magic? Who wants prose when you can have poetry? Pull away the veil and what are you left with? An ordinary young woman of modest ability and little imagination. But wrap her up like this, anoint her with oil, and hey, presto, what do you have? A goddess. By the time of Elizabeth II’s coronation in 1953, television would demand to show the coronation, and after Elizabeth’s initial reluctance was allowed to televise most of the event. Again, the issue of visibility and invisibility emerges. If the future Queen was blessed by God, why did the public need to see the event? Prime Minister Winston Churchill argued that television should be banned from the coronation because the “religious and spiritual aspects should not be presented as if they were theatrical performance” (Clancy 67). Clancy goes on to argue that the need for television was misunderstood by Churchill: royal spectacle equated with royal power, and the “monarchy is performance and representation” (Clancy 67). But Churchill countered that the “risks” of television was to weaken the “magic of the monarch” (Clancy 67). King Charles III’s Coronation: ‘An ageing debutante about to become a god’ Walter Bagehot also wrote, “when there is a select committee on the Queen … the charm of royalty will be gone”. When asking readers to think about who should pay for King Charles III’s coronation, The Guardian reminded readers that the monarchy rests not on mantras and vapours, but on a solid financial foundation that has been deliberately shielded from parliamentary accountability … . No doubt King Charles III hopes that his coronation will have an enormous impact on the prestige of the monarchy – and secure his legitimacy. But it is the state that will foot the bill for its antique flummery. (The Guardian) Legitimacy it has been said is “essentially magic” (Cusack). The flummery that delivers royal legitimacy – coronations – has been referred to as “a magic hat ceremony” as well as “medieval”, “anachronistic”, and “outdated” (Young). If King Charles III lacks the legitimacy of his subjects, then where is the magic? The highly coordinated, extravagant succession of King Charles III has been planned for over half a century. The reliance on a singular monarch has ensured that this has been a necessity. This also begs the question: why is it so necessary? A monarch whose place was assured surely is in no need of such trappings. Andrew Cusack’s royalist view of the proclamation of the new King reveals much about the reliance on ritual to create magic. His description of the Accession Council at St James’s Palace on 10 September 2022 reveals the rituals that accompany such rarefied events: reading the Accession Proclamation, the monarch swearing their oath and signing various decrees, and the declaration to the public from the balcony of the palace. For the first time, the general public was allowed behind the veil through the lens of television cameras and the more modern online streaming; essential, perhaps, as the proclamation from the balcony was read to an empty street, which had been closed off as a security measure. Yet, for those privileged members of the Privy Council who were able to attend, standing there in a solemn crowd of many hundreds, responding to Garter’s reading of the proclamation with a hearty and united shout of “God save the King!” echoing down the streets of London, it was difficult not to feel the supernatural and preternatural magic of the monarchy. (Cusack) Regardless, the footage of the event reveals a highly rehearsed affair, all against a backdrop of carefully curated colour, music, and costume. Costumes need to be “magnificent” because they “help to will the spell into being” (Gold). This was not the only proclamation ceremony. Variations were executed across the Commonwealth and other realms. In Australia, the Governor-General made a declaration flanked by troops. “A coronation creates a god out of a man: it is magic” (Gold). But for King Charles III, his lack of confidence in the magic spell was obvious at breakfast time. As the congregation spooled into Westminster Abbey, with actors at the front – kings tend to like actors, as they have the same job – the head of the anti-monarchist pressure group Republic, Graham Smith, was arrested near Trafalgar Square with five other republican leaders (Gold). The BBC cut away from the remaining Trafalgar Square protestors as the royal cavalcade passed them by, meaning “screen[s] were erected in front of the protest, as if our eyes — and the king’s — were too delicate to be allowed to see it” (Gold). The Duke of York was booed as he left Buckingham Palace, but that too was not reported on (Ward). This was followed by “the pomp: the fantastical costumes, the militarism, the uneasy horses” (Gold). Yet, the king looked both scared and thrilled: an ageing debutante about to become a god [as he was] poked and prodded, dressed and undressed, and sacred objects were placed on and near him by a succession of holy men who looked like they would fight to the death for the opportunity. (Gold) King Charles III’s first remarks at the beginning of coronation were “I come not to be served, but to serve” (New York Times), a narrative largely employed to dispel the next two hours of well-dressed courtiers and clergy attending to all manner of trinkets and singing all matter of hymns. After being anointed with holy oil and presented with some of the crown jewels, King Charles was officially crowned by the Archbishop of Canterbury placing the St Edward’s Crown upon his head. The 360-year-old crown is the centrepiece of the Crown Jewels. It stands just over 30 centimetres tall and weighs over two kilograms (Howard). In the literal crowning moment, Charles was seated on the 700-year-old Coronation Chair, believed to be the oldest piece of furniture in Europe still being used for its original purpose and holding two golden scepters as the glittering St. Edward’s Crown, made for King Charles II in 1661, was placed on his head. It is the only time he will ever wear it. (New York Times) The Indigenous Australian journalist Stan Grant perhaps best sums up the coronation and its need to sanctify via magic the legitimacy of the monarchy. He argues that taking the coronation seriously only risks becoming complicit in this antediluvian ritual. A 74-year-old man will finally inherit the crown of a faded empire. His own family is not united, let alone his country. Charles will still reign over 15 nations, among them St Lucia, Tuvalu, Grenada, Canada and, of course, steadfast Australia. The “republican” Prime Minister Anthony Albanese will be among those pledging his allegiance. To seal it all, the new King will be anointed with holy oil. This man is apparently a gift from God. Conclusion Magic is central to the construction of the coronation ceremony of British monarchs, a tradition that stretches back over a millennium. Magic relies upon an implicit understanding between the actors and the audience; the audience knows what they are seeing is a trick, but nonetheless want to be convinced otherwise. It is for the actors to present the trick seamlessly for the audience to enjoy. The coronation relies upon the elevation of a singular person above all other citizens and the established ritual is designed to make the seemingly impossible occur. For centuries, British coronations occurred behind closed doors, with the magic performed in front of a select crowd of peers and notables. The introduction of broadcasting technology, first film, then radio and television, transformed the coronation ceremony and threatened to expose the magic ritual for the trick it is. The stage management of the latest coronation reveals that these concerns were held by the producers, with camera footage carefully shot so as to exclude any counter-narrative from being broadcast. However, technology has evolved since the previous coronation in 1953, and these undesired images still made their way into various media, letting the daylight in and disrupting the magic. It remains to be seen what effect, if any, this will have on the long-term reign of Charles III. References Altman, Dennis. God Save the Queen: The Strange Persistence of Monarchies. Melbourne: Scribe, 2021. Benussi, Matteo. "Magic." The Open Encyclopedia of Anthropology. Ed. Felix Stein. Cambridge 2019. Brain, Jessica. "The History of the Coronation." Historic UK, 2023. Cannadine, David. "The Context, Performance and Meaning of Ritual: The British Monarchy and the 'Invention of Tradition', c. 1820–1977." The Invention of Tradition. Eds. Eric Hobsbawm and T.O. Ranger. Canto ed. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1992. 101-64. ———. Ornamentalism: How the British Saw Their Empire. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2002. Casanova, José. Public Religions in the Modern World. U of Chicago P, 2011. Clancy, Laura. Running the Family Firm: How the Monarchy Manages Its Image and Our Money. Manchester: Manchester UP, 2021. Cusack, Andrew. "Magic at St James's Palace." Quadrant 66.10 (2022): 14-16. Edinburgh Castle. "The Stone of Destiny." Edinburgh Castle, 2023. Ginzburg, Carlo. Ecstasies: Deciphering the Witches' Sabbath. U of Chicago P, 2004. Gold, Tanya. "The Coronation Was an Act of Magic for a Country Scared the Spell Might Break." Politico 6 May 2023. Grant, Stan. "When the Queen Died, I Felt Betrayed by a Nation. For King Charles's Coronation, I Feel Something Quite Different." ABC News 6 May 2023. The Guardian. "The Guardian View on Royal Finances: Time to Let the Daylight In: Editorial." The Guardian 6 Apr. 2023. Hackett, Lisa J., and Jo Coghlan. "A Life in Uniform: How the Queen’s Clothing Signifies Her Role and Status." See and Be Seen. 2022. Hardman, Robert. Queen of Our Times: The Life of Queen Elizabeth II. Simon and Schuster, 2022. Holden, Michael, and Hanna Rantala. "Britain's Bruised Royals Stay Silent as Prince Harry Lets 'Light in on Magic'." Reuters 10 Jan. 2023. Howard, Jacqueline. "King Charles Has Been Crowned at His 'Slimmed-Down' Coronation Ceremony. These Were the Key Moments." ABC News 7 May 2023. Humphrys, John. "First the Coronation… But What Then?" YouGov 14 Apr. 2023. Knight, Sam. "'London Bridge Is Down': The Secret Plan for the Days after the Queen’s Death." The Guardian 2017. Leddington, Jason. "The Experience of Magic." The Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 74.3 (2016): 253-64. "Smoke and Mirrors." The Crown. Dir. Philip Martin. Netflix, 2016. "Bubbikins." The Crown. Dir. Benjamin Caron. Netflix, 2019. Morton, Andrew. The Queen. Michael O'Mara, 2022. New York Times. "Missed the Coronation? Here’s What Happened, from the Crown to the Crowds." New York Times 2023. Pimlott, Ben. "Jubilee and the Idea of Royalty." Historian 76 (2002): 6-15. Ratcliffe, Susan, ed. Oxford Essential Quotations. 4th ed. Oxford: Oxford UP, 2016. Reed, Charles, Andrew Thompson, and John Mackenzie. Royal Tourists, Colonial Subjects and the Making of a British World, 1860–1911. Oxford: Manchester UP, 2016. Stockman, Farah. "We Are Obsessed with Royalty." Editorial. The New York Times 10 Mar. 2021: A22(L). Ward, Victoria. "Prince Andrew Booed by Parts of Coronation Crowd." The Telegraph 6 May 2023. YouGov. "Do You Think the Coronation of King Charles Should or Should Not Be Funded by the Government?" 18 Apr. 2023. ———. "How Likely Are You to Watch King Charles’ Coronation and/or Take Part in Celebrations Surrounding It?" 13 Apr. 2023. Young, Francis. "The Ancient Royal Magic of the Coronation." First Things: Journal of Religion and Public Life 5 May 2023.

SCULLY: I said, I got the lab to rush the results of the Szczesny autopsy, if you're interested.MULDER: I heard you, Scully.SCULLY: And Szczesny did indeed drown, but not as the result of the inhalation of ectoplasm as you so vehemently suggested.MULDER: Well, what else could she possibly have drowned in?SCULLY: Margarita mix, upchucked with about 40 ounces of Corcovado Gold tequila which, as it turns out, she and her friends rapidly consumed in the woods while trying to reenact the Blair Witch Project.MULDER: Well, I think that demands a little deeper investigation, don't you?SCULLY: No, I don't.— The X-Files, “All Things” (0717) IntroductionMikel J. Koven argues that “The X-Files [1993-2002, films 2005, 2010, revived 2016-2018] was the American television series that defined the zeitgeist of the 1990s” (337) by tapping into “pre-millenium paranoia and the collapse of traditional beliefs” (338). In each episode, “True Believer” and FBI agent Fox Mulder (David Duchovny) and his partner, the skeptical and rational Dr Dana Scully (Gillian Anderson), travel through a post-Cold War American landscape that is manifesting varying levels of anxiety about the century to come. The series is preoccupied with a series of questions that have, by the second decade of the twenty-first century, come to be answered fairly definitively. Have aliens visited Earth? (Well, if you believe a team of Harvard scientists, maybe [see Freeman], but there is no evidence of alien colonisation just yet.) Does the US government have its citizens’ best interests at heart? (In its current incarnation, no.) Will climate change have monstrous consequences? (Yes, we’re seeing them.) What do we do about the shady forces operating in post-Soviet Union Russia? (God knows, but they seem to be doing a good job of changing the shape of “democracy” in an increasing number of countries.)These broader socio-political aspects of The X-Files have been explored in a number of studies (see Koven; Moses; Wildermuth). In this article, I focus in more closely on some of the ways in which the character of Scully can be read as a complex engagement with a particularly 1990s version of third-wave feminism. I suggest that the type of feminism embodied in the character of Scully taps into the zeitgeist of the 1990s, a decade characterised not only by a growing media-driven “backlash” against feminism (see Faludi), but also by emergent third wave of feminism driven by movements such as “Riot Grrrl” (centred on openly feminist bands like Bikini Kill and Huggy Bear) and the various, and often contested, feminisms endorsed by a new generation of writers like Susan Faludi, Naomi Wolf, and even Katie Roiphe. Part of Scully’s longevity as a feminist icon can be attributed to the fact that while she is not without her own contradictions and complexities, she emerged from a televisual landscape dominated by particularly insipid representations of professional women. Scully, with her combination of lively wit and serious scientific mind, represented a radical imagining of professional femininity in the 1990s.Working against the Backlash: Scully and the Power of ProfessionalismBy the late 1980s, the political gains made by the second-wave feminism in the 1960s and early 1970s had come increasingly under fire in a “backlash” that “worked to revoke the gains made by the feminist movement” (Genz and Brabon 53). L.S. Kim argues this backlash is reflected in the fact that while strong female characters had always been a feature of US television (e.g. Mary Tyler Moore), in the 1990s televisual landscape feminism was often made popular in a type of “postfeminist discourse in which it is acceptable to be pro-woman but not to be feminist” (319). The quintessential example of this trend was David E. Kelley’s series about a Boston lawyer, Ally McBeal (1997-2002), in which McBeal’s primary dilemma is presented as being that she has “too many choices, too much freedom, and too much desire” which leads to “never-ending searching and even to depression and dysfunction” (Kim 319). McBeal’s professional success never seems to compensate for her various romantic disappointments and these remain the focal point of Kelley’s series.Part of what sets Scully apart from a character like McBeal is her unerring professionalism, and her strong commitment to equality in her relationship with Mulder. Scully displays none of McBeal’s neuroses, and she is unapologetically feminist in her disposition. She also understands implicitly the pivotal role she plays in the partnership at the heart of the X-Files. Scully is, then, a capable, professional woman who not only remains professional at all times, but who also works as a powerful grounding force to her partner’s more outlandish approaches and theories. As series creator Chris Carter has been forced to concede on numerous occasions, without the rational and practical figure of Scully in the morgue to (usually) prove and (sometimes) disprove Mulder’s theories, The X-Files as we know them would cease to exist. In fact, and somewhat paradoxically, in order to best understand Scully as a character, one needs to recognise the significance of the relationship between Scully and Mulder that lies at the heart of the series. The sheer force of Scully’s professionalism, and its resistance to being conscripted straightforwardly into a traditional romantic plot, becomes an important contributor to the powerful sexual tension between Mulder and Scully that came to define the series. Scully also, as critics and commentators were quick to point out, takes on the traditionally masculine role of skeptical scientist on the series, with Mulder positioned in the typically feminine role of intuitive “believer” (in, among other things, aliens, Chupacabra, big foot, and psychic powers). There are, of course, problems with this approach, but for now it is enough to simply point out that this positioning of Mulder and Scully is an important feature of the internal structure of The X-Files and speaks to an awareness of, and desire to challenge, the traditional association of women with intuition and men with rationality. Indeed, Linda Badley points out that the relationship between the two agents is “remarkably egalitarian, challenging traditional gender roles as portrayed on television” (63).Scully and Mulder’s relationship, a relationship that is at once personal and professional, is also grounded in genuine equality and respect. Mulder never undermines Scully, he (occasionally) knows when to bow to her superior scientific reasoning, and his eventual love for his partner is based in his understanding that Scully’s skepticism offers the perfect counterpart to his openness to the paranormal. In fact, one might say that Mulder, at least in part, falls in love with Scully’s professionalism and with her commitment to scientific reasoning. Mulder admits as much himself in the film The X-Files: Fight the Future (1998): “as difficult and frustrating as it’s been sometimes, your goddamn strict rationalism and science have saved me a thousand times over. You kept me honest. You made me a whole person.” In this calculation, Scully is not only Mulder’s equal, she is his missing piece. While she might sometimes grumble about merely playing Watson to Mulder’s Holmes (see “Fight Club” [0720]), Scully’s role is much more important than this, and Mulder (and the viewer) knows it.In the context of the televisual landscape of the 1990s, this representation of Scully as a character who is every bit as intelligent and as integral to the action of the series as her male partner, was incredibly powerful. It marked Scully as a third-wave feminist character in an era dominated by women who seemed to conform to the kind of problematic post-feminism embodied by Ally McBeal. In a recent interview, Gillian Anderson acknowledged the significant role Scully played in opening up possibilities for the representation of women on television in the 1990s. She observed, “a lot of women felt that they saw something recognisable for the first time [in Scully and] there were a lot of young women whose eyes were opened to feeling like they were finally represented in some way on television” (Anderson in Idato n.p.) Many women saw themselves in this character, and there can be little doubt The X-Files spearheaded a shift towards a more representative approach to the writing of female roles in US television in which layered and complex characters such as Scully became the norm rather than the exception. Rosalind Gill, for example, notes that “quality television” has “evolved since the 1990s into a site of rich and complex representations of gender including Homeland, Veep, House of Cards, Orange is the New Black, Transparent, and The Good Wife” (620).One of the other pervasive positive effects associated with the character of Scully is that she functioned, and indeed continues to function, as a role model for women in STEM (Science, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics). A recent report commissioned by 21st Century Fox, the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media, and J. Walter Thompson Intelligence found that “Scully’s media depiction of a high-achieving woman in STEM asked a generation of girls and women to imagine new professional options… Scully also influenced a generation of young women to study and pursue careers in STEM” (3). Although this report is not entirely impartial (21th Century Fox owns The X-Files), it found that “among women who are familiar with Scully’s character, 91% say she is a role model for girls and women” (5). This finding tallies with those of a variety of earlier online observers who noticed Scully had become a touchstone character “who inspired an entire generation of young women to pursue medical, scientific, and law enforcement degrees as positions” (Consalvi). To an extent not seen before in the history of television, Scully became an important role model for young women in the STEM professions. Scully’s fictional professionalism helped to create a new generation of real-life female STEM professionals.But it is worth remembering that in other respects, Scully is a complicated feminist heroine. This is largely because The X-Files’ production team’s own feminist credentials were often less-than-inspiring. The series was created by a man, and was written and directed predominantly by men in all of its various filmic and televisual incarnations. As Anderson herself pointed out on her Twitter feed for 29 June 2017, of the 207 episodes of X-Files produced, only 2 were directed by women (fig. 1). Famously, when the X-Files began in the early 1990s, Anderson was paid far less than her co-star Duchovny and was even asked to stand behind him on camera. The actor agitated successfully for equal pay after three years in the role, and for the right to stand beside her televisual partner, rather than behind him, even if, somewhat astonishingly, Twenty First Century Fox also offered Anderson less than Duchovny to reprise her famous role in 2016. (Anderson eventually received equal pay for equal billing.)Fig. 1: Gillian Anderson tweet, 29 June 2017.It ought to be remembered, then, that Scully’s feminism is predominantly a construction of men, overlaid with the undoubted feminine empowerment brought to the role by Anderson. As far back as 1998, Linda Badley noticed that for Scully/Anderson “the transference of ‘feminist’ characteristics between character and star is unusually strong—to the extent that a discussion of one must refer to the other. And Anderson/Scully is instantly recognisable as an icon of popular feminism” (62). But in more recent years, Anderson has made even clearer her own feminist leanings. She has done this through the publication (with Jennifer Nadel) of the explicitly feminist We: The Uplifting Manuel for Women Seeking Happiness (2017); by taking up more explicitly feminist roles, such as that of Stella Gibson in the acclaimed BBC series The Fall (2013-present); and through her Twitter feed. The significance of Anderson’s online feminist presence is highlighted by Lauren Modery, who notes: “the next time you’re having a day where you’re not sure if you’re being the best feminist you can be, just ask yourself “what would Gillian Anderson do?” and go to her Twitter account” (Modery). Scully’s 1990s Feminism in a Twenty-First Century ContextFor much of the series, Scully’s feminism can be viewed as a form of the “New Feminism” that Stephanie Genz and Benjamin Brabon associate with the late 1990s and with Natasha Walter’s book The New Feminism (1998). This “New Feminism” attempts to break from second-wave feminism by decoupling the personal from the political (64). Badley, for example, points out that Scully’s feminism is strictly based on individual empowerment: “rather than challenge patriarchy directly or join forces with women activists, Scully channels her anger/ambition into fitting into the system” (70). But equally, Scully’s feminism could be seen as a prototype of the kind of “neo-liberal” feminism that theorists such as Angela McRobbie associate with the present moment, a feminism which “discards the older, welfarist and collectivist feminism of the past, in favour of individualist striving” (4). Certainly, over the course of the 25 years, The X-Files has been in existence, we have seen little evidence that Scully has female friends (or indeed, that she interacts with anyone much outside of Mulder and her family).When other women do enter the picture, such as when Mulder’s one-time lover and co-founder of the X-Files, Diana Fowley appears in the fifth season of the series (see “The End” [0520]), Scully is often positioned in an antagonistic relationship with them. In this context, it is notable that “All Things,” a seventh-season episode directed and written by Anderson, places Scully’s interaction with Colleen Azar, a woman from the American Taoist Healing Centre, at the centre of the narrative. Azar’s exhortations to Scully to “slow down” are presented as the wise words of a female ally in this episode, and Scully does well to heed them. This episode, consciously I think, works as a counter to the more typical representation of Scully as being in competition with women for Mulder’s interest, evident in episodes like “Alpha” (0616) and “Syzygy” (0313). In this respect, Anderson appears to be aligning Scully with a feminism that is much more inclusive than it appears in other, male-written, episodes.From the vantage point of the second decade of the twenty-first century, one of the more problematic elements The X-Files has to do with its representation of sex and sexuality. Sex, in the world of The X-Files, is very 1990s in orientation. In fact, it echoes the way in which sex operated in the Clinton impeachment: denial, denial, denial, even in the face of clear evidence it took place. We see this most obviously in “All Things,” which begins with a shot of Scully getting dressed in front of a mirror, that pans to a shot of an undressed Mulder in bed. This opening seems to suggest the two had spent the night together, but nothing overtly sexual actually takes place in the episode. Indeed, any sexual activity that ever takes place in the X-Files happens off camera, but it is nonetheless worth pointing out that while the equally solitary Mulder is repeatedly characterised in the series by his porn fetish, Scully’s sexuality is repeatedly denied or diminished in the series. Moreover, any overt expression of Scully’s sexuality (such as in “Milagro,” [0618] where she falls for a writer living next door to Mulder) typically ends badly, with Scully placed in peril by her sexual desires.Scully’s continued presence in the twenty-first century, however, means that while her character is rooted in what we might call a “1990s feminist disposition” (she prides herself on being a “woman in a man’s world”; she demonstrates little interest in stereotypically feminine pursuits such as shopping or make up; her focus is on work, rather than romance), she has also been allowed the room to grow and develop. Perhaps most notably, the 2018 Scully is allowed to embrace her sexuality. Sexual activity still appears off screen, of course, but in “Plus One” (1103), we see her actively pursue sex with Mulder (twice!), while her vibrator makes an unapologetic cameo appearance in “Rm9sbG93ZXJz” (1107). Given that we live in a decade saturated in sexual imagery, it makes no sense for 2018 Scully to be as chaste and buttoned up as she was in the 1990s.Finally, in a series in which the wild speculation of the conspiracy theories is almost always true, Scully’s feminist commitment to rationality, science and the power of logic might appear to be undermined at every turn. Badley, for example, reminds us that while Scully may “have medicine and the law on her side ... Mulder’s vision is validated by Chris Carter, as the prologue to nearly every episode reminds us” (67). This is highlighted in “Field Trip” (0621) when Scully wonders, “Mulder, can’t you just for once, just ... for the novelty of it, come up with the simplest explanation, the most logical one instead of automatically jumping to UFOs or Bigfoot or…” Mulder simply counters with:Scully, in six years, how … how often have I been wrong? No seriously, I mean, every time I bring you a case we go through this perfunctory dance. You tell me that I’m not being scientifically rigorous and that I’m off my nut, and then in the end who turns out to be right like 98.95 of the time? I just think I’ve ... earned the benefit of the doubt here.Interestingly enough, however, it is Scully who solves the mystery at the heart of this particular episode of X-Files—Mulder and Scully are indeed trapped inside a giant fungus, being slowly digested by its gooey secretions.And while Mulder’s viewpoint is most often endorsed in the series, the chaos of the Trump administration illustrates perfectly the dangers behind the valorisation of the irrational over the rational. In a decade in which rationality itself is coming under increasing threat—by “fake news”; through a hostility towards the science of climate change; in the desire to wind back further the gains of the feminist movement—we need to remember the importance of the strong and abiding relationship between rationality and feminism. This is a relationship that goes at least as far back as Mary Wollstonecraft’s (1759-1797) Vindication of the Rights of Woman (1792), is at the heart of the feminist gothic writings of women like Ann Radcliffe (1764-1823) and Mary Shelley (1797-1851). This commitment to the power of rationality lives on in the character of Dana Scully.Conclusion: Scully as Twenty-First-Century Feminist IconI have argued throughout this article that there are limitations of the kind of feminism embodied in Scully, but it is clear that she has come to represent a type of woman who refuses to let men dictate her behaviour, and who maintains her professionalism even under the most difficult of circumstances. A host of Scully memes now circulating on the web celebrate the character’s competence, intelligence, and compassion (figs. 2, 3, and 4). The character of Scully now exists far beyond the confines of the television screen and the imaginations of her predominantly male authors. Scully’s continuing relevance to twenty-first century feminists is reflected in this meme recently placed by Anderson on her Twitter account in response to the allegations of sexual misconduct directed at US Supreme Court nominee Brett Kavanagh (fig. 5). Rarely have the 1990s seemed so relevant to the present moment.Fig. 2: Scully meme, Meme Generator.Fig. 3: Rustnsplinters, “Scully Motivational.” Deviant Art.Fig. 4: E.H. Redlum, “Scully: Meme Style.” Deviant Art.Fig. 5: Gillian Anderson tweet.ReferencesBadley, Linda. “Scully Hits the Glass Ceiling: Postmodernism, Postfeminism, Posthumanism, and The X-Files.” Fantasy Girls: Gender in the New Universe of Science Fiction and Fantasy Television. Ed. Elyce Rae Helford. Lanham: Rowman &amp; Littlefield, 2000. 61-90.Consalvi, Sydney. “The Scully Effect Continues: How The X-Files’ Dana Scully Changed Television Forever.” Odyssey. 9 Aug. 2016. 1 Dec. 2018 &lt;https://www.theodysseyonline.com/scully-effect&gt;.Faludi, Susan. Backlash: The Undeclared War against Women. London: Vintage, 1991.Freeman, David. “Scientists Say Mysterious ‘Oumuamua’ Object Could Be an Alien Spacecraft: Harvard Researchers Raise the Possibility That It’s a Probe Sent by Extraterrestrials.” NBCNews.com. 6 Nov. 2018. 1 Dec. 2018 &lt;https://www.nbcnews.com/mach/science/scientists-say-mysterious-oumuamua-object-could-be-alien-spacecraft-ncna931381&gt;.Genz, Stéphanie, and Benjamin A. Brabon. Postfeminism: Cultural Texts and Theories. Edinburgh: Edinburgh UP, 2009.Gill, Rosalind. “Post-Postfeminism? New Feminist Visibilities in Postfeminist Times.” Feminist Media Studies 16.4 (2016): 610-30.Idato, Michael. “Gillian Anderson on Why She’s Closing The X-Files after 25 Years.” The Sydney Morning Herald. 15 Jan. 2018. 1 Dec. 2018 &lt;https://www.smh.com.au/entertainment/tv-and-radio/times-up-gillian-anderson-on-why-shes-closing-the-xfiles-after-25-years-20180115-h0iapf.html&gt;.Kim, L.S. “‘Sex and the Single Girl’ in Postfeminism: The F Word on Television.” Television and New Media 2.4 (Nov. 2001): 319-334.Koven, Mikel J. “The X-Files.” Essential Cult TV Reader. Ed. David Lavery. Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 2010. 337-343.McRobbie, Angela. “Notes on the Perfect: Competitive Femininity in Neoliberal Times.” Australian Feminist Studies 30:83 (2015): 3-20.Modery, Lauren. “Gillian Anderson Is the Feminist Twitter Hero We Need Right Now.” Birth. Movies. Death. 25 Jan. 2018. 1 Dec. 2018 &lt;https://birthmoviesdeath.com/2018/01/25/gillian-anderson-is-the-feminist-twitter-hero-we-need-right-now&gt;.Moses, Michael Valdez. “Kingdom of Darkness: Autonomy and Conspiracy in The X-Files and Millenium.” The Philosophy of TV Noir. Eds. Steven M. Sanders and Aeon J. Skoble. Lexington: U. of Kentucky P., 2008. 203-228.21stCentury Fox, the Geena Davis Institute on Gender in Media, and J. Walter Thompson Intelligence. The ‘Scully Effect’: I Want to Believe… in STEM. 2018. &lt;https://impact.21cf.com/wp-content/uploads/sites/2/2018/03/ScullyEffectReport_21CF_1-1.pdf&gt;.Wildermuth, Mark E. Gender, Science Fiction Television, and the American Security State: 1958-Present. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2014.X-Files: Fight the Future. Dir. Rob Bowman. Perf. Gillian Anderson and David Duchovny. 20th Century Fox. 1998.

This paper is about the relationships between infrastructural, interzonal spaces and the communities and individuals that interact with them. It attempts to describe the politics of their aesthetics and their legitimation as two aspects of the same process of semiological warfare and its governance. For example, think about a street-corner, preferably one in a big city. Consider the processes and operations that occur there, who creates them, legitimates them, and what they mean. For the sake of this paper, the road, the sidewalk, the streetlights with their cabling and electrical grid, the sewers and their gutters, are all infrastructural zones, and they come together and intermix to form the interzone. That is, the complex assemblage of meanings, things, and peoples, that is at once the street-corner and beyond it. Zones are inscribed through codes and conventions to form pragmatic regimes through which we enact our lives and our roles (Thévenot, “Rules and Implements” 9-15; Thévenot, “Pragmatic Regimes” 64–5). Though these zones are integral to our lives, the deterritorialisation of these zones has dispersed them throughout our world, splintering and disintegrating the meanings we can assign to them, thus forcing the perpetual re-creation of new zones and interzones across spaces and times. Through this dispersal, the integrated world capitalism in which we live, allows us to be ignorant of their processes as the experience of the zones are removed from our subjective experiences (Guattari, The Three Ecologies 137). Because our ignorance of and alienation from our infrastructural zones, a subpolitics forms and spawns semiologic warfare for our attention and disattention that causes us to be “zoned out” about the zones in which we live (Beck 35). Instead of zoning out, this paper zones in on infrastructure zones and interzones. An interzone is an interstitial zone of extraterratoriality governed by a broader set of rules, as with international zones such as the infamous Green Zone in Iraq or the international zone of Tangiers made famous by William Burroughs (Thévenot, “Rules and Implements” 9–15; Thévenot, “Pragmatic Regimes” 64–5). Interzones are the territories between zones that we project our subjectivities through. They cut or splinter the empty spaces of the dispersed and fragmented zones of our capitalist realities. Our subjective projection of these interzones creates and requires modes of interpretation and governance that comes into being as we share our knowledge of them. As interzones become reified through our shared interpretations and governance, they become zones themselves, forming a pragmatic regime of codes and conventions that eventually is alienated from our experience. This perpetual passage from zone to interzone based on our spatial subjectivities, requires significant amounts of work—intellectual and other. Without this work, interzones are entropic and temporary; fading from our shared memories. But even as they fade, interzones have changed the zones around them, transforming the necessities of their governance through the vacating of the semiological and social spaces the interzone once occupied with its own processes.This paper confronts these interzones that are frequently within a five-minute walk from anywhere humans inhabit. These interzones contain infrastructures such as sidewalks, roads, sewers, passageways, or in the digital world web servers, routers, and fibre optic cabling. As we pass through these zones and have the opportunity to interact with them, we occasionally intermix them, creating new possibilities of understanding and operating; this is the creation of an interzone. The interzone exists when we make it and share it from the zones we inhabit, transforming their infrastructures through our interaction with them. However, our actions tend to be vitalist and pluralist in that our interactions with infrastructures tend to create a multiplicity of livable interzones existing between the zones as new spaces of autonomy, occupation, and legitimising politics. This plurality combined with our immersion within infrastructural zones provides the living semiological space of self-legitimation in which we deny the existence of the very infrastructural zones it requires: In the “private,” in the “domestic” sphere (and so also in the environment of objects) in which the individual lives as a refuge zone, as an autonomous field of needs and satisfactions, below or beyond social constraints, the individual nevertheless always continues to evince or to claim a legitimacy and to assure it by signs. In the least of behaviors, through the least of objects, he or she translates the immanence of a jurisdiction which in appearance is rejected. (Baudrillard 40) Our objects; our actions within this domestic environment constitute elements of several zones and provide our own subjective system of legitimation within them, and our autonomy within that space is guaranteed by our ignorance of the operation of that system of legitimation. It is only our situatedness through our inscriptions and actions within these spaces that gives us the ability to read the codes that we co-construct through these spaces. (Thévenot, “Rules and Implements” 9–15; Thévenot, “Pragmatic Regimes” 64–5) This situatedness allows us this sense of refuge, safety, and in the end as Baudrillard claims, this refuge zone allows for us to exist socially, if ignorantly within the infrastructures we require. (Baudrillard 40, 49) But even in our ignorance, infrastructural zones still provide us with the background necessities of our everyday lives; eliminating dangers and constituting a significant part of our artifactual world (Star 377-90; Star and Ruhleder 253-64; Hunsinger 277-79). As Paul Edwards says: Infrastructures constitute an artificial environment, channeling and/or reproducing those properties of the natural environment that we find most useful and comfortable; providing others that the natural environment cannot; and eliminating features we find dangerous, uncomfortable, or merely inconvenient. In doing so, they simultaneously constitute our experience of the natural environment, as commodity, object of romantic or pastoralist emotions and aesthetic sensibilities, or occasional impediment. (189) Zones too are artificial environments, performing the same sort of functions as described by Edwards above. Zones operate through their semiological form as desire/seduction and they operate through their borders where their aesthetization is at play. More specifically how we imagine and react to zones and interzones, and who and what occupies their border spaces, defines the interoperation of their interpretation, their aesthetisation, and their governance. Edges and borders define the relations of zones; the screen of the monitor is like a wall with a window that defines our access to cyberinfrastructures beyond, much like the curb or ditch defines the edge of the street or road. These borders and edges are more than spaces of interoperation, they are spaces of politics. It is through these borders, and the actions we can pursue through them, where the operations of legitimacy will be most tested and transgressed. Infrastructural zones operate in and across those borders both as real and phantasmal aesthetics that operate as a becoming system of governance and interpretation. They operate as a cross-ecologic, semiological, and pragmatic regime that is established in relation to production of subjectivity in their cultural milieu. The zones and interzones articulate a form of alienated subjectivity in all cultural milieus. This is an articulation of our acted environment that is assembled through our distributed cognition of zones and interzones, which as part of the politics of legitimation, we inscribe, erase, and re-inscribe in perpetual semiological warfare until the zones fade into the background losing their salience. Edwards agrees with this lack of salience, “The most salient characteristic of technology in the modern (industrial and postindustrial) world is the degree to which most technology is not salient for most people, most of the time” (184). Even without particular salience to most people, infrastructural zones are spaces and aggregations of perceived fixity or normality demarcated by their transgression. The modes of transgression that demarcate them can occur in any part of our experience. Normally the boundaries are constructed in the forms of visibility and knowability centered on questions of expertise and/or professionalism amongst other boundary processes (Star and Griesemer 387–420; Star and Ruhleder 253–64 ; Gieryn 791–2). Plumbers, for instance, confront a reality of certain infrastructures on a daily basis, as do other professionals such as those that work at Internet service providers. As outsiders to these epistemic communities, we are made aware of zones when we transgress in or through them as we are breaking rules or borders that define these communities define and in part communicate to us. It is through our actions and transgressions that we enact and inscribe interzones in our subjective world, but it is through our reactions and transgressions also that they are territorialized and deterritorialized in our social world. Zones, then are constructs of our purported, construed, and communicated phantasmal objectivities and beyond that they are the aesthetization of our shared needs and satisfactions. By recognizing them, we transform them in to actants in our social world, and by communicating our experience of them, we construct them as codes and conventions that add meaning to that social world. One way to imagine these infrastructural manifestations is through thinking about them as substrates. People commonly envision infrastructure as a system of substrates—railroad lines, pipes and plumbing, electrical power plants, and wires. It is by definition invisible, part of the background for other kinds of work. It is ready-to-hand. This image holds up well enough for many purposes—turn on the faucet for a drink of water and you use a vast infrastructure of plumbing and water regulation without usually thinking much about it. (Star 380) As substrates, these infrastructures form a pragmatic regime, or zone through which we pass, which exists underneath the strata that is our everyday life. The faucet is part of the strata of our everyday lives, like the sidewalk, while the pipes and the standards of plumbing form a space of expertise as they do with sidewalks. The operations of expertise cultures on specific sets of infrastructures helps to disperse and fragment the knowledge of the various strata involved, especially the substrates. Experts knowledgeable of these substrates will have come to their knowledge by transgressing the borders, by witnessing and inscribing the objects, the aestheticisations, and the other border processes with meanings that the community of experts share amongst themselves and isolate from the public at large (Illich et al. 15–20). Expertise becomes complicit in the processes of the zone and its interzones. This complicity, if reflexive, will come to question the system of integrated world capitalism in which this zone is established as a form of semiological warfare against other zones and regimes (Guattari, “The Three Ecologies” 1989 137). In other words, experts on infrastructural zones have to come to terms not only with the knowing of the previously unknown, but also the know-how that the unknown plays into the broader culture and capitalist system in which it operates. However, while experts might zone in on infrastructural zones and their contexts, most people continue to be zoned out. Even for experts in infrastructures, some infrastructures get far less investigation than others, and like all zones, they eventually are forgotten and experts become ignorant of them (Hunsinger 277–79). The challenge of knowing or bringing attention to the infrastructural zones and their interzones is a challenge of territorialisation and thus of subjective awareness. Knowingly operating with subjective awareness within them is a form of semiological warfare that we can perpetrate, because by establishing the semiological subjective space, we reconstruct a system of interpreting and governing the territory and thus establishing political importance and awareness of our techno-semiological existence. For the territory to be won, the war and its strategies have to be taken to the public arena and brought forth in political discourse as a purposive politics. We must resist the temptation to forget and remain ignorant, which as Ulrich Beck points out, relegates this political space to corporations and other non-public entities as a form of subpolitics. We need to take back the politics and subpolitics of infrastructure and recognize the choices or lack thereof that we are making across all ecological systems (Beck 38; Beck, Giddens and Lash 24–36). In conclusion, this exposition on zones, interzones, and infrastructures is meant to challenge us to rethink our subjective positions in relation to zones, their aesthetics, and their legitimation as functions of semiological warfare. We need to find new opportunities to make a mess of these spaces, to transgress, and create new spaces of autonomy for ourselves and future participants in the zones. We have to move beyond the appreciation of “this is a street-corner” and into the realm of “this is our street-corner and we know how it works.” This act will create a new interzone, which will be a new space of possibility for our lives. We cannot rely on our everyday experiences to guide us through these zones or the construction of interzones, because they will certainly only reflect our normal, accepted behaviors within the established pragmatic regimes and as such, lead to an ongoing ignorance of the operation of these interzones and infrastructures. Our challenge is to transgress and thus deterritorialise these semiological zones, and perhaps through this transgression transform the interzones into zones better reflecting our aesthetics, our desires, and our satisfactions. References Baudrillard, Jean. For a Critique of the Political Economy of the Sign. St. Louis, Missouri: Telos Press, 1981. Beck, Ulrich. Democracy without Enemies. Malden, Mass.: Polity, 1998. Beck, Ulrich, Anthony Giddens, and Scott Lash. Reflexive Modernization: Politics, Tradition and Aesthetics in the Modern Social Order. Cambridge: Blackwell Publishers, 1995. Edwards, Paul. N. “Infrastructure and Modernity: Force, Time, and Social Organization in the History of Sociotechnical Systems.” Modernity and Technology. Eds. Thomas J. Misa, Philip Brey, and Andrew Feenberg. Cambridge: MIT P, 2004. Gieryn, Thomas F. “Boundary-Work and the Demarcation of Science from Non-Science: Strains and Interests in Professional Ideologies of Scientists.” American Sociological Review 48.6 (1983): 781–95. Guattari, Felix. “The Three Ecologies.” New Formations 8 (Summer 1989): 131–47. ———. The Three Ecologies. Translated by Gary Genosko. London: Athlone Press, 2000. Hunsinger, Jeremy. “Toward a Transdisciplinary Internet Research.” The Information Society 21.4 (2005): 277–79. Illich, Ivan, et al. Disabling Professions. London: Marion Boyars Publishers, 1977. Star, Susan Leigh. “The Ethnography of Infrastructure.” American Behavioral Scientist 43.3 (1999): 377-91. Star, Susan Leigh, and James R. Griesemer. “Institutional Ecology, ‘Translations’ and Boundary Objects: Amateurs and Professionals in Berkeley’s Museum of Vertebrate Zoology, 1907-39.” Social Studies of Science 19.3 (1989): 387–420. Star, Susan Leigh, and Karen Ruhleder. “Steps towards an Ecology of Infrastructure: Complex Problems in Design and Access for Large-Scale Collaborative Systems.” Proceedings of the 1994 ACM Conference on Computer Supported Collaborative Work. North Carolina, 1994. 253–64. Thévenot, Laurent. “Rules and Implements: Investment in Forms.” Social Science Information 23.1 (1984): 1–45. ———. “Pragmatic Regimes Governing the Engagement with the World.” The Practice Turn in Contemporary Theory. Eds. Theodore R. Schatzki, Karin Knorr Cetina, and Eike von Savigny. New York: Routledge, 2001. 56–73.

Social media companies like to claim the world. Mark Zuckerberg says Facebook is “building a global community”. Twitter promises to show you “what’s happening in the world right now”. Even Parler claims to be the “global town square”. Indeed, among the fungible aspects of digital culture is the promise of geographic fungibility—the interchangeability of location and national provenance. The taglines of social media platforms tap into the social imagination of the Internet erasing distance—Marshall McLuhan’s global village on a touch screen (see fig. 1). Fig. 1: Platform taglines: YouTube, Twitter, Parler, and Facebook have made globality part of their pitch to users. Yet users’ perceptions of geographic fungibility remain unclear. Scholars have proposed forms of cosmopolitan and global citizenship in which national borders play less of a role in how people engage with political ideas (Delanty; Sassen). Others suggest the potential erasure of location may be disorienting (Calhoun). “Nobody lives globally”, as Hugh Dyer writes (64). In this article, I interrogate popular and academic assumptions about global political spaces, looking at geographic fungibility as a condition experienced by users. The article draws on interviews conducted with Twitter users in the Scandinavian region. Norway, Sweden, and Denmark offer an interesting contrast to online spaces because of their small and highly cohesive political cultures; yet these countries also have high Internet penetration rates and English proficiency levels, making them potentially highly globally connected (Syvertsen et al.). Based on a thematic analysis of these interviews, I find fungibility emerges as a key feature of how users interact with politics at a global level in three ways: invisibility: fungibility as disconnection; efficacy: fungibility as empowerment; and antagonism: non-fungibility as strategy. Finally, in contrast to currently available models, I propose that online practices are not characterised so much by cosmopolitan norms, but by what I describe as fungible citizenship. Geographic Fungibility and Cosmopolitan Hopes Let’s back up and take a real-life example that highlights what it means for geography to be fungible. In March 2017, at a high-stakes meeting of the US House Intelligence Committee, a congressman suddenly noticed that President Donald Trump was not only following the hearing on television, but was live-tweeting incorrect information about it on Twitter. “This tweet has gone out to millions of Americans”, said Congressman Jim Himes, noting Donald Trump’s follower count. “16.1 million to be exact” (C-SPAN). Only, those followers weren’t just Americans; Trump was tweeting to 16.1 million followers worldwide (see Sevin and Uzunoğlu). Moreover, the committee was gathered that day to address an issue related to geographic fungibility: it was the first public hearing on Russian attempts to interfere in the 2016 American presidential race—which occurred, among other places, on Twitter. In a way, democratic systems are based on fungibility. One person one vote. Equality before the law. But land mass was not imagined to be commutable, and given the physical restrictions of communication, participation in the public sphere was largely assumed to be restricted by geography (Habermas). But online platforms offer a fundamentally different structure. Nancy Fraser observes that “public spheres today are not coextensive with political membership. Often the interlocutors are neither co-nationals nor fellow citizens” (16). Netflix, YouTube, K-Pop, #BLM: the resources that people draw on to define their worlds come less from nation-specific media (Robertson 179). C-SPAN’s online feed—if one really wanted to—is as easy to click on in Seattle as in Stockholm. Indeed, research on Twitter finds geographically dispersed networks (Leetaru et al.). Many Twitter users tweet in multiple languages, with English being the lingua franca of Twitter (Mocanu et al.). This has helped make geographic location interchangeable, even undetectable without use of advanced methods (Stock). Such conditions might set the stage for what sociologists have envisioned as cosmopolitan or global public spheres (Linklater; Szerszynski and Urry). That is, cross-border networks based more on shared interest than shared nationality (Sassen 277). Theorists observing the growth of online communities in the late 1990s and early 2000s proposed that such activity could lead to a shift in people’s perspectives on the world: namely, by closing the communicative distance with the Other, people would also close the moral distance. Delanty suggested that “discursive spaces of world openness” could counter nationalist tendencies and help mobilise cosmopolitan citizens against the negative effects of globalisation (44). However, much of this discourse dates to the pre-social media Internet. These platforms have proved to be more hierarchical, less interactive, and even less global than early theorists hoped (Burgess and Baym; Dahlgren, “Social Media”; Hindman). Although ordinary citizens certainly break through, entrenched power dynamics and algorithmic structures complicate the process, leading to what Bucher describes as a reverse Panopticon: “the possibility of constantly disappearing, of not being considered important enough” (1171). A 2021 report by the Pew Research Center found most Twitter users receive few if any likes and retweets of their content. In short, it may be that social media are less like Marshall McLuhan’s global village and more like a global version of Marc Augé’s “non-places”: an anonymous and disempowering whereabouts (77–78). Cosmopolitanism itself is also plagued by problems of legitimacy (Calhoun). Fraser argues that global public opinion is meaningless without a constituent global government. “What could efficacy mean in this situation?” she asks (15). Moreover, universalist sentiment and erasure of borders are not exactly the story of the last 15 years. Media scholar Terry Flew notes that given Brexit and the rise of figures like Trump and Bolsonaro, projections of cosmopolitanism were seriously overestimated (19). Yet social media are undeniably political places. So how do we make sense of users’ engagement in the discourse that increasingly takes place here? It is this point I turn to next. Citizenship in the Age of Social Media In recent years, scholars have reconsidered how they understand the way people interact with politics, as access to political discourse has become a regular, even mundane part of our lives. Increasingly they are challenging old models of “informed citizens” and traditional forms of political participation. Neta Kligler-Vilenchik writes: the oft-heard claims that citizenship is in decline, particularly for young people, are usually based on citizenship indicators derived from these legacy models—the informed/dutiful citizen. Yet scholars are increasingly positing … citizenship [is not] declining, but rather changing its form. (1891) In other words, rather than wondering if tweeting is like a citizen speaking in the town square or merely scribbling in the margins of a newspaper, this line of thinking suggests tweeting is a new form of citizen participation entirely (Bucher; Lane et al.). Who speaks in the town square these days anyway? To be clear, “citizenship” here is not meant in the ballot box and passport sense; this isn’t about changing legal definitions. Rather, the citizenship at issue refers to how people perceive and enact their public selves. In particular, new models of citizenship emphasise how people understand their relation to strangers through discursive means (Asen)—through talking, in other words, in its various forms (Dahlgren, “Talkative Public”). This may include anything from Facebook posts to online petitions (Vaughan et al.) to digital organising (Vromen) to even activities that can seem trivial, solitary, or apolitical by traditional measures, such as “liking” a post or retweeting a news story. Although some research finds users do see strategic value in such activities (Picone et al.), Lane et al. argue that small-scale acts are important on their own because they force us to self-reflect on our relationship to politics, under a model they call “expressive citizenship”. Kligler-Vilenchik argues that such approaches to citizenship reflect not only new technology but also a society in which public discourse is less formalised through official institutions (newspapers, city council meetings, clubs): “each individual is required to ‘invent themselves’, to shape and form who they are and what they believe in—including how to enact their citizenship” she writes (1892). However, missing from these new understandings of politics is a spatial dimension. How does the geographic reach of social media sites play into perceptions of citizenship in these spaces? This is important because, regardless of the state of cosmopolitan sentiment, political problems are global: climate change, pandemic, regulation of tech companies, the next US president: many of society’s biggest issues, as Beck notes, “do not respect nation-state or any other borders” (4). Yet it’s not clear whether users’ correlative ability to reach across borders is empowering, or overwhelming. Thus, inspired particularly by Delanty’s “micro” cosmopolitanism and Dahlgren’s conditions for the formation of citizenship (“Talkative Public”), I am guided by the following questions: how do people negotiate geographic fungibility online? And specifically, how do they understand their relationship to a global space and their ability to be heard in it? Methodology Christensen and Jansson have suggested that one of the underutilised ways to understand media cultures is to talk to users directly about the “mediatized everyday” (1474). To that end, I interviewed 26 Twitter users in Norway, Denmark, and Sweden. The Scandinavian region is a useful region of study because most people use the Web nearly every day and the populations have high English proficiency (Syvertsen et al.). Participants were found in large-scale data scrapes of Twitter, using linguistic and geographic markers in their profiles, a process similar to the mapping of the Australian Twittersphere (Bruns et al.). The interviewees were selected because of their mixed use of Scandinavian languages and English and their participation in international networks. Participants were contacted through direct messages on Twitter or via email. In figure 2, the participants’ timeline data have been graphed into a network map according to who users @mentioned and retweeted, with lines representing tweets and colours representing languages. The participants include activists, corporate consultants, government employees, students, journalists, politicians, a security guard, a doctor, a teacher, and unemployed people. They range from age 24 to 60. Eight are women, reflecting the gender imbalance of Twitter. Six have an immigrant background. Eight are right-leaning politically. Participants also have wide variation in follower counts in order to capture a variety of experiences on the platform (min=281, max=136,000, median=3,600, standard deviation=33,708). All users had public profiles, but under Norwegian rules for research data, they will be identified here by an ID and their country, gender, and follower count (e.g., P01, Sweden, M, 23,000). Focussing on a single platform allowed the interviews to be more specific and makes it easier to compare the participants’ responses, although other social media often came up in the course of the interviews. Twitter was selected because it is often used in a public manner and has become an important channel for political communication (Larsson and Moe). The interviews lasted around an hour each and were conducted on Zoom between May 2020 and March 2021. Fig. 2: Network map of interview participants’ Twitter timelines. Invisibility: The Abyss of the Global Village Each participant was asked during the interview how they think about globality on Twitter. For many, it was part of the original reason for joining the platform. “Twitter had this reputation of being the hangout of a lot of the world’s intellectuals”, said P022 (Norway, M, 136,000). One Swedish woman described a kind of cosmopolitan curation process, where she would follow people on every continent, so that her feed would give her a sense of the world. “And yes, you can get that from international papers”, she told me, “but if I actually consumed as much as I do on Twitter in papers, I would be reading papers and articles all day” (P023, Sweden, F, 384). Yet while globality was part of the appeal, it was also an abstraction. “I mean, the Internet is global, so everything you do is going to end up somewhere else”, said one Swedish user (P013, M, 12,000). Users would echo the taglines that social media allow you to “interact with someone half a world away” (P05, Norway, M, 3,300) but were often hard-pressed to recall specific examples. A strong theme of invisibility—or feeling lost in an abyss—ran throughout the interviews. For many users this manifested in a lack of any visible response to their tweets. Even when replying to another user, the participants didn’t expect much dialogic engagement with them (“No, no, that’s unrealistic”.) For P04 (Norway, F, 2,000), tweeting back a heart emoji to someone with a large following was for her own benefit, much like the intrapersonal expressions described by Lane et al. that are not necessarily intended for other actors. P04 didn’t expect the original poster to even see her emoji. Interestingly, invisibility was more of a frustration among users with several thousand followers than those with only a few hundred. Having more followers seemed to only make Twitter appear more fickle. “Sometimes you get a lot of attention and sometimes it’s completely disregarded” said P05 (Norway, M, 3,300). P024 (Sweden, M, 2,000) had essentially given up: “I think it’s fun that you found me [to interview]”, he said, “Because I have this idea that almost no one sees my tweets anymore”. In a different way, P08 (Norway, F) who had a follower count of 121,000, also felt the abstraction of globality. “It’s almost like I’m just tweeting into a void or into space”, she said, “because it's too many people to grasp or really understand that these are real people”. For P08, Twitter was almost an anonymous non-place because of its vastness, compared with Facebook and Instagram where the known faces of her friends and family made for more finite and specific places—and thus made her more self-conscious about the visibility of her posts. Efficacy: Fungibility as Empowerment Despite the frequent feeling of global invisibility, almost all the users—even those with few followers—believed they had some sort of effect in global political discussions on Twitter. This was surprising, and seemingly contradictory to the first theme. This second theme of empowerment is characterised by feelings of efficacy or perception of impact. One of the most striking examples came from a Danish man with 345 followers. I wondered before the interview if he might have automated his account because he replied to Donald Trump so often (see fig. 3). The participant explained that, no, he was just trying to affect the statistics on Trump’s tweet, to get it ratioed. He explained: it's like when I'm voting, I'm not necessarily thinking [I’m personally] going to affect the situation, you know. … It’s the statistics that shows a position—that people don't like it, and they’re speaking actively against it. (P06, Denmark, M, 345) Other participants described their role similarly—not as making an impact directly, but being “one ant in the anthill” or helping information spread “like rings in the water”. One woman in Sweden said of the US election: I can't go to the streets because I'm in Stockholm. So I take to their streets on Twitter. I'm kind of helping them—using the algorithms, with retweets, and re-enforcing some hashtags. (P018, Sweden, F, 7,400) Note that the participants rationalise their Twitter activities through comparisons to classic forms of political participation—voting and protesting. Yet the acts of citizenship they describe are very much in line with new norms of citizenship (Vaughan et al.) and what Picone et al. call “small acts of engagement”. They are just acts aimed at the American sphere instead of their national sphere. Participants with large followings understood their accounts had a kind of brand, such as commenting on Middle Eastern politics, mocking leftist politicians, or critiquing the media. But these users were also sceptical they were having any direct impact. Rather, they too saw themselves as being “a tiny part of a combined effect from a lot of people” (P014, Norway, M, 39,000). Fig. 3: Participant P06 replies to Trump. Antagonism: Encounters with Non-Fungibility The final theme reflects instances when geography became suddenly apparent—and thrown back in the faces of the users. This was often in relation to the 2020 American election, which many of the participants were following closely. “I probably know more about US politics than Swedish”, said P023 (Sweden, F, 380). Particularly among left-wing users who listed a Scandinavian location in their profile, tweeting about the topic had occasionally led to encounters with Americans claiming foreign interference. “I had some people telling me ‘You don't have anything to do with our politics. You have no say in this’” said P018 (Sweden, F, 7,400). In these instances, the participants likewise deployed geography strategically. Participants said they would claim legitimacy because the election would affect their country too. “I think it’s important for the rest of the world to give them [the US] that feedback. That ‘we’re depending on you’” said P017 (Sweden, M, 280). As a result of these interactions, P06 started to pre-emptively identify himself as Danish in his tweets, which in a way sacrificed his own geographic fungibility, but also reinforced a wider sense of geographic fungibility on Twitter. In one of his replies to Donald Trump, Jr., he wrote, “Denmark here. The world is hoping for real leader!” Conclusion: Fungible Citizenship The view that digital media are global looms large in academic and popular imagination. The aim of the analysis presented here is to help illuminate how these perceptions play into practices of citizenship in digital spaces. One of the contradictions inherent in this research is that geographic or linguistic information was necessary to find the users interviewed. It may be that users who are geographically anonymous—or even lie about their location—would have a different relationship to online globality. With that said, several key themes emerged from the interviews: the abstraction and invisibility of digital spaces, the empowerment of geographic fungibility, and the occasional antagonistic deployment of non-fungibility by other users and the participants. Taken together, these themes point to geographic fungibility as a condition that can both stifle as well as create new arenas for political expression. Even spontaneous and small acts that aren’t expected to ever reach an audience (Lane et al.) nevertheless are done with an awareness of social processes that extend beyond the national sphere. Moreover, algorithms and metrics, while being the source of invisibility (Bucher), were at times a means of empowerment for those at a physical distance. In contrast to the cosmopolitan literature, it is not so much that users didn’t identify with their nation as their “community of membership” (Sassen)—they saw it as giving them an important perspective. Rather, they considered politics in the EU, US, UK, Russia, and elsewhere to be part of their national arena. In this way, the findings support Delanty’s description of “changes within … national identities rather than in the emergence in new identities” (42). Yet the interviews do not point to “the desire to go beyond ethnocentricity and particularity” (42). Some of the most adamant and active global communicators were on the right and radical right. For them, opposition to immigration and strengthening of national identity were major reasons to be on Twitter. Cross-border communication for them was not a form of resistance to nationalism but wholly compatible with it. Instead of the emergence of global or cosmopolitan citizenship then, I propose that what has emerged is a form of fungible citizenship. This is perhaps a more ambivalent, and certainly a less idealistic, view of digital culture. It implies that users are not elevating their affinities or shedding their national ties. Rather, the transnational effects of political decisions are viewed as legitimate grounds for political participation online. This approach to global platforms builds on and nuances current discursive approaches to citizenship, which emphasise expression (Lane et al.) and contribution (Vaughan et al.) rather than formal participation within institutions. Perhaps the Scandinavian users cannot cast a vote in US elections, but they can still engage in the same forms of expression as any American with a Twitter account. That encounters with non-fungibility were so notable to the participants also points to the mundanity of globality on social media. Vaughan et al. write that “citizens are increasingly accustomed to participating in horizontal networks of relationships which facilitate more expressive, smaller forms of action” (17). The findings here suggest that they are also accustomed to participating in geographically agnostic networks, in which their expressions of citizenship are at once small, interchangeable, and potentially global. References Asen, Robert. "A Discourse Theory of Citizenship." Quarterly Journal of Speech 90.2 (2004): 189–211. Augé, Marc. Non-Places: Introduction to an Anthropology of Supermodernity. Trans. John Howe. London: Verso, 1995. Beck, Ulrich. The Cosmopolitan Vision. Trans. Ciaran Cronin. Cambridge: Polity, 2006. Bruns, Axel, et al. "The Australian Twittersphere in 2016: Mapping the Follower/Followee Network." Social Media + Society 3.4 (2017): 1–15. Bucher, Taina. "Want to Be on the Top? Algorithmic Power and the Threat of Invisibility on Facebook." New Media &amp; Society 14.7 (2012): 1164–80. Burgess, Jean, and Nancy Baym. Twitter: A Biography. New York: New York UP, 2020. C-SPAN. Russian Election Interference, House Select Intelligence Committee. 24 Feb. 2017. Transcript. 21 Mar. 2017 &lt;https://www.c-span.org/video/?425087-1/fbi-director-investigating-links-trump-campaign-russia&gt;. Calhoun, Craig. Nations Matter: Culture, History, and the Cosmopolitan Dream. New York: Routledge, 2007. Christensen, Miyase, and André Jansson. "Complicit Surveillance, Interveillance, and the Question of Cosmopolitanism: Toward a Phenomenological Understanding of Mediatization." New Media &amp; Society 17.9 (2015): 1473–91. Dahlgren, Peter. "In Search of the Talkative Public: Media, Deliberative Democracy and Civic Culture." Javnost – The Public 9.3 (2002): 5–25. ———. "Social Media and Political Participation: Discourse and Deflection." Critique, Social Media and the Information Society. Eds. Christian Fuchs and Marisol Sandoval. New York: Routledge, 2014. 191–202. Delanty, Gerard. "The Cosmopolitan Imagination: Critical Cosmopolitanism and Social Theory." British Journal of Sociology 57.1 (2006): 25–47. Dyer, Hugh C. Coping and Conformity in World Politics. Routledge, 2009. Flew, Terry. "Globalization, Neo-Globalization and Post-Globalization: The Challenge of Populism and the Return of the National." Global Media and Communication 16.1 (2020): 19–39. Fraser, Nancy. "Transnationalizing the Public Sphere: On the Legitimacy and Efficacy of Public Opinion in a Post-Westphalian World." Theory, Culture &amp; Society 24.4 (2007): 7–30. Habermas, Jürgen. The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Inquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society. Trans. Thomas Burger. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT P, 1991 [1962]. Kligler-Vilenchik, Neta. "Alternative Citizenship Models: Contextualizing New Media and the New ‘Good Citizen’." New Media &amp; Society 19.11 (2017): 1887–903. Lane, Daniel S., Kevin Do, and Nancy Molina-Rogers. "What Is Political Expression on Social Media Anyway? A Systematic Review." Journal of Information Technology &amp; Politics (2021): 1–15. Larsson, Anders Olof, and Hallvard Moe. "Twitter in Politics and Elections: Insights from Scandinavia." Twitter and Society. Eds. Katrin Weller et al. New York: Peter Lang, 2014. 319–30. Linklater, Andrew. "Cosmopolitan Citizenship." Handbook of Citizenship Studies. Eds. Engin F. Isin and Bryan S. Turner. London: Sage, 2002. 317–32. McLuhan, Marshall. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. London: Ark, 1987 [1964]. Mocanu, Delia, et al. "The Twitter of Babel: Mapping World Languages through Microblogging Platforms." PLOS ONE 8.4 (2013): e61981. Picone, Ike, et al. "Small Acts of Engagement: Reconnecting Productive Audience Practices with Everyday Agency." New Media &amp; Society 21.9 (2019): 2010–28. Robertson, Alexa. Mediated Cosmopolitanism: The World of Television News. Cambridge: Polity, 2010. Sassen, Saskia. "Towards Post-National and Denationalized Citizenship." Handbook of Citizenship Studies. Eds. Engin F. Isin and Bryan S. Turner. London: Sage, 2002. 277–91. Sevin, Efe, and Sarphan Uzunoğlu. "Do Foreigners Count? Internationalization of Presidential Campaigns." American Behavioral Scientist 61.3 (2017): 315–33. Stock, Kristin. "Mining Location from Social Media: A Systematic Review." Computers, Environment and Urban Systems 71 (2018): 209–40. Syvertsen, Trine, et al. The Media Welfare State: Nordic Media in the Digital Era. New Media World. Ann Arbor: U of Michigan P, 2014. Szerszynski, Bronislaw, and John Urry. "Cultures of Cosmopolitanism." The Sociological Review 50.4 (2002): 461–81. Vaughan, Michael, et al. "The Role of Novel Citizenship Norms in Signing and Sharing Online Petitions." Political Studies (2022). Vromen, Ariadne. Digital Citizenship and Political Engagement: The Challenge from Online Campaigning and Advocacy Organisations. London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017.

For Socrates the act of communication is grounded in the world of original forms, archetypes, or abstract ideas. These ideas exist independently of the human mind and reflect a reality that is truer than the world of everyday experience. The task of the speaker is to draw the listener closer to the truth of these ideas, and this requires an intimate coupling of the form of speech to the character of the listener. In Phaedrus, Socrates explains, ". . . a would-be speaker must know how many types of soul there are. The number is finite, and they account for a variety of individual characters. When these are determined one must enumerate the various types of speech, a finite number also." The types of soul must then be carefully paired with the types of speech. This theoretical knowledge by itself, however, is not sufficient. A speaker must also know when ". . . he has actually before him a specific example of a type which he has heard described, and that this is what he must say and this is how he must say it if he wants to influence his hearer in this particular way" (Plato 91-92). Thus, the aspiring speaker must sharpen his powers of observation. Exactly how a speaker goes about discerning the various types of souls in his audience is not discussed in Phaedrus, but one assumes it is by mastering the art of face reading, or physiognomy. The science of physiognomy was of particular importance to the ancient Greeks. Nearly all the well-known Greek writers had something to say about the subject. Pythagoras is claimed to be the first Greek to formalize it systematically as a science. Hippocrates wrote voluminously on the subject, as did Aristotle. Socrates not only recommended physiognomy to his students (Tytler) but he is also reported to have demonstrated his facility with the science at least twice: once in predicting the promotion of Alcibiades and once upon first meeting Plato, whom he immediately recognized as a man of considerable philosophical talent (Encyclopedia Britannica). Writing is inferior to speech, Socrates tells Phaedrus, precisely because it cannot see and adapt the message to the reader. Like a painting of an object, writing is merely the image of dissociated speech. What is missing in writing-and what writing seems ever intent on reconstructing-is the human face. Pressing Faces Behind the Typeface Although physiognomy was banned by the Church, as it was associated with paganism and devil worship (practitioners of the science were burnt at the stake), it was revived in the Renaissance and became an obsession with the advent of the printing press. The printing press heralds democracy. But as human rights grew, urban centers developed, and new professions and classes emerged, people were no longer able to divine their own destiny or to predict the behavior and destiny of others. It became imperative to find other more reliable means of identifying the good and the bad, the talented and the unremarkable. Two books were considered indispensable: the Bible and Lavater's Essays on Physiognomy (Juengel). Physiognomy was the science that helped people decipher class and profession. It became the spelling book of character, one that people diligently studied so that they could learn to read not only the marks of character in others but also the signs of talent and potential in their own faces and in the faces of their children. Face reading was egalitarian and leveling (Juengel). The heads of state could be read and debunked in the flourishing art of caricature, and people delighted in decoding the physiognomy of the ordinary faces that crowded the pages of the popular press. The populace applauded the artists that succeeded in revealing the whole spectrum of a character-class, intentions, profession-in the masterly strokes of the pen (Wechsler). Unfortunately, so intense was the interest in face reading that many people were forced to cover their faces when out in public (Zebrowitz). Inside the religious, medical, educational, and criminal justice institutions, authorities scanned faces to identify the virtuous and the vile. People were hanged because of the shape of their jaws ("A physiognomic auto-da-fé,") and sometimes convicted of crimes because of an unfortunate physiognomy, even before any crimes were committed (Lichtenberg. 93). Mass Consumption of the Face Open a magazine. What do you see? I counted over 200 faces in the September 15, 2003 issue of Newsweek, 120 faces in the September 29, 2003 issue of Forbes, 124 faces in the September 15, 2003 issue of Time, and 37 faces in the November, 2003 issue of Handgunner (I included the masked faces). Whereas, in the 19th century, face reading was used by the religious, medical, and criminal justice authorities to identify a person's character, in the modern world face reading becomes face righting. Early in the century, people came to be viewed less as individuals than as masses that were dynamically statistical with fluctuations of opinions and tastes that could be sampled and manipulated. It quickly became apparent to the behemoth advertising industry that was erected with the advent of mass media that product designs and packages could be collated with viewer reactions. The audience is scrutinized, labeled, and targeted. What people are fed are fleshless images of themselves. Horkheimer and Adorno have observed that the media have reduced the individual to the stereotype. Stereotypes package people, typically in unflattering boxes. Mediated faces are used to mirror, to prime, and to manipulate the audience (Kress and van Leeuwen). On television and in print, images of canned faces proliferate. Not all stereotypes are unsavory. Nothing recommends itself nor sells like a beautiful face, but even beautiful faces must be retouched, even recomposed from features extracted from databases of perfect facial features. So important is the image of the face that media icons routinely visit the plastic surgeon. Michael Jackson is the most extreme example of what has been derogatorily termed a "scalpel slave." Plastic surgery is not exclusive to celebrities; countless millions of ordinary Americans feel compelled to undergo various cosmetic surgeries. The 20th-century consumption of the face has ended by consuming the face. Facing the Face Interface Text has made a comeback in hypertext. Empowered by the hyperlink, readers have become writers as they assemble texts with the clicks of a mouse (Landow). Electronic texts are pushed as well as pulled. Businesses have learned to track and to query users, building individual profiles that are then used to assemble personalized pages and email messages. Socrates' objection that writing is unable to perceive the reader no longer holds. The virtual text is watching you. And it is watching you with virtual eyes. There is a growing interest in developing face interfaces that are capable of perceiving and talking. The technical requirements are enormous. Face interfaces must learn to make eye contact, follow speaking faces with their eyes, mirror emotion, lip synch, and periodically nod, raise eyebrows, and tilt the head (Massaro). Face interfaces are also learning to write faces, to map rhetorical forms to the character of their interlocutors in ways Socrates could not have imagined. Socrates did not teach his students to consider the rhetorical effects of their faces: the speaker's face was thought to be fixed, a true reflection of the inner soul. Virtual faces are not so constrained. Smart faces are being developed that are capable of rendering their own appearances from within a statistical model of the users' impressions of faces. The goal is for these virtual faces to learn to design, through their interactions with users, facial appearances that are calibrated to elicit very specific impressions and reactions in others (Brahnam). Some people will disapprove of virtual faces. Just as the media use faces to manipulate the viewer and perpetuate facial stereotypes, smart faces run the risk of doing the same. Some may also worry that virtual faces will be attributed more intelligence and social capacity then they actually possess. Do we really want our children growing up talking to virtual faces? Can they satisfy our need for human contact? What does it mean to converse with a virtual face? What kind of conversation is that? For the present at least, virtual faces are more like the orators and bards of old. They merely repeat the speeches of others. Their own speech is nearly incomprehensible, and their grammatical hiccups annoyingly disrupt the suspension of disbelief. On their own, without the human in the loop, no one believes them. Thus, the virtual face appears on the screen, silently nodding and smiling. Not yet a proper student of classical rhetoric, it is much like the virtual guide at artificial-life.com that recently greeted her visitors wearing the following placard: A virtual guide that greeted visitors at artificial-life.com. Access date: October 2003. Works Cited Brahnam, Sheryl. "Agents as Artists: Automating Socially Intelligent Embodiment," Proceedings of the First International Workshop on the Philosophy &amp; Design of Socially Adept Technologies, in conjunction with CHI 2002. Minneapolis, MN, 2002: 15-18. Encyclopedia Britannica. "Physiognomy." LoveToKnow Free Online Encyclopedia, 1911. Available: http://21.1911encyclopedia.org Horkheimer, Max, and Theodor W. Adorno. Dialectic of Enlightenment. Trans. John Cumming. New York: Seabury, 1944. Juengel, Scott Jordan. "About Face: Physiognomics, Revolution, and the Radical Act of Looking." Ph.D. dissertation. University of Iowa, 1997. Kress, Gunther, and Theo van Leeuwen. Reading Images: The Grammar of Visual Design. London: Routledge, 1996. Landow, P. George. Hypertext 2.0: The Convergence of Contemporary Critical Theory and Technology. Baltimore: John Hopkins U P, 1997. Lavater, Johann Caspar. Essays on Physiognomy: For the Promotion of the Knowledge and the Love of Mankind. Trans. Thomas Holcroft. London: printed by C. Whittingham for H. D. Symonds, 1804. Lichtenberg. Quoted in Frey, Siegfried. "Lavater, Lichtenberg, and the Suggestive Power of the Human Face." The Faces of Physiognomy: Interdisciplinary Approaches to Johann Caspar Lavater. Ed. Ellis Shookman. Studies in German Literature, Linguistics, and Culture. Columbia, S.C.: Camden House, 1993. 64-103. Massaro, D. M. Perceiving Talking Faces: From Speech Perception to a Behavioral Principle. Cambridge, MA: MIT P, 1997. Plato. Phaedrus and the Seventh and Eighth Letters. Trans. Walter Hamilton. London: Penguin, 1973. Tytler, Graeme. Physiognomy in the European Novel: Faces and Fortunes. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton U P, 1982. Wechsler, Judith. A Human Comedy: Physiognomy and Caricature in 19th Century Paris. London: U of Chicago P, 1982. Zebrowitz, Leslie A. Reading Faces: Window to the Soul? Boulder, Col.: Westview, 1998. Web Links http://vhost.oddcast.com/vhost_minisite/ http://mrl.nyu.edu/~perlin/facedemo/ http://www.faceinterfaces.com http://www.artificial-life.com Citation reference for this article MLA Style Brahnam, Sheryl. "Type/Face" M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture &lt;http://www.media-culture.org.au/0401/04-brahnam.php&gt;. APA Style Brahnam, S. (2004, Jan 12). Type/Face. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture, 7, &lt;http://www.media-culture.org.au/0401/04-brahnam.php&gt;

Do we eat what we are, or are we what we eat? Do we eat or are we eaten? In less cryptic terms, in eating, do we confirm our identities, or are our identities reforged, and refracted by what and how we eat? In posing these questions, I want to shift the terms of current debates about identity. I want to signal that the study of identity may take on new insights when we look at how we are or want to be in terms of what, how, and with whom we eat. If the analysis of identity has by and large been conducted through the optic of sex, it may well be that in western societies we are witnessing a shift away from sex as the sovereign signifier, or to put it more finely, the question of what we are is a constantly morphing one that mixes up bodies, appetites, classes, genders and ethnicities. It must be said that the question of identity and subjectivity has been so well trodden in the last several decades that the possibility of any virgin territory is slim. Bombarded by critiques of identity politics, any cultural critic still interested in why and how individuals fabricate themselves must either cringe before accusations of sociological do-gooding (and defend the importance of the categories of race, class, sex, gender and so forth), or face the endless clichés that seemingly support the investigation of identity. The momentum of my investigation is carried by a weak wager, by which I mean that the areas and examples I study cannot be overdetermined by a sole axis of investigation. My point of departure is basic: what if we were to think identities in another dimension, through the optic of eating and its associated qualities: hunger, greed, shame, disgust, pleasure, etc? While the connections suggested by eating are diverse and illuminating, interrogating identity through this angle brings its own load of assumptions and preconceptions. One of the more onerous aspects of 'writing about food' is the weight of previous studies. The field of food is a well traversed one, staked out by influential authors concerned with proper anthropological, historical and sociological questions. They are by and large attracted to food for its role in securing social categories and classifications. They have left a legacy of truisms, such as Lévi-Strauss's oft-stated maxim that food is good to think with1, or Brillat-Savarin's aphorism, 'tell me what you eat: I will tell you what you are' (13). In turn, scientific idioms meet up with the buzzing clichés that hover about food. These can be primarily grouped around the notion that food is fundamental, that we all eat, and so on. Indeed, buffeted by the winds of postmodernism that have permeated public debates, it seems that there is a popular acceptance of the fact that identities are henceforth difficult, fragmented, temporary, unhinged by massive changes to modes of employment and the economy, re-formations of family, and the changes in the gender and sexual order. Living with and through these changes on a daily basis, it is no wonder that food and eating has been popularly reclaimed as a 'fundamental' issue, as the last bastion of authenticity in our lives. To put it another way, and in the terms that guide me, eating is seen as immediate -- it is something we all have to do; and it is a powerful mode of mediation, of joining us with others. What, how, and where we eat has emerged as a site of considerable social concern: from the fact that most do not eat en famille, that we increasingly eat out and through drive-in fast food outlets (in the US, 50% of the food budget is spent on eating outside the home), to the worries about genetically altered food and horror food -- mad cows, sick chickens, square tomatoes. Eating performs different connections and disconnections. Increasingly the attention to what we eat is seen as immediately connecting us, our bodies, to large social questions. At a broad level, this can be as diffuse as the winds that some argue spread genetically modified seed stock from one region to another. Or it can be as individually focussed as the knowledge that others are starving as we eat. This connection has long haunted children told 'to eat up everything on your plate because little children are starving in Africa', and in more evolved terms has served as a staple of forms of vegetarianism and other ethical forms of eating. From the pictures of starving children staring from magazine pages, the spectre of hunger is now broadcast by the Internet, exemplified in the Hunger Site where 'users are met by a map of the world and every 3.6 seconds, a country flashes black signifying a death due to hunger'. Here eating is the subject of a double articulation: the recognition of hunger is presumed to be a fundamental capacity of individuals, and our feelings are then galvanised into painless action: each time a user clicks on the 'hunger' button one of the sponsors donates a cup and a half of food. As the site explains, 'our sponsors pay for the donations as a form of advertising and public relations'. Here, the logic is that hunger is visceral, that it is a basic human feeling, which is to say that it is understood as immediate, and that it connects us in a basic way to other humans. That advertising companies know that it can also be a profitable form of meditation, transforming 'humans' into consumers is but one example of how eating connects us in complex ways to other people, to products, to new formulations of identity, and in this case altruism (the site has been called 'the altruistic mouse')2. Eating continually interweaves individual needs, desires and aspirations within global economies of identities. Of course the interlocking of the global and the local has been the subject of much debate over the last decade. For instance, in his recent book on globalisation, John Tomlinson uses 'global food and local identity' as a site through which to problematise these terms. It is clear that changes in food processing and transportation technologies have altered our sense of connection to the near and the far away, allowing us to routinely find in our supermarkets and eat products that previously would have been the food stuff of the élite. These institutional and technological changes rework the connections individuals have to their local, to the regions and nations in which they live. As Tomlinson argues, 'globalisation, from its early impact, does clearly undermine a close material relationship between the provenance of food and locality' (123). As he further states, the effects have been good (availability and variety), and bad (disrupting 'the subtle connection between climate, season, locality and cultural practice'). In terms of what we can now eat, Tomlinson points out that 'the very cultural stereotypes that identify food with, say, national culture become weakened' (124). Defusing the whiff of moralism that accompanies so much writing about food, Tomlinson argues that these changes to how we eat are not 'typically experienced as simply cultural loss or estrangement but as a complex and ambiguous blend: of familiarity and difference, expansion of cultural horizons and increased perceptions of vulnerability, access to the "world out there" accompanied by penetration of our own private worlds, new opportunities and new risks' (128). For the sake of my own argument his attention to the increased sense of vulnerability is particularly important. To put it more strongly, I'd argue that eating is of interest for the ways in which it can be a mundane exposition of the visceral nature of our connectedness, or distance from each other, from ourselves, and our social environment: it throws into relief the heartfelt, the painful, playful or pleasurable articulations of identity. To put it more clearly, I want to use eating and its associations in order to think about how the most ordinary of activities can be used to help us reflect on how we are connected to others, and to large and small social issues. This is again to attend to the immediacy of eating, and the ways in which that immediacy is communicated, mediated and can be put to use in thinking about culture. The adjective 'visceral' comes to mind: 'of the viscera', the inner organs. Could something as ordinary as eating contain the seeds of an extraordinary reflection, a visceral reaction to who and what we are becoming? In mining eating and its qualities might we glimpse gut reactions to the histories and present of the cultures within which we live? As Emily Jenkins writes in her account of 'adventures in physical culture', what if we were to go 'into things tongue first. To see how they taste' (5). In this sense, I want to plunder the visceral, gut levels revealed by that most boring and fascinating of topics: food and eating. In turn, I want to think about what bodies are and do when they eat. To take up the terms with which I started, eating both confirms what and who we are, to ourselves and to others, and can reveal new ways of thinking about those relations. To take the most basic of facts: food goes in, and then broken down it comes out of the body, and every time this happens our bodies are affected. While in the usual course of things we may not dwell upon this process, that basic ingestion allows us to think of our bodies as complex assemblages connected to a wide range of other assemblages. In eating, the diverse nature of where and how different parts of ourselves attach to different aspects of the social becomes clear, just as it scrambles preconceptions about alimentary identities. Of course, we eat according to social rules, in fact we ingest them. 'Feed the man meat', the ads proclaim following the line of masculinity inwards; while others draw a line outwards from biology and femininity into 'Eat lean beef'. The body that eats has been theorised in ways that seek to draw out the sociological equations about who we are in terms of class and gender. But rather than taking the body as known, as already and always ordered in advance by what and how it eats, we can turn such hypotheses on their head. In the act of ingestion, strict divisions get blurred. The most basic fact of eating reveals some of the strangeness of the body's workings. Consequently it becomes harder to capture the body within categories, to order stable identities. This then forcefully reminds us that we still do not know what a body is capable of, to take up a refrain that has a long heritage (from Spinoza to Deleuze to feminist investigations of the body). As Moira Gatens and Genevieve Lloyd argue in terms of this idea, 'each body exists in relations of interdependence with other bodies and these relations form a "world" in which individuals of all kinds exchange their constitutive parts -- leading to the enrichment of some and the demise of others (e.g. eating involves the destruction of one body at the same time as it involves the enhancement of the other)' (101). I am particularly interested in how individuals replay equations between eating and identity. But that phrase sounds impossibly abstracted from the minute instances I have in mind. From the lofty heights, I follow the injunction to 'look down, look way down', to lead, as it were, with the stomach. In this vein, I begin to note petty details, like the fact of recently discovering breakfast. From a diet of coffee (now with a milk called 'Life') and cigarettes, I dutifully munch on fortified cereal that provides large amounts of folate should I be pregnant (and as I eat it I wonder am I, should I be?3). Spurred on by articles sprinkled with dire warnings about what happens to women in Western societies, I search out soy, linseed and other ingredients that will help me mimic the high phytoestrogen diet of Japanese women. Eating cereal, I am told, will stave off depression, especially with the addition of bananas. Washed down with yoghurt 'enhanced' with acidophilius and bifidus to give me 'friendly' bacteria that will fight against nasty heliobacter pylori, I am assured that I will even lose weight by eating breakfast. It's all a bit much first thing in the morning when the promise of a long life seems like a threat. The myriad of printed promises of the intricate world of alimentary programming serve as an interesting counterpoint to the straightforward statements on cigarette packages. 'Smoking kills' versus the weak promises that eating so much of such and such a cereal 'is a good source of soy phytoestrogenes (isolfavones) that are believed to be very beneficial'. Apart from the unpronounceable ingredients (do you really want to eat something that you can't say?), the terms of the contract between me and the cereal makers is thin: that such and such is 'believed to be beneficial'? While what in fact they may benefit is nebulous, it gets scarier when they specify that 'a diet rich in folate may reduce the risk of birth defects such as spina bifida'. The conditional tense wavers as I ponder the way spina bifida is produced as a real possibility. There is of course a long history to the web of nutritional messages that now surrounds us. In her potted teleology of food messages, Sue Thompson, a consultant dietitian, writes that in the 1960s, the slogan was 'you are what you eat'. Then in the 1970s and 1980s, the idea was that food was bad for you. In her words, 'it became a time of "Don't eat" and "bad foods". Now, happily, 'we are moving into a time of appreciating the health benefits of food' (Promotional release by the Dairy Farmers, 1997). As the new battle ground for extended enhanced life, eating takes on fortified meaning. Awed by the enthusiasm, I am also somewhat shocked by the intimacy of detail. I can handle descriptions of sex, but the idea of discussing the ways in which you 'are reducing the bacterial toxins produced from small bowel overgrowth' (Thompson), is just too much. Gut level intimacy indeed. However, eating is intimate. But strangely enough except for the effusive health gurus, and the gossip about the eating habits of celebrities, normally in terms of not-eating, we tend not to publicly air the fact that we all operate as 'mouth machines' (to take Noëlle Châtelet's term). To be blunt about it, 'to eat, is to connect ... the mouth and the anus' (Châtelet 34). We would, with good reason, rather not think about this; it is an area of conversation reserved for our intimates. For instance, in relationships the moment of broaching the subject of one's gut may mark the beginning of the end. So let us stay for the moment at the level of the mouth machine, and the ways it brings together the physical fact of what goes in, and the symbolic production of what comes out: meanings, statements, ideas. To sanitise it further, I want to think of the mouth machine as a metonym4 for the operations of a term that has been central to cultural studies: 'articulation'. Stuart Hall's now classic definition states that 'articulation refers to the complex set of historical practices by which we struggle to produce identity or structural unity out of, on top of, complexity, difference, contradiction' (qtd. in Grossberg, "History" 64). While the term has tended to be used rather indiscriminately -- theorists wildly 'articulate' this or that -- its precise terms are useful. Basically it refers to how individuals relate themselves to their social contexts and histories. While we are all in some sense the repositories of past practices, through our actions we 'articulate', bridge and connect ourselves to practices and contexts in ways that are new to us. In other terms, we continually shuttle between practices and meanings that are already constituted and 'the real conditions' in which we find ourselves. As Lawrence Grossberg argues, this offers 'a nonessentialist theory of agency ... a fragmented, decentered human agent, an agent who is both "subject-ed" by power and capable of acting against power' ("History" 65). Elsewhere Grossberg elaborates on the term, arguing that 'articulation is the production of identity on top of difference, of unities out of fragments, of structures across practices' (We Gotta Get Out 54). We are then 'articulated' subjects, the product of being integrated into past practices and structures, but we are also always 'articulating' subjects: through our enactment of practices we reforge new meanings, new identities for ourselves. This then reveals a view of the subject as a fluctuating entity, neither totally voluntaristic, nor overdetermined. In more down to earth terms, just because we are informed by practices not of our own making, 'that doesn't mean we swallow our lessons without protest' (Jenkins 5). The mouth machine takes in but it also spits out. In these actions the individual is constantly connecting, disconnecting and reconnecting. Grossberg joins the theory of articulation to Deleuze and Guattari's notion of rhizomes. In real and theoretical terms, a rhizome is a wonderful entity: it is a type of plant, such as a potato plant or an orchid, that instead of having tap roots spreads its shoots outwards, where new roots can sprout off old. Used as a figure to map out social relations, the rhizome allows us to think about other types of connection. Beyond the arboreal, tap root logic of, say, the family tree which ties me in lineage to my forefathers, the rhizome allows me to spread laterally and horizontally: as Deleuze puts it, the rhizome is antigenealogical, 'it always has multiple entryways' compelling us to think of how we are connected diversely, to obvious and sometimes not so obvious entities (35). For Grossberg the appeal of joining a theory of articulation with one inspired by rhizomes is that it combines the 'vertical complexity' of culture and context, with the 'wild realism' of the horizontal possibilities that connect us outward. To use another metaphor dear to Deleuze and Guattari, this is to think about the spread of rhizomatic roots, the 'lines of flight' that break open seemingly closed structures, including those we call ourselves: 'lines of flight disarticulate, open up the assemblage to its exterior, cutting across and dismantling unity, identity, centers and hierarchies' (qtd. in Grossberg, We Gotta Get Out 58). In this way, bodies can be seen as assemblages: bits of past and present practice, openings, attachments to parts of the social, closings and aversion to other parts. The tongue as it ventures out to taste something new may bring back fond memories, or it may cause us to recoil in disgust. As Jenkins writes, this produces a fascinating 'contradiction -- how the body is both a prison and a vehicle for adventure' (4). It highlights the fact that the 'body is not the same from day to day. Not even from minute to minute ... . Sometimes it seems like home, sometimes more like a cheap motel near Pittsburgh' (7). As we ingest we mutate, we expand and contract, we change, sometimes subtly, sometimes violently. The openings and closings of our bodies constantly rearranges our dealings with others, as Jenkins writes, the body's 'distortions, anxieties, ecstasies and discomforts all influence a person's interaction with the people who service it'. In more theoretical terms, this produces the body as 'an articulated plane whose organisation defines its own relations of power and sites of struggle', which 'points to the existence of another politics, a politics of feeling' (Grossberg, "History" 72). These theoretical considerations illuminate the interest and the complexity of bodies that eat. The mouth machine registers experiences, and then articulates them -- utters them. In eating, we may munch into whole chains of previously established connotations, just as we may disrupt them. For instance, an email arrives, leaving traces of its rhizomatic passage zapping from one part of the world to another, and then to me. Unsolicited, it sets out a statement from a Dr. Johannes Van Vugt in San Francisco who on October 11, 1999, National Coming Out Day in the US, began an ongoing 'Fast for Equal Rights for persons who are gay, lesbian and other sexual orientation minorities'. Yoking his fast with the teachings of Ghandi and Martin Luther King, Dr. Van Vugt says he is fasting to 'call on you to choose love, not fear, and to do something about it'. The statement also reveals that he previously fasted 'to raise awareness and funds for African famine relief for which he received a Congressional commendation'. While personally I don't give much for his chances of getting a second commendation, this is an example of how the mouth machine closed still operates to articulate identities and politics to wildly diverging sites. While there is something of an arboreal logic to fasting for awareness of famine, the connection between not eating and anti-homophobic politics is decidedly rhizomatic. Whether or not it succeeds in its aim, and one of the tenets of a rhizomatic logic is that the points of connection cannot be guaranteed in advance, it does join the mouth with sex with the mouth with homophobic statements that it utters. There is then a sort of 'wild realism' at work here that endeavours to set up new assemblages of bodies, mouths and politics. From fasting to writing, what of the body that writes of the body that eats? In Grossberg's argument, the move to a rhizomatic field of analysis promises to return cultural theory to a consideration of 'the real'. He argues that such a theory must be 'concerned with particular configurations of practices, how they produce effects and how such effects are organized and deployed' (We Gotta Get Out 45). However, it is crucial to remember that these practices do not exist in a pure state in culture, divorced from their representations or those of the body that analyses them. The type of 'wild realism' that Grossberg calls for, as in Deleuze's 'new empiricism' is both a way of seeing the world, and offers it anew, illuminates otherly its structures and individuals' interaction with them. Following the line of the rhizome means that we must 'forcibly work both on semiotic flows, material flows, and social flows', Guattari goes on to argue that 'there is no tripartition between a field of reality, the world, a field of representation, the book, and a field of subjectivity, the author. But an arrangement places in connection certain multiplicities taken from each of these orders' (qtd. in Grossberg, We Gotta Get Out 48). In terms of the possibilities offered by eating, these theoretical and conceptual arguments direct us to other ways of thinking about identity as both digestion and as indigestible. Bodies eat into culture. The mouth machine is central to the articulation of different orders, but so too is the tongue that sticks out, that draws in food, objects and people. Analysed along multiple alimentary lines of flight, in eating we constantly take in, chew up and spit out identities. Footnotes 1. As Barbara Santich has recently pointed out, Lévi-Strauss's point was made in relation to taboos on eating totem animals in traditional societies and wasn't a general comment on the connection between eating and thinking (4). 2. The sponsors of the Hunger Site include 0-0.com, a search engine, Proflowers.com, and an assortment of other examples of this new form of altruism (such as GreaterGood.com which advertises itself as a 'shop to benefit your favorite cause'), and 'World-Wide Recipes', which features a 'virtual restaurant'. 3. The pregnant body is of course one of the most policed entities in our culture, and pregnant friends report on the anxieties that are produced about what will go into the future child's body. 4. While Châtelet writes that thinking about the eating body 'throws her into full metaphor ... joining, for example the nutritional mouth and the lover's mouth' (8), I have tried to avoid the tug of metaphor. Of course, the seduction of metaphor is great, and there are copious examples of the metaphorisation of eating in regards to consumption, ingestion, reading and writing. However, as I've argued elsewhere (Probyn, Outside Belongings), I prefer to focus on the 'work' (or as Le Doeuff would say, 'le faire des images') that Deleuze and Guattari's terms accomplish as ways of modelling the social. This is a particularly crucial (if here underdeveloped) point in terms of my present project, where I seek to analyse the ways in which eating may reproduce an awareness of the visceral nature of social relations. That said, and as my valued colleague Melissa Hardie has often pointed out, my text is littered with metaphor. References Brillat-Savarin, Jean-Anthelme. The Physiology of Taste. Trans. Anne Drayton. Penguin, 1974. Châtelet, Noëlle. Le Corps a Corps Culinaire. Paris: Seuil, 1977. Deleuze, Gilles. "Rhizome versus Trees." The Deleuze Reader. Ed. Constantin V. Boundas. New York: Columbia UP, 1993. Foucault, Michel. The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences. New York: Vintage, 1973. Gatens, Moira, and Genevieve Lloyd. Collective Imaginings: Spinoza, Past and Present. New York and London: Routledge, 1999. Grossberg, Lawrence. "History, Politics and Postmodernism: Stuart Hall and Cultural Studies." Journal of Communication Inquiry 10.2 (1986): 61-77. ---. We Gotta Get Out of This Place: Popular Conservatism and Postmodern Culture. New York and London: Routledge,1992. Le Doeuff, Michèle. L'Étude et le Rouet. Paris: Seuil, 1989. Jenkins, Emily. Tongue First: Adventures in Physical Culture. London: Virago, 1999. Probyn, Elspeth. Outside Belongings. New York and London: Routledge, 1996. ---. Sexing the Self. Gendered Positions in Cultural Studies. New York and London: Routledge, 1993. Santich, Barbara. "Research Notes." The Centre for the History of Food and Drink Newsletter. The University of Adelaide, September 1999. Thompson, Sue. Promotional pamphlet for the Dairy Farmers' Association. 1997. Tomlinson, John. Globalization and Culture. Oxford: Polity Press, 1999. Citation reference for this article MLA style: Elspeth Probyn. "The Indigestion of Identities." M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2.7 (1999). [your date of access] &lt;http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/indigestion.php&gt;. Chicago style: Elspeth Probyn, "The Indigestion of Identities," M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2, no. 7 (1999), &lt;http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/indigestion.php&gt; ([your date of access]). APA style: Elspeth Probyn. (1999) The indigestion of identities. M/C: A Journal of Media and Culture 2(7). &lt;http://www.uq.edu.au/mc/9910/indigestion.php&gt; ([your date of access]).

Introduction Many destinations promote culinary encounters. Foods and beverages, and especially how these will taste in situ, are being marketed as niche travel motivators and used in destination brand building across the globe. While initial usage of the term culinary tourism focused on experiencing exotic cultures of foreign destinations by sampling unfamiliar food and drinks, the term has expanded to embrace a range of leisure travel experiences where the aim is to locate and taste local specialities as part of a pleasurable, and hopefully notable, culinary encounter (Wolf). Long’s foundational work was central in developing the idea of culinary tourism as an active endeavor, suggesting that via consumption, individuals construct unique experiences. Ignatov and Smith’s literature review-inspired definition confirms the nature of activity as participatory, and adds consuming food production skills—from observing agriculture and local processors to visiting food markets and attending cooking schools—to culinary purchases. Despite importing almost all of its foodstuffs and beverages, including some of its water, Singapore is an acknowledged global leader in culinary tourism. Horng and Tsai note that culinary tourism conceptually implies that a transferal of “local or special knowledge and information that represent local culture and identities” (41) occurs via these experiences. This article adds the act of reading to these participatory activities and suggests that, because food writing forms an important component of Singapore’s suite of culinary tourism offerings, taste contributes to the cultural experience offered to both visitors and locals. While Singapore foodways have attracted significant scholarship (see, for instance, work by Bishop; Duruz; Huat &amp; Rajah; Tarulevicz, Eating), Singapore food writing, like many artefacts of popular culture, has attracted less notice. Yet, this writing is an increasingly visible component of cultural production of, and about, Singapore, and performs a range of functions for locals, tourists and visitors before they arrive. Although many languages are spoken in Singapore, English is the national language (Alsagoff) and this study focuses on food writing in English. Background Tourism comprises a major part of Singapore’s economy, with recent figures detailing that food and beverage sales contribute over 10 per cent of this revenue, with spend on culinary tours and cookery classes, home wares such as tea-sets and cookbooks, food magazines and food memoirs additional to this (Singapore Government). This may be related to the fact that Singapore not only promotes food as a tourist attraction, but also actively promotes itself as an exceptional culinary destination. The Singapore Tourism Board (STB) includes food in its general information brochures and websites, and its print, television and cinema commercials (Huat and Rajah). It also mounts information-rich campaigns both abroad and inside Singapore. The 2007 ‘Singapore Seasons’ campaign, for instance, promoted Singaporean cuisine alongside films, design, books and other cultural products in London, New York and Beijing. Touring cities identified as key tourist markets in 2011, the ‘Singapore Takeout’ pop-up restaurant brought the taste of Singaporean foods into closer focus. Singaporean chefs worked with high profile locals in its kitchen in a custom-fabricated shipping container to create and demonstrate Singaporean dishes, attracting public and media interest. In country, the STB similarly actively promotes the tastes of Singaporean foods, hosting the annual World Gourmet Summit (Chaney and Ryan) and Pacific Food Expo, both attracting international culinary professionals to work alongside local leaders. The Singapore Food Festival each July is marketed to both locals and visitors. In these ways, the STB, as well as providing events for visitors, is actively urging Singaporeans to proud of their food culture and heritage, so that each Singaporean becomes a proactive ambassador of their cuisine. Singapore Food Writing Popular print guidebooks and online guides to Singapore pay significantly more attention to Singaporean food than they do for many other destinations. Sections on food in such publications discuss at relative length the taste of Singaporean food (always delicious) as well as how varied, authentic, hygienic and suited-to-all-budgets it is. These texts also recommend hawker stalls and food courts alongside cafés and restaurants (Henderson et al.), and a range of other culinary experiences such as city and farm food tours and cookery classes. This writing describes not only what can be seen or learned during these experiences, but also what foods can be sampled, and how these might taste. This focus on taste is reflected in the printed materials that greet the in-bound tourist at the airport. On a visit in October 2013, arrival banners featuring mouth-watering images of local specialities such as chicken rice and chilli crab marked the route from arrival to immigration and baggage collection. Even advertising for a bank was illustrated with photographs of luscious-looking fruits. The free maps and guidebooks available featured food-focused tours and restaurant locations, and there were also substantial free booklets dedicated solely to discussing local delicacies and their flavours, plus recommended locations to sample them. A website and free mobile app were available that contain practical information about dishes, ingredients, cookery methods, and places to eat, as well as historical and cultural information. These resources are also freely distributed to many hotels and popular tourist destinations. Alongside organising food walks, bus tours and cookery classes, the STB also recommends the work of a number of Singaporean food writers—principally prominent Singapore food bloggers, reviewers and a number of memoirists—as authentic guides to what are described as unique Singaporean flavours. The strategies at the heart of this promotion are linking advertising to useful information. At a number of food centres, for instance, STB information panels provide details about both specific dishes and Singapore’s food culture more generally (Henderson et al.). This focus is apparent at many tourist destinations, many of which are also popular local attractions. In historic Fort Canning Park, for instance, there is a recreation of Raffles’ experimental garden, established in 1822, where he grew the nutmeg, clove and other plants that were intended to form the foundation for spice plantations but were largely unsuccessful (Reisz). Today, information panels not only indicate the food plants’ names and how to grow them, but also their culinary and medicinal uses, recipes featuring them and the related food memories of famous Singaporeans. The Singapore Botanic Gardens similarly houses the Ginger Garden displaying several hundred species of ginger and information, and an Eco(-nomic/logical) Garden featuring many food plants and their stories. In Chinatown, panels mounted outside prominent heritage brands (often still quite small shops) add content to the shopping experience. A number of museums profile Singapore’s food culture in more depth. The National Museum of Singapore has a permanent Living History gallery that focuses on Singapore’s street food from the 1950s to 1970s. This display includes food-related artefacts, interactive aromatic displays of spices, films of dishes being made and eaten, and oral histories about food vendors, all supported by text panels and booklets. Here food is used to convey messages about the value of Singapore’s ethnic diversity and cross-cultural exchanges. Versions of some of these dishes can then be sampled in the museum café (Time Out Singapore). The Peranakan Museum—which profiles the unique hybrid culture of the descendants of the Chinese and South Indian traders who married local Malay women—shares this focus, with reconstructed kitchens and dining rooms, exhibits of cooking and eating utensils and displays on food’s ceremonial role in weddings and funerals all supported with significant textual information. The Chinatown Heritage Centre not only recreates food preparation areas as a vivid indicator of poor Chinese immigrants’ living conditions, but also houses The National Restaurant of Singapore, which translates this research directly into meals that recreate the heritage kopi tiam (traditional coffee shop) cuisine of Singapore in the 1930s, purposefully bringing taste into the service of education, as its descriptive menu states, “educationally delighting the palate” (Chinatown Heritage Centre). These museums recognise that shopping is a core tourist activity in Singapore (Chang; Yeung et al.). Their gift- and bookshops cater to the culinary tourist by featuring quality culinary products for sale (including, for instance, teapots and cups, teas, spices and traditional sweets, and other foods) many of which are accompanied by informative tags or brochures. At the centre of these curated, purchasable collections are a range written materials: culinary magazines, cookbooks, food histories and memoirs, as well as postcards and stationery printed with recipes. Food Magazines Locally produced food magazines cater to a range of readerships and serve to extend the culinary experience both in, and outside, Singapore. These include high-end gourmet, luxury lifestyle publications like venerable monthly Wine &amp; Dine: The Art of Good Living, which, in in print for almost thirty years, targets an affluent readership (Wine &amp; Dine). The magazine runs features on local dining, gourmet products and trends, as well as international epicurean locations and products. Beautifully illustrated recipes also feature, as the magazine declares, “we’ve recognised that sharing more recipes should be in the DNA of Wine &amp; Dine’s editorial” (Wine &amp; Dine). Appetite magazine, launched in 2006, targets the “new and emerging generation of gourmets—foodies with a discerning and cosmopolitan outlook, broad horizons and a insatiable appetite” (Edipresse Asia) and is reminiscent in much of its styling of New Zealand’s award-winning Cuisine magazine. Its focus is to present a fresh approach to both cooking at home and dining out, as readers are invited to “Whip up the perfect soufflé or feast with us at the finest restaurants in Singapore and around the region” (Edipresse Asia). Chefs from leading local restaurants are interviewed, and the voices of “fellow foodies and industry watchers” offer an “insider track” on food-related news: “what’s good and what’s new” (Edipresse Asia). In between these publications sits Epicure: Life’s Refinements, which features local dishes, chefs, and restaurants as well as an overseas travel section and a food memories column by a featured author. Locally available ingredients are also highlighted, such as abalone (Cheng) and an interesting range of mushrooms (Epicure). While there is a focus on an epicurean experience, this is presented slightly more casually than in Wine &amp; Dine. Food &amp; Travel focuses more on home cookery, but each issue also includes reviews of Singapore restaurants. The bimonthly bilingual (Chinese and English) Gourmet Living features recipes alongside a notable focus on food culture—with food history columns, restaurant reviews and profiles of celebrated chefs. An extensive range of imported international food magazines are also available, with those from nearby Malaysia and Indonesia regularly including articles on Singapore. Cookbooks These magazines all include reviews of cookery books including Singaporean examples – and some feature other food writing such as food histories, memoirs and blogs. These reviews draw attention to how many Singaporean cookbooks include a focus on food history alongside recipes. Cookery teacher Yee Soo Leong’s 1976 Singaporean Cooking was an early example of cookbook as heritage preservation. This 1976 book takes an unusual view of ‘Singaporean’ flavours. Beginning with sweet foods—Nonya/Singaporean and western cakes, biscuits, pies, pastries, bread, desserts and icings—it also focuses on both Singaporean and Western dishes. This text is also unusual as there are only 6 lines of direct authorial address in the author’s acknowledgements section. Expatriate food writer Wendy Hutton’s Singapore Food, first published in 1979, reprinted many times after and revised in 2007, has long been recognised as one of the most authoritative titles on Singapore’s food heritage. Providing an socio-historical map of Singapore’s culinary traditions, some one third of the first edition was devoted to information about Singaporean multi-cultural food history, including detailed profiles of a number of home cooks alongside its recipes. Published in 1980, Kenneth Mitchell’s A Taste of Singapore is clearly aimed at a foreign readership, noting the variety of foods available due to the racial origins of its inhabitants. The more modest, but equally educational in intent, Hawkers Flavour: A Guide to Hawkers Gourmet in Malaysia and Singapore (in its fourth printing in 1998) contains a detailed introductory essay outlining local food culture, favourite foods and drinks and times these might be served, festivals and festive foods, Indian, Indian Muslim, Chinese, Nyonya (Chinese-Malay), Malay and Halal foods and customs, followed with a selection of recipes from each. More contemporary examples of such information-rich cookbooks, such as those published in the frequently reprinted Periplus Mini Cookbook series, are sold at tourist attractions. Each of these modestly priced, 64-page, mouthwateringly illustrated booklets offer framing information, such as about a specific food culture as in the Nonya kitchen in Nonya Favourites (Boi), and explanatory glossaries of ingredients, as in Homestyle Malay Cooking (Jelani). Most recipes include a boxed paragraph detailing cookery or ingredient information that adds cultural nuance, as well as trying to describe tastes that the (obviously foreign) intended reader may not have encountered. Malaysian-born Violet Oon, who has been called the Julia Child of Singapore (Bergman), writes for both local and visiting readers. The FOOD Paper, published monthly for a decade from January 1987 was, she has stated, then “Singapore’s only monthly publication dedicated to the CSF—Certified Singapore Foodie” (Oon, Violet Oon Cooks 7). Under its auspices, Oon promoted her version of Singaporean cuisine to both locals and visitors, as well as running cookery classes and culinary events, hosting her own television cooking series on the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation, and touring internationally for the STB as a ‘Singapore Food Ambassador’ (Ahmad; Kraal). Taking this representation of flavor further, Oon has also produced a branded range of curry powders, spices, and biscuits, and set up a number of food outlets. Her first cookbook, World Peranakan Cookbook, was published in 1978. Her Singapore: 101 Meals of 1986 was commissioned by the STB, then known as the Singapore Tourist Promotion Board. Violet Oon Cooks, a compilation of recipes from The FOOD Paper, published in 1992, attracted a range of major international as well as Singaporean food sponsors, and her Timeless Recipes, published in 1997, similarly aimed to show how manufactured products could be incorporated into classic Singaporean dishes cooked at home. In 1998, Oon produced A Singapore Family Cookbook featuring 100 dishes. Many were from Nonya cuisine and her following books continued to focus on preserving heritage Singaporean recipes, as do a number of other nationally-cuisine focused collections such as Joyceline Tully and Christopher Tan’s Heritage Feasts: A Collection of Singapore Family Recipes. Sylvia Tan’s Singapore Heritage Food: Yesterday’s Recipes for Today’s Cooks, published in 2004, provides “a tentative account of Singapore’s food history” (5). It does this by mapping the various taste profiles of six thematically-arranged chronologically-overlapping sections, from the heritage of British colonialism, to the uptake of American and Russia foods in the Snackbar era of the 1960s and the use of convenience flavoring ingredients such as curry pastes, sauces, dried and frozen supermarket products from the 1970s. Other Volumes Other food-themed volumes focus on specific historical periods. Cecilia Leong-Salobir’s Food Culture in Colonial Asia: A Taste of Empire discusses the “unique hybrid” (1) cuisine of British expatriates in Singapore from 1858 to 1963. In 2009, the National Museum of Singapore produced the moving Wong Hong Suen’s Wartime Kitchen: Food and Eating in Singapore 1942–1950. This details the resilience and adaptability of both diners and cooks during the Japanese Occupation and in post-war Singapore, when shortages stimulated creativity. There is a centenary history of the Cold Storage company which shipped frozen foods all over south east Asia (Boon) and location-based studies such as Annette Tan’s Savour Chinatown: Stories Memories &amp; Recipes. Tan interviewed hawkers, chefs and restaurant owners, working from this information to write both the book’s recipes and reflect on Chinatown’s culinary history. Food culture also features in (although it is not the main focus) more general book-length studies such as educational texts such as Chew Yen Fook’s The Magic of Singapore and Melanie Guile’s Culture in Singapore (2000). Works that navigate both spaces (of Singaporean culture more generally and its foodways) such Lily Kong’s Singapore Hawker Centres: People, Places, Food, provide an consistent narrative of food in Singapore, stressing its multicultural flavours that can be enjoyed from eateries ranging from hawker stalls to high-end restaurants that, interestingly, that agrees with that promulgated in the food writing discussed above. Food Memoirs and Blogs Many of these narratives include personal material, drawing on the author’s own food experiences and taste memories. This approach is fully developed in the food memoir, a growing sub-genre of Singapore food writing. While memoirs by expatriate Singaporeans such as Cheryl Lu-Lien Tan’s A Tiger in the Kitchen: A Memoir of Food and Family, produced by major publisher Hyperion in New York, has attracted considerable international attention, it presents a story of Singapore cuisine that agrees with such locally produced texts as television chef and food writer Terry Tan’s Stir-fried and Not Shaken: A Nostalgic Trip Down Singapore’s Memory Lane and the food memoir of the Singaporean chef credited with introducing fine Malay dining to Singapore, Aziza Ali’s Sambal Days, Kampong Cuisine, published in Singapore in 2013 with the support of the National Heritage Board. All these memoirs are currently available in Singapore in both bookshops and a number of museums and other attractions. While underscoring the historical and cultural value of these foods, all describe the unique flavours of Singaporean cuisine and its deliciousness. A number of prominent Singapore food bloggers are featured in general guidebooks and promoted by the STB as useful resources to dining out in Singapore. One of the most prominent of these is Leslie Tay, a medical doctor and “passionate foodie” (Knipp) whose awardwinning ieatŸishootŸipost is currently attracting some 90,000 unique visitors every month and has had over 20,000 million hits since its launch in 2006. An online diary of Tay’s visits to hundreds of Singaporean hawker stalls, it includes descriptions and photographs of meals consumed, creating accumulative oral culinary histories of these dishes and those who prepared them. These narratives have been reorganised and reshaped in Tay’s first book The End of Char Kway Teow and Other Hawker Mysteries, where each chapter tells the story of one particular dish, including recommended hawker stalls where it can be enjoyed. Ladyironchef.com is a popular food and travel site that began as a blog in 2007. An edited collection of reviews of eateries and travel information, many by the editor himself, the site features lists of, for example, the best cafes (LadyIronChef “Best Cafes”), eateries at the airport (LadyIronChef “Guide to Dining”), and hawker stalls (Lim). While attesting to the cultural value of these foods, many articles also discuss flavour, as in Lim’s musings on: ‘how good can chicken on rice taste? … The glistening grains of rice perfumed by fresh chicken stock and a whiff of ginger is so good you can even eat it on its own’. Conclusion Recent Singapore food publishing reflects this focus on taste. Tay’s publisher, Epigram, growing Singaporean food list includes the recently released Heritage Cookbooks Series. This highlights specialist Singaporean recipes and cookery techniques, with the stated aim of preserving tastes and foodways that continue to influence Singaporean food culture today. Volumes published to date on Peranakan, South Indian, Cantonese, Eurasian, and Teochew (from the Chaoshan region in the east of China’s Guangdong province) cuisines offer both cultural and practical guides to the quintessential dishes and flavours of each cuisine, featuring simple family dishes alongside more elaborate special occasion meals. In common with the food writing discussed above, the books in this series, although dealing with very different styles of cookery, contribute to an overall impression of the taste of Singapore food that is highly consistent and extremely persuasive. This food writing narrates that Singapore has a delicious as well as distinctive and interesting food culture that plays a significant role in Singaporean life both currently and historically. It also posits that this food culture is, at the same time, easily accessible and also worthy of detailed consideration and discussion. In this way, this food writing makes a contribution to both local and visitors’ appreciation of Singaporean food culture. References Ahmad, Nureza. “Violet Oon.” Singapore Infopedia: An Electronic Encyclopedia on Singapore’s History, Culture, People and Events (2004). 22 Nov. 2013 ‹http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_459_2005-01-14.html?s=Violet%20Oon›.Ali, Aziza. Sambal Days, Kampong Cuisine. Singapore: Ate Ideas, 2013. Alsagoff, Lubna. “English in Singapore: Culture, capital and identity in linguistic variation”. World Englishes 29.3 (2010): 336–48.Bergman, Justin. “Restaurant Report: Violet Oon’s Kitchen in Singapore.” New York Times (13 March 2013). 21 Nov. 2013 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2013/03/17/travel/violet-oons-kitchen-singapore-restaurant-report.html?_r=0›. Bishop, Peter. “Eating in the Contact Zone: Singapore Foodscape and Cosmopolitan Timespace.” Continuum: Journal of Media &amp; Cultural Studies 25.5 (2011): 637–652. Boi, Lee Geok. Nonya Favourites. 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Eating Her Curries and Kway: A Cultural History of Food in Singapore. Champaign, IL: U of Illinois P, 2013. Tay, Leslie. ieat·ishoot·ipost [blog] (2013) 21 Nov. 2013 ‹http://www.ieatishootipost.sg›. ---. The End of Char Kway Teow and Other Hawker Mysteries. Singapore: Epigram Books, 2010. Time Out Singapore. “Food for Thought (National Museum).” Time Out Singapore 8 July (2013). 11 Nov. 2013 ‹http://www.timeoutsingapore.com/restaurants/asian/food-for-thought-national-museum›. Tully, Joyceline, and Tan, Christopher. Heritage Feasts: A Collection of Singapore Family Recipes. Singapore: Miele/Ate Media, 2010. Wine &amp; Dine: The Art of Good Living (Nov. 2013). 19 Nov. 2013 ‹http://www.wineanddine.com.sg›. Wine &amp; Dine. “About Us: The Living Legacy.” Wine &amp; Dine (Nov. 2013). 19 Nov. 2013 ‹http://www.wineanddine.com.sg/about-us› Wolf, E. “Culinary Tourism: A Tasty Economic Proposition.” (2002) 23 Nov. 2011 ‹http://www.culinary tourism.org›.Yeong, Yee Soo. Singapore Cooking. Singapore: Eastern Universities P, c.1976. Yeung, Sylvester, James Wong, and Edmond Ko. “Preferred Shopping Destination: Hong Kong Versus Singapore.” International Journal of Tourism Research 6.2 (2004): 85–96. Acknowledgements Research to complete this article was supported by Central Queensland University, Australia, under its Outside Studies Program (OSPRO) and Learning and Teaching Education Research Centre (LTERC). An earlier version of part of this article was presented at the 2nd Australasian Regional Food Networks and Cultures Conference, in the Barossa Valley in South Australia, Australia, 11–14 November 2012. The delegates of that conference and expert reviewers of this article offered some excellent suggestions regarding strengthening this article and their advice was much appreciated. All errors are, of course, my own.

Photo by Kelley Sikkema on Unsplash &#x0D; INTRODUCTION&#x0D; Patients seeking abortion services in the United States face several problems, including factual inaccuracies about the procedure, the stigma surrounding the procedure, and barriers to quality care across the country. The problems surrounding abortion pose a threat to patient autonomy and beneficence—ethical principles that are usually upheld in medicine. Abortion doulas can enhance patient autonomy, improve the quality of medical care, help women talk through their emotions or the associated stigma, and provide other benefits that can address the problems surrounding abortion. Their role ranges from discussing emotional decisions and answering patient questions before the procedure, to simply holding their hand in the recovery room. In this paper, I propose that the use of abortion doulas may help address some of the problems surrounding abortion by mitigating factual inaccuracies, stigma, and barriers to quality care.&#x0D; &#x0D; I. Background&#x0D; Abortion doulas were started byThe Doula Project in New York City.[1]They initially worked with New York City public hospitals and eventually expanded to working with Planned Parenthood clinics, as well as other care providers.[2]Over recent years, abortion doulas have been offered in more states such as California, Arizona, and New Hampshire. Abortion doulas can work independently, in a collective, or in an abortion clinic.[3]More often, they work in a collective where they are trained and employed in clinics that are partnered with the organization. Many abortion doulas started working on a volunteer basis. Now, many are funded by donations, which allow their services to be free for patients.[4]When abortion doulas work independently, their rates are based on the specific services that they provide.[5]Patients can seek out abortion doulas through multiple avenues. They can seek out doulas that work independently, work in an abortion clinic, or through doula organizations, such as the Doula Project or The San Francisco Doula Group.&#x0D; II. Doulas&#x0D; The role of a doula has existed since ancient times. The word “doula” comes from the Greek language and translates to “a woman who serves”.[6]In 1969, Dr. Dana Raphael originated the use of the word “doula” in the US to describe a person who guides mothers through childbirth and assists them postpartum, specifically helping them breastfeed.[7]Dr. Raphael encouraged emotionally supporting new mothers through creating the new professional role of a doula.[8] &#x0D; Currently, doulas are trained in helping women emotionally and physically during pregnancy, childbirth, and postpartum. Doulas do not provide medical care, but they provide services such as birthing education, massage, assistance with breastfeeding, and educating mothers about the delivery process, such as knowing what to expect and what can go wrong. Research has demonstrated the effectiveness and benefits of doulas. For example, one meta-analysis compared women who received doula support during childbirth to women who did not. The study showed that doula-supported women had shorter labors, decreased complications with delivery, and rated childbirth as less painful than women without doula support.[9]Psychosocial benefits such as reduced anxiety, decreased symptoms of depression, and positive feelings associated with childbirth were significant for the doula-supported group.[10]In the last couple of decades, doulas have become increasingly popular. More recently, doulas have started a movement labeled “full spectrum doula,” in which the role of a doula in supporting women has expanded beyond birth to include abortion and adoption.[11]&#x0D; III. Ethical Considerations Factual Inaccuracies&#x0D; Complete and accurate medical information is fundamental to informed consent and autonomous decision making. Inaccurate medical information about abortion is very common and can come from multiple sources. Currently, there are 29 states that have policies restricting abortion that are not based on scientific evidence.[12]While both state policies and national media may convey false information to the public about abortion, perhaps what is most surprising is when these inaccuracies are presented to patients by physicians or medical facilities. In most states, policies mandate that any medical facility providing abortions develop and present written material to patients that is intended to educate the patient about the abortion procedure.[13]However, in some states, laws have been passed that mandate the inclusion of misinformation in these materials.[14]Healthcare providers try to mitigate the harm of this inaccurate information by prefacing it with qualifiers, disclaimers, and apologies.[15]However, they are still not able to completely avoid harm from the outdated and misleading information, which also often intends to dissuade patients from receiving an abortion.[16]The most common factual inaccuracies include stating that an abortion leads to an increased risk of breast cancer, that the fetus can feel pain as early as 12 weeks old, and that psychological effects of the procedure can lead to suicide and “post abortion traumatic stress syndrome.”[17]All these statements are false and not supported by scientific evidence; in fact, psychologists and the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders(DSM-V) do not recognize a post-traumatic stress syndrome associated with abortion.[18]Furthermore, another common inaccuracy in almost 20 states includes materials with contact information to “Crisis Pregnancy Centers” that provide false information with the intent to deter women from having an abortion.[19]&#x0D; Even once piece of inaccurate information can impede a patient’s ability to make an informed, autonomous decision. When these false facts are given to patients from the hands of trusted medical professionals, it has a more influential impact than when portrayed in media and advertisements. Trust is a core value in the medical profession that determines the patient-physician relationship, and a part of this trust is communicating accurate and up-to-date information; if this trust did not exist in medicine, how would any patient make an informed decision? Where would they turn to for guidance and advice?[20]Challenges to informed consent and autonomy exist throughout medicine, as consent forms are complicated and filled with medical vocabulary that is often hard to understand. Signatures are sometimes scribbled onto forms before a procedure with minimal discussions to assess the patient’s understanding of the many risks and benefits. However, abortions have an additional layer of complexity regarding informed consent due to the religious and moral implications of choosing an abortion, while other common medical procedures, such as an appendectomy, do not carry the same implications. For example, a patient consenting to general surgery would probably not wonder if their physician’s advice against the surgery is due to his or her own moral values, or what the moral weight of the surgery will have on their conscious afterwards. Informed consent, regardless of procedure, should prioritize informed decision-making with evidence-based medicine without moral overtones. When inaccurate, biased, and false information is given to patients from medical institutions, it not only threatens the trust between patients and medical staff, but also prevents women from making an informed decision about their reproductive health.&#x0D; If abortion doulas can be a source of correct, up-to-date medical information, then women can make informed decisions based on thorough and accurate facts that allow them to exercise autonomy. Abortion doulas are well situated to correct the factual inaccuracies patients face for several reasons. First, abortion doulas are trained through a curated program with partnered medical facilities.[21]In other words, abortion doulas are thoroughly trained in patient-centered care that facilitates continuous patient support, which ranges from emotional support to providing accurate medical information when addressing patient concerns. Second, they have the time before the procedure to meet with the patient and discuss pre-abortion care topics such as providing information, addressing concerns, and preparing the patient for potential stigmatization.[22]Simultaneously, the doula can evaluate for any risk factors that may indicate negative emotions after the abortion, such as lack of social support, self-esteem, psychological stability, or multiple abortions.[23]Third, abortion doulas can provide post-abortion care counseling. While the doulas also have limited time with patients after the procedure, they would have more time than other healthcare professionals, such as nurses, to make sure the patient understands the medication regime while also offering psychological counseling for the patient on grief, guilt, and forgiveness.[24]With doulas providing technical post-procedure information, this allows them to answer any more questions that the patient may have about misleading, biased, out-of-date, or false information. Therefore, doulas can enhance patient autonomy by giving more accurate information.&#x0D; IV. Stigma&#x0D; Another critical problem facing patients who seek abortions is the stigma surrounding the procedure itself. An abortion requires many decisions to be made: do you want to be sedated or awake for the procedure? If you are awake, do you want someone to hold your hand or someone to talk to? Do you want to have privacy after the procedure? In fact, the first decision to be made is whether to have the abortion at all. For some women, that decision is immediate, quick, and assured. For others, the decision can be morally conflicting, such as due to religious reasons, society’s stigma, or other reasons. The moral conflict a woman faces when deciding on an abortion is determined by how much moral weight they apply to a fetus or embryo.[25]An abortion can make a woman feel as though they are a bad person or doing something morally wrong, especially if they place more weight on the moral status, or viability, of the fetus or embryo.[26]Regardless of why a woman feels conflicted, the bottom line is that these feelings exist, which can affect their decision-making abilities during the actual process.&#x0D; Our society stigmatizes women for having an abortion, it is our “modern-day Scarlet Letter.”[27]This stigma is under-researched but often theorized to be based on gender-biased roles of women in society.[28]Women who receive an abortion are labeled as “irresponsible” for having an unwanted pregnancy, or “selfish” and “unmotherly” for not wanting children. Therefore, women avoid judgement and prefer privacy during their abortion—but are these choices made because that is truly what a woman desires, or are they making these choices to avoid stigma? And, if they are making these choices to avoid stigma, how does it affect their autonomy as a decision-maker for their own healthcare choices? There is a difference between secrecy and privacy: women may want to keep their abortion decision private, like any other medical decision or health information.[29]However, some women make the decision in secret to avoid judgment and stigmatization.&#x0D; There is evidence that stigma plays a role in every decision of the abortion process. For example, one study explores the reasons why some women prefer to be awake versus asleep during the procedure. Women who choose to be asleep want to be less emotionally present for the fear of “seeing something” during the procedure. On the other hand, women who choose to be awake want to feel present, safe, and receive support during the process.[30]The study also found that most women rated an abortion procedure a “good experience” if care was provided in a discreet and private manner.[31]By preferring anesthesia and privacy, many women try to avoid dealing with the stigma and judgement from others. The stigma also prevents women from seeking or receiving social support.[32]While some women may make these choices because it is what they truly want, others might choose these options to avoid others witnessing their decision and from being stigmatized as a woman who “got an abortion.”&#x0D; Although abortion doulas cannot completely abolish the overarching societal stigma, they can help in several different ways on an individualistic level. Abortion doulas may fit the role of personalizing each experience to fit patients’ specific preferences. Doulas have the time and appropriate training to understand and discuss the emotional burdens that come along with the social stigma that surrounds abortions.[33]They have the training to explore the patient’s reasons for their decisions and can make sure they are comfortable with them. They do so in a non-judgmental way and strive to act as an advocate for the patient.[34]By listening to women and validating their decisions, women may not feel as many negative emotions surrounding the stigma or feel empowered that they made the right decision for themselves, regardless of social labels. This validation and empowerment gives women more agency in their own healthcare decisions while also providing emotional support in a situation that requires many difficult choices. Abortion doulas would become a support system for women, thereby promoting feminist ethics by normalizing emotions in a morally charged decision. They also promote the principal of beneficence by helping patients address any conflict between societal stigma and the woman’s own beliefs and morals.&#x0D; V. Barriers to Quality Care&#x0D; Access to abortion is limited: only 62 percent of American women live in counties with an abortion provider.[35]Many insurance companies do not cover abortions and clinics are often busy with limited availability, staff, and resources. Additionally, many women would need time off from work, childcare, transportation, and other resources to make it to any medical appointments—abortion care is not an exception. Currently, there are no professional programs for abortion providers to offer post-abortion counseling.[36]Additionally, in busy clinics, hospitals, or non-profit organizations such as Planned Parenthood, physicians attempt to provide as many abortions as possible to as many patients, leaving little time for post-abortion care. Provider burn-out is a major problem throughout healthcare, which has become more pronounced throughout the COVID-19 pandemic. Many providers, nurses, and other hospital staff are overworked and underpaid while hospitals themselves are overcrowded and underfunded. Moreover, abortion providers may be especially vulnerable to burn-outas they tend to both their patient’s medical and emotional needs during a procedure that has both physical pain and a plethora of emotion surrounding it.[37]With an increase in patient number due to decreased availability of services and a physician’s responsibility to tend to the patient’s emotional well-being and physical pain, this increases the risk of provider burn-out, which in turn, can affect the quality of medical care given to women receiving abortions.[38]&#x0D; Abortion doulas can fill the role of providing post-abortion care and help alleviate provider burn-out in many ways. First, as mentioned previously, they have the time before the procedure to meet with the patient and discuss pre-abortion care topics, provide information, and answer questions.[39]Secondly, abortion doulas can provide patients with the post-abortion care counseling that many physicians and nurses are not able to provide. This role has multiple effects. While post-abortion counseling can help address factual inaccuracies through answering questions, it can also allow doulas to make sure the patient understands the medication regime and how to deal with the pain that follows the procedure.[40]With doulas providing technical post-procedure information, this relieves understaffed nurses of some of their many tasks and responsibilities in the post-abortion recovery room; this will likely decrease the number of women who come back to the clinic or hospital with complications or additional questions. By discussing various emotions during post-procedure counseling, doulas support women by listening to their feelings. Some women may feel relief and joy after the procedure, while other may feel despair, regret, grief, or shame. When a doula listens to and supports a patient, they validate their emotions and indirectly validate their abortion decision, thereby improving the quality of the experience.&#x0D; Lastly, the integration of doulas into routine abortion care allows physicians and staff to concentrate on the procedure itself.[41]The doula can offer patient-centered, hands-on care to the patient while the rest of the healthcare team focuses on their own technical tasks.[42]Doula support can also decrease the need for more clinic staff in the procedure room by “decreasing the redirection of clinic staff resources,”thus creating a more efficient medical environment.[43]As the historical role of a doctor playing every role is becoming more obsolete, and the idea of a multi-faceted, integrative healthcare team is becoming the norm, it makes sense that an abortion doula can fill a niche on a healthcare team for emotionally laden procedures like abortions. The niche that the doula fills is to support, comfort, and be present with the patient throughout the entirety of the procedure in a nonjudgmental way. While nurses and doctors can be supportive, sympathetic, and caring, their jobs and roles include other responsibilities that do not allow them to be a continuous presence for the patient throughout their visit.[44]By having a person on the healthcare team whose job is to provide patient support, even if it is simply to hold their hand, the patient is more likely to be treated as a whole and provided better quality medical care.&#x0D; CONCLUSION&#x0D; Inaccurate information, stigma, and quality of care barriers are only a few of the many problems facing patients who want to receive an abortion. Each problem poses ethical challenges while also impeding quality medical care and adding to patients’ emotional burdens. Inaccurate facts and stigma hinder an informed decision, and thereby, threaten patient autonomy. The stigma of abortion can also lead to patients experiencing more negative emotions. Furthermore, healthcare barriers include a wide range of problems, from understaffed clinics to provider burn-out, all of which affect the quality and access to care for patients seeking an abortion. Abortion doulas are part of the solution to these problems. They are an extra resource, a set of hands for the patients to hold in the procedure room, and an expert in providing emotional and social support for the patient. They can enhance a patient’s decision-making skills, support the patient’s emotional well-being, answer factual questions, counter stigma, and help provide quality medical care. Therefore, abortion doulas enhance patient autonomy, promote beneficence, improve access to quality abortion care, and fill a necessary role during the abortion process.&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; [1]Shakouri, Shireen Rose "The Doula Project." Ed. Lee, Shannon2019. Print.&#x0D; [2]Shakouri, Shireen Rose "The Doula Project." Ed. Lee, Shannon2019. Print.&#x0D; [3]Onyenacho, Tracey. "Abortion Doulas Help People Navigate the Process. They Say Their Work Was More Crucial Than Ever in the Pandemic."&#x0D; The Lily 2021. Web. 12/29/2021 2021&#x0D; [4]Onyenacho, Tracey. "Abortion Doulas Help People Navigate the Process. They Say Their Work Was More Crucial Than Ever in the Pandemic."&#x0D; The Lily 2021. Web. 12/29/2021 2021&#x0D; [5]Onyenacho, Tracey. "Abortion Doulas Help People Navigate the Process. They Say Their Work Was More Crucial Than Ever in the Pandemic."&#x0D; The Lily 2021. Web. 12/29/2021 2021&#x0D; [6]Dukehart, Coburn. "Doulas: Exploring a Tradition of Support." The Baby Project. National Public Radio 2011. Web2021.&#x0D; [7]Roberts, Sam. "Dana Raphael, Proponent of Breast-Feeding and Use of Doulas, Dies at 90." New York Times 2016. Web2020.&#x0D; [8]Roberts, Sam. "Dana Raphael, Proponent of Breast-Feeding and Use of Doulas, Dies at 90." New York Times 2016. Web2020.&#x0D; [9]Scott, K. D., P. H. Klaus, and M. H. Klaus. "The Obstetrical and Postpartum Benefits of Continuous Support During Childbirth." J Womens Health Gend Based Med 8.10 (1999): 1257-64. Print.&#x0D; [10]Scott, K. D., P. H. Klaus, and M. H. Klaus. "The Obstetrical and Postpartum Benefits of Continuous Support During Childbirth." J Womens Health Gend Based Med 8.10 (1999): 1257-64. Print.&#x0D; [11]Chor, J., et al. "Doulas as Facilitators: The Expanded Role of Doulas into Abortion Care." J Fam Plann Reprod Health Care 38.2 (2012): 123-4. Print.&#x0D; [12]Nash, Elizabeth; Gold, Rachel Benson; Mohamed, Lizamarie; Ansari-Thomas, Zohra; Capello, Olivia "Policy Trends in the States, 2017." Guttmacher Instititue 2018. Web.&#x0D; [13]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print.&#x0D; [14]Buchbinder, Mara, et al. "“Prefacing the Script” as an Ethical Response to State-Mandated Abortion Counseling." AJOB Empirical Bioethics 7.1 (2016): 48-55. Print.&#x0D; [15]Buchbinder, Mara, et al. "“Prefacing the Script” as an Ethical Response to State-Mandated Abortion Counseling." AJOB Empirical Bioethics 7.1 (2016): 48-55. Print.&#x0D; [16]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print.&#x0D; [17]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print.&#x0D; [18]Blevins, Christy A., et al. "The Posttraumatic Stress Disorder Checklist for Dsm-5 (Pcl-5): Development and Initial Psychometric Evaluation." Journal of Traumatic Stress 28.6 (2015): 489-98. Print.&#x0D; [19]Richardson, Chinue Turner; Nash, Elizabeth. "Misinformed Consent: The Medical Accuracy of State-Developed Abortion Counseling Materials " Guttmacher Policy Review 9.4 (2006). Print.&#x0D; [20]Pellegrini, C. A. "Trust: The Keystone of the Patient-Physician Relationship." J Am Coll Surg 224.2 (2017): 95-102. Print.&#x0D; [21]Shakouri, Shireen Rose "The Doula Project." Ed. Lee, Shannon2019. Print.&#x0D; [22]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print.&#x0D; [23]Harris, Amy A. "Supportive Counseling before and after Elective Pregnancy Termination." Journal of Midwifery &amp; Women’s Health 49.2 (2004): 105-12. Print.&#x0D; [24]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community ` Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print.&#x0D; [25]Watson, Katie. The Scarlet A Oxford University Press, 2018. Print.&#x0D; [26]Altshuler, A. L., et al. "A Good Abortion Experience: A Qualitative Exploration of Women's Needs and Preferences in Clinical Care." Soc Sci Med 191 (2017): 109-16. Print.&#x0D; [27]Watson, Katie. The Scarlet A Oxford University Press, 2018. Print.&#x0D; [28]Norris, A., et al. "Abortion Stigma: A Reconceptualization of Constituents, Causes, and Consequences." Womens Health Issues 21.3 Suppl (2011): S49-54. Print.&#x0D; [29]Watson, Katie. The Scarlet A Oxford University Press, 2018. Print&#x0D; [30]Altshuler, A. L., et al. "A Good Abortion Experience: A Qualitative Exploration of Women's Needs and Preferences in Clinical Care." Soc Sci Med 191 (2017): 109-16. Print.&#x0D; [31]Altshuler, A. L., et al. "A Good Abortion Experience: A Qualitative Exploration of Women's Needs and Preferences in Clinical Care." Soc Sci Med 191 (2017): 109-16. Print.&#x0D; [32]Norris, A., et al. "Abortion Stigma: A Reconceptualization of Constituents, Causes, and Consequences." Womens Health Issues 21.3 Suppl (2011): S49-54. Print.&#x0D; [33]Basmajian, Alyssa. "Abortion Doulas." Anthropology Now 6.2 (2014): 44-51. Print.&#x0D; [34]Amram, Natalie Lea, et al. "How Birth Doulas Help Clients Adapt to Changes in Circumstances, Clinical Care, and Client Preferences During Labor." J Perinat Educ.2: 96-103. Print.&#x0D; [35]Dennis, Amanda, Ruth Manski, and Kelly Blanchard. "A Qualitative Exploration of Low-Income Women's Experiences Accessing Abortion in Massachusetts." Women's Health Issues 25.5 (2015): 463-69. Print.&#x0D; [36]Harris, Amy A. "Supportive Counseling before and after Elective Pregnancy Termination." Journal of Midwifery &amp; Women’s Health 49.2 (2004): 105-12. Print.&#x0D; [37]Chor, J., et al. "Integrating Doulas into First-Trimester Abortion Care: Physician, Clinic Staff, and Doula Experiences." J Midwifery Womens Health 63.1 (2018): 53-57. Print.&#x0D; [38]Jerman J, Jones RK and Onda T. "Characteristics of U.S. Abortion Patients in 2014 and Changes since 2008." Guttmacher Instititue 2016. Web.&#x0D; [39]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print.&#x0D; [40]Chor, Julie, et al. "Factors Shaping Women’s Pre-Abortion Communication with Members of Their Social Network." Journal of Community Health 44.2 (2019): 265-71. Print.&#x0D; [41]Chor, J., et al. "Integrating Doulas into First-Trimester Abortion Care: Physician, Clinic Staff, and Doula Experiences." J Midwifery Womens Health 63.1 (2018): 53-57. Print.&#x0D; [42]Chor, J., et al. "Integrating Doulas into First-Trimester Abortion Care: Physician, Clinic Staff, and Doula Experiences." J Midwifery Womens Health 63.1 (2018): 53-57. Print.&#x0D; [43]Chor, J., et al. "Doula Support During First-Trimester Surgical Abortion: A Randomized Controlled Trial." Am J Obstet Gynecol 212.1 (2015): 45.e1-6. Print.&#x0D; [44]Basmajian, Alyssa. "Abortion Doulas." Anthropology Now 6.2 (2014): 44-51. Print.&#x0D;

The variable incivility is an indicator used to describe violations of communication norms. These norms can be social norms established within a society, a culture or parts of a society (e.g. a social class, milieu or group) or democratic norms established within a democratic society. In this sense incivility is associated with behaviors that threaten a collective face or a democratic society, deny people their personal freedoms, and stereotype individuals or social groups. Furthermore, some scholars include impoliteness into the concept of incivility and argue that the two concepts have no clear boundaries (e.g. Seely, 2017). They therefore describe incivility as aggressive, offensive or derogatory communication expressed directly or indirectly to other individuals or parties. In many studies a message is classified as uncivil if the message contains at least one instance of incivility (e.g. one violent threat). The direction of an uncivil statement is coded as ‘interpersonal’/‘personal’ or ‘other-oriented’/‘impersonal’ or sometimes also as ‘neutral’, meaning it is not directed at any group or individual. Field of application/theoretical foundation: One unifying element to communication that is labelled as incivility is that it has to be a violation of an existing norm. Which norms are seen as violated depends on the theoretical tradition. Incivility research is related to theories on social norms of communication and conversation: conversational-maxims (Grice, 1975), face-saving concepts (Brown &amp; Levinson, 1987; Goffman, 1989) or conversational-contract theories (Fraser, 1990). Further, incivility research has ties to theories that view public communication as part of democratic opinion formation and decision-making processes, e.g. theories on deliberative democracy and deliberation (Dryzek, 2000; Gutmann &amp; Thompson, 1996; Habermas, 1994). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Incivility is examined through content analysis and sometimes combined with comparative designs (e.g., Rowe, 2015) or experimental designs (Muddiman, 2017; Oz, Zheng, &amp; Chen, 2017). In addition, content analyses can be accompanied by interviews or surveys, for example to validate the results of the content analysis (Erjavec &amp; Kova?i?, 2012). Example studies: Research question/research interest: Previous studies have been interested in the extent, levels and direction of incivility in online communication (e.g. in one specific online discussion, in discussions on a specific topic, in discussions on a specific platform or on different platforms comparatively). Object of analysis: Previous studies have investigated incivility in user comments on political newsgroups, news websites, social media platforms (e.g. Twitter, Facebook), political blogs, science blogs or online consultation platforms. Timeframe of analysis: Many studies investigate incivility in user comments focusing on periods between 2 months and 1 year. It is common to use constructed weeks. Level of analysis: Most manual content analyses measure incivility on the level of a message, for example on the level of user comments. On a higher level of analysis, the level of incivility for a whole discussion thread or online platform can be measured or estimated. On a lower level of analysis incivility can be measured on the level of utterances, sentences or words which are the preferred levels of analysis in automated content analyses. Table 1. Previous manual content analysis studies and measures of incivility Example study Construct Dimensions/Variables Explanation/example Reliability Papacharissi (2004) incivility (separate from impoliteness) threat to democracy e.g. propose to overthrow a democratic government by force Ir = .89 stereotype e.g. association of a person with a group by using labels, whether those are mild – “liberal”, or more offensive – “faggot”)? Ir = .91 threat to other individuals’ rights e.g. personal freedom, freedom to speak Ir = .86 incivility Ir = .89 Coe, Kenski, and Rains (2014) incivility (impoliteness is included) name-calling mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at a person or group of people K-? = .67 aspersion mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at an idea, plan, policy, or behavior K-? = .61 reference to lying stating or implying that an idea, plan, or policy was disingenuous K-? = .73 vulgarity using profanity or language that would not be considered proper (e.g., “pissed”, “screw”) in professional discourse K-? = .91 pejorative for speech disparaging remark about the way in which a person communicates K-? = .74 incivility / impoliteness K-? = .73 Rowe (2015) incivility (separate from impoliteness) threat to democracy proposes to overthrow the government (e.g. proposes a revolution) or advocates an armed struggle in opposition to the government (e.g. threatens the use of violence against the government) ? = .66 threat to individual rights advocates restricting the rights or freedoms of certain members of society or certain individuals ? = .86 stereotype asserts a widely held but fixed and oversimplified image or idea of a particular type of person ? = .80 incivility ? = .77 Seely (2017) incivility(impoliteness is included) insulting language name calling and other derogatory remarks often seen in pejorative speech and aspersions K-? = .84 vulgarity e.g. “lazy f**kers”, “a**holes” K-? = 1 stereotyping of political party/ideology e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .88 stereotyping using “isms”/discriminatory language e.g. “if we don’t get rid of idiotic Muslim theologies, we will have growing problems” K-? = 1 other stereotyping language e.g. “GENERALS LIKE TO HAVE A MALE SOLDIER ON THEIR LAP AT ALL TIMES.” K-? = .78 sarcasm e.g. “betrayed again by the Repub leadership . . . what a shock” K-? = .79 accusations of lying e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .80 shouting excessive capitalization and/or exclamation points K-? = .83 incivility / impoliteness K-? = .81 Note: Previous studies used different inter-coder reliability statistics; Ir = reliability index by Perreault and Leigh (1989); K-? = Krippendorff’s-?; ? = Cohen’s Kappa Codebook used in the study Rowe (2015) is available under: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 References Brown, P., &amp; Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coe, K., Kenski, K., &amp; Rains, S. A. (2014). Online and Uncivil? Patterns and Determinants of Incivility in Newspaper Website Comments. Journal of Communication, 64(4), 658–679. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12104 Dryzek, J. S. (2000). Deliberative democracy and beyond: Liberals, Critics, Contestations. Oxford political theory. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. Erjavec, K., &amp; Kova?i?, M. P. (2012). “You Don't Understand, This is a New War! ” Analysis of Hate Speech in News Web Sites' Comments. Mass Communication and Society, 15(6), 899–920. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2011.619679 Fraser, B. (1990). Perspectives on politeness. Journal of Pragmatics, 14(2), 219–236. https://doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(90)90081-n Goffman, E. (1989). Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior. New York: Pantheon Books. Grice, P. H. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole (Ed.), Syntax and Semantics: Speech acts (pp. 41–58). New York: Academic Press. Gutmann, A., &amp; Thompson, D. F. (1996). Democracy and disagreement. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Habermas, J. (1994). Three Normative Models of Democracy. Constellations, 1(1), 1–10. Muddiman, A. (2017). : Personal and public levels of political incivility. International Journal of Communication, 11, 3182–3202. Oz, M., Zheng, P., &amp; Chen, G. M. (2017). Twitter versus Facebook: Comparing incivility, impoliteness, and deliberative attributes. New Media &amp; Society, 20(9), 3400–3419. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817749516 Papacharissi, Z. (2004). Democracy online: Civility, politeness, and the democratic potential of online political discussion groups. New Media &amp; Society, 6(2), 259–283. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444804041444 Rowe, I. (2015). Civility 2.0: A comparative analysis of incivility in online political discussion. Information, Communication &amp; Society, 18(2), 121–138. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 Seely, N. (2017). Virtual Vitriol: A Comparative Analysis of Incivility Within Political News Discussion Forums. Electronic News, 12(1), 42–61. https://doi.org/10.1177/1931243117739060

The variable impoliteness is an indicator used to describe violations of communication norms. These norms can be social norms established within a society, a culture or parts of a society (e.g. a social class, milieu or group). In this sense impoliteness is associated with, among other things, aggressive, offensive or derogatory communication expressed directly or indirectly to other individuals or parties. More specifically name calling, vulgar expressions or aspersions are classified as examples of impolite statements (e.g. Papacharissi, 2004; Seely, 2017). While some scholars distinguish between impoliteness and incivility and argue that impoliteness is more spontaneous, unintentional and more frequently regretted than incivility (e.g. Papacharissi, 2004; Rowe, 2015), other scholars include impoliteness into the concept of incivility and argue that the two concepts have no clear boundaries (Coe, Kenski, &amp; Rains, 2014; e.g. Seely, 2017). In many studies a message is classified as impolite if the message contains at least one instance of impoliteness (e.g. a swear word). The direction of an impolite statement is coded as ‘interpersonal’/‘personal’ or ‘other-oriented’/‘impersonal’ or sometimes also as ‘neutral’, meaning it is not directed at any group or individual. Field of application/theoretical foundation: Impoliteness is a broader concept of violations of norms in communication that, in digital communication research, is often referred to in studies on incivility. Politeness can be related to theories on social norms of communication and conversation, for example conversational-maxims (Grice, 1975), face-saving concepts (Brown &amp; Levinson, 1987; Goffman, 1989) or conversational-contract theories (Fraser, 1990). References/combination with other methods of data collection: Impoliteness is examined through content analysis and is sometimes combined with comparative designs (e.g., Rowe, 2015) or experimental designs (Muddiman, 2017; Oz, Zheng, &amp; Chen, 2017). In addition, content analyses can be accompanied by interviews or surveys, for example to validate the results of the content analysis (Erjavec &amp; Kova?i?, 2012). Example studies: Research question/research interest: Previous studies have been interested in the extent, levels and direction of impoliteness in online communication (e.g. in one specific online discussion, in discussions on a specific topic, in discussions on a specific platform or on different platforms comparatively). Object of analysis: Previous studies have investigated impoliteness in user comments on political newsgroups, news websites, social media platforms (e.g. Twitter, Facebook), political blogs, science blogs or online consultation platforms. Timeframe of analysis: Content analysis studies investigate impoliteness in user comments focusing on periods between 2 months and 1 year (Coe et al., 2014; Rowe, 2015; Seely, 2017). It is common to use constructed weeks. Level of analysis: Most manual content analysis studies measure impoliteness on the level of a message, for example on the level of user comments. On a higher level of analysis, the level of impoliteness for a whole discussion thread or online platform could be measured or estimated. On a lower level of analysis impoliteness can be measured on the level of utterances, sentences or words which are the preferred levels of analysis in automated content analyses. Table 1. Previous manual content analysis studies and measures of impoliteness Example study Construct Dimensions/Variables Explanation/example Reliability Papacharissi (2004) impoliteness (separate from incivility) name-calling e.g. “weirdo”, “traitor”, “crackpot” Ir = .91 aspersion e.g. “reckless”, “irrational”, “un-American” Ir = .91 synonyms for liar e.g. “hoax”, “farce” N/A hyperboles e.g. “outrageous”, “heinous” N/A non-cooperation - N/A pejorative speak - N/A vulgarity e.g. ”shit”, “damn”, “hell” Ir = .89 sarcasm - N/A all-capital letters used online to reflect shouting N/A impoliteness Ir = .90 Coe et al. (2014) impoliteness (included in incivility) name-calling mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at a person or group of people K-? = .67 aspersion mean-spirited or disparaging words directed at an idea, plan, policy, or behavior K-? = .61 reference to lying stating or implying that an idea, plan, or policy was disingenuous K-? = .73 vulgarity using profanity or language that would not be considered proper (e.g., “pissed”, “screw”) in professional discourse K-? = .91 pejorative for speech disparaging remark about the way in which a person communicates K-? = .74 impoliteness/incivility K-? = .73 Rowe (2015) impoliteness (separate from incivility) name-calling e.g., “gun-nut”, “idiot”, “fool” ? = .82 aspersion comments containing an attack on the reputation or integrity of someone or something ? = .72 lying comments implying disingenuousness N/A vulgarity e.g., “crap”, “shit”, any swear-words/cursing, sexual innuendo ? = 1 pejorative comments containing language which disparage the manner in which someone communicates (e.g., blather, crying, moaning) ? = 1 hyperbole a massive overstatement (e.g., makes pulling teeth with pliers look easy) ? = .75 non-cooperation a situation in a discussion in terms of a stalemate ? = .66 sarcasm - ? = .71 other impoliteness any other type of impoliteness ? = .72 impoliteness ? = .78 Seely (2017) impoliteness (included in incivility) insulting language name calling and other derogatory remarks often seen in pejorative speech and aspersions K-? = .84 vulgarity e.g. “lazy f**kers”, “a**holes” K-? = 1 stereotyping of political party/ideology e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .88 stereotyping using “isms”/discriminatory language e.g. “if we don’t get rid of idiotic Muslim theologies, we will have growing problems” K-? = 1 other stereotyping language e.g. “GENERALS LIKE TO HAVE A MALE SOLDIER ON THEIR LAP AT ALL TIMES.” K-? = .78 sarcasm e.g. “betrayed again by the Repub leadership . . . what a shock” K-? = .79 accusations of lying e.g. “typical lying lefties” K-? = .80 shouting excessive capitalization and/or exclamation points K-? = .83 impoliteness/incivility K-? = .81 Note: Previous studies used different inter-coder reliability statistics: Ir = reliability index by Perreault and Leigh (1989); K-? = Krippendorff’s-?; ? = Cohen’s Kappa Codebook used in the study Rowe (2015) is available under: https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 References Brown, P., &amp; Levinson, S. C. (1987). Politeness: Some universals in language usage. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Coe, K., Kenski, K., &amp; Rains, S. A. (2014). Online and Uncivil? Patterns and Determinants of Incivility in Newspaper Website Comments. Journal of Communication, 64(4), 658–679. https://doi.org/10.1111/jcom.12104 Erjavec, K., &amp; Kova?i?, M. P. (2012). “You Don't Understand, This is a New War! ” Analysis of Hate Speech in News Web Sites' Comments. Mass Communication and Society, 15(6), 899–920. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2011.619679 Fraser, B. (1990). Perspectives on politeness. Journal of Pragmatics, 14(2), 219–236. https://doi.org/10.1016/0378-2166(90)90081-n Goffman, E. (1989). Interaction ritual: Essays on face-to-face behavior. New York: Pantheon Books. Grice, P. H. (1975). Logic and conversation. In P. Cole (Ed.), Syntax and Semantics: Speech acts (pp. 41–58). New York: Academic Press. Muddiman, A. (2017). : Personal and public levels of political incivility. International Journal of Communication, 11, 3182–3202. Oz, M., Zheng, P., &amp; Chen, G. M. (2017). Twitter versus Facebook: Comparing incivility, impoliteness, and deliberative attributes. New Media &amp; Society, 20(9), 3400–3419. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444817749516 Papacharissi, Z. (2004). Democracy online: Civility, politeness, and the democratic potential of online political discussion groups. New Media &amp; Society, 6(2), 259–283. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444804041444 Rowe, I. (2015). Civility 2.0: A comparative analysis of incivility in online political discussion. Information, Communication &amp; Society, 18(2), 121–138. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2014.940365 Seely, N. (2017). Virtual Vitriol: A Comparative Analysis of Incivility Within Political News Discussion Forums. Electronic News, 12(1), 42–61. https://doi.org/10.1177/1931243117739060

&#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Introduction It appears that graffiti has begun to clean up its act. Escalating numbers of mature graffiti writers feel the removal of their graffiti has robbed them of a history, and are turning to legal projects in an effort to restore it. Phibs has declared the graffiti underground “limited” and Kano claims its illegal aspect no longer inspires him (Hamilton, 73). A sign of the times was the exhibition Sake of Name: Australian Graffiti Now which opened at the Wharf 2 Theatre in January 2001. The exhibition was commissioned by the Sydney Theatre Company and comprised twenty-two pieces painted by graffiti writers from around Australia. Keen to present a respectable image, writers rejected the original title of Bomb the Wharf, as they felt it focused on the negative aspects of the culture (Andrews, 2). Premier Bob Carr opened the exhibition with the declaration that there is a difference between “graffiti art” and “graffiti vandalism”. The Premier’s stance struck a discordant note with Tony Stevens, a twenty-three-year veteran graffiti cleaner. Described by the Sydney Morning Herald as an “urban art critic by default,” Stevens could see no distinction between graffiti art and vandalism (Leys, 1). Furthermore, he expressed his disappointment that the pieces had “no sense of individuality … it could be graffiti from any American city” (Stevens, 1). As far as Stevens could see, Australian graffiti expressed nothing of its Australian context; it simply mimicked that of America. Sydney Theatre Company director Benedict Andrews responded with a venomous attack on Stevens. Andrews accused the cleaner of being blinded by prejudice (1), and felt that years of cleaning texta tags from railway corridors could not have possibly qualified Stevens as an art critic (3). “The artists in this exhibition are not misfits,” Andrews wrote (2). “They are serious artists in dialogue with their culture and the landscapes in which they live” (2). He went on to hail the strength and diversity of the Australian graffiti scene: “it is a vital and agile international culture and in Australia has evolved in specific ways” (1). The altercation between Stevens and Andrews pointed to one of the debates concerning Australian graffiti: whether it is unique or simply imitative of the American form. Hinged on the assessment of graffiti as vandalism is the view that graffiti is dirty, a disease. Proponents of this view consider graffiti to be an undifferentiated global phenomenon. Others conceive of graffiti as art, and as such argue that it is expressive of local experiences. Graffiti writers maintain that graffiti is expressive of local experiences and they describe it in terms of regional styles and aesthetics. This article maps the transformation of hip hop graffiti as it has been disseminated throughout the world. It registers the distinctiveness of graffiti in Australia and argues that graffiti is not a globally homogenous form, but one which develops in a locally specific manner. Writing and Replicating: Hip Hop Graffiti and Cultural Imperialism Contemporary graffiti subcultures are strongly identified with large American cities. Originating in the black neighbourhood cultures of Philadelphia and New York City in the late 1960s and early 1970s, hip hop graffiti emerged as part of a larger, homegrown, alternative youth culture (“Urban Graffiti”, 77). Before the end of the 1970s, the aesthetic codes and stylised images of hip hop graffiti began to disseminate to major cities across America and throughout the globe. Its transmission was facilitated by: the production and export of films such as Style Wars (Silver and Chalfant, 1983) and Wild Style (Ahearn, 1983); the covers of rap albums; graffiti magazines; art dealers; and style manuals such as Subway Art (Cooper and Chalfant) and Spraycan Art (Chalfant and Prigroff). Graffiti migrated to Australian shores during the early 1980s, gaining influence through the appearance of these seminal works, which are credited by many as having inspired them to pick up a can of spraypaint. During its larval stages, the subcultural codes of graffiti invented by American writers were reiterated in an Australian context. Australian graffiti writers poached the vocabulary and rhetoric invented by their American counterparts. Writers spoke of “getting up”, “getting fame” and their “crew”, classifying their work as “tags”, “pieces”, or “throw ups”. They utilised the same bubble letters, and later, the incomprehensible “wildstyle” originally devised by American writers. It was not long, however, before Australian writers were making their own innovations and developing a unique style. Despite this, there is still widespread conviction in the view that Australian graffiti is a replica of an American cultural form. This view is supported at a theoretical level by the concept of cultural imperialism. It is generally understood, at a basic level, to be the diffusion of a foreign culture at the expense of a local culture. The concept has been usefully clarified by John Tomlinson. Since there are various orders of power involved in allegations of cultural imperialism, Tomlinson attempts to resist some implicit “master narrative” of the term, accounting for cultural imperialism in a multidimensional fashion (20). He outlines five possible versions, which inflect cultural imperialism to mean cultural domination; a discourse of nationality; media imperialism; global capital; and modernity (19-28). The idea that Australian graffiti replicates American graffiti draws particularly on the first two versions—that of cultural imperialism as cultural domination, and the discourse of nationality. Both these approaches focus on the processes involved in cultural imperialism—“the invasion of an indigenous culture by a foreign one” (Tomlinson, 23). Many people I spoke to about graffiti saw it as evidence of foreign, particularly American, domination and influence over Australian culture. They expressed concern that the appearance of graffiti would signal an influx of “American” problems: gang activity, escalating violence and social disorder. Cultural imperialism as a discourse of nationality hinges on the concepts of “belonging” and “indigenous culture”. In a conference organised by the Graffiti Program of the Government of Western Australia, Senator Ian Campbell argued that graffiti had no place in Australia. He felt that, “there should be little need for social comment through the vandalism of other’s property. Perhaps in nations where … freedoms are not recognised … but not in Australia” (6). Tomlinson argues that the conceptions of cultural imperialism as both cultural domination and as a discourse of nationality are popular because of their highly ambiguous (and thus accommodating) nature (19, 23). However, both notions are problematic. Tomlinson immediately dismisses the notion of cultural imperialism as cultural domination, arguing that one should aim for specificity. “Imperialism” and “domination” are rather general notions, and as such both have sufficient conceptual breadth and ambiguity to accommodate most uses to which they might be put (19). Cultural imperialism as a discourse of nationality is similarly problematic, relying on the precise definitions of a series of terms—such as belonging, and indigenous culture—which have multiple inflections (24). Cultural imperialism has often been tracked as a process of homogenisation. Conceiving of cultural imperialism as homogenisation is particularly pertinent to the argument for the global homogeneity of graffiti. Cultural homogenisation makes “everywhere seem more or less the same,” assuming a global uniformity which is inherently Western, and in extreme cases, American (6). The implications of “Americanisation” are relevant to the attitudes of Australian graffiti writers. On the Blitzkrieg Bulletin Board—an internet board for Australian graffiti writers—I found evidence of a range of responses to “Americanisation” in Australian graffiti. One of the writers had posted: “you shouldn’t even be doing graff if you are a toy little kid, buying export paint and painting legal walls during the day … f*** all y’all niggaz!” s3 replied, “I do know that modern graffiti originated in America but … token are you American? Why do you want to talk like an American gangsta rapper?” The global currency of graffiti is one in which local originality and distinctiveness are highly prized. It is a source of shame for a writer to “bite”. Many of the writers I spoke to became irate when I suggested that Australian styles “bit” those of America. It seems inconsistent that Australian graffiti writers would reproduce American graffiti, if they do not even tolerate Australian writers using the word “nigga”. Like the argument that Australian graffiti replicates that of America, the concept of cultural imperialism is problematic. By the 1970s the concept was beginning to come apart at the seams, its “artificial coherence” exposed when subjected to a range of applications (Tomlinson, 8). Although the idea of cultural imperialism has been discredited and somewhat abandoned at the level of theory, the concept nonetheless continues to guide attitudes towards graffiti. Jeff Ferrell has argued that the interplay of cultural resources involved in worldwide graffiti directly locates it inside issues of cultural imperialism (“Review of Moscow Graffiti”, paragraph 5). Stylistic and subcultural consistencies are mobilised to substantiate assertions of the operation of cultural imperialism in the global form of graffiti. This serves to render it globally homogeneous. While many graffiti writers would concede that graffiti maintains certain global elements, few would agree that this is indicative of a global homogeneity of form. As part of the hip hop component of their website, Triple J conducted an investigation into graffiti. It found that “the graffiti aesthetic developed in New York has been modified with individual characteristics … and has transformed into a unique Australian style” (“Old Skool”, paragraph 6). Veteran writers Umph, Exit, Phibs and Dmote agree. Perth writer Zenith claims, “we came up with styles from the US back in the day and it has grown into something quite unique” (personal communication). Exit declares, “every city has its own particular style. Graffiti from Australia can easily be distinguished by graffiti artists. Australia has its own particular style” (1). Umph agrees: “to us writers, the differences are obvious” (2). Although some continue to perceive Australian graffiti as replicating that of America, it appears that this is no longer the case. Evidence has emerged that Australian graffiti has evolved into a unique and localised form, which no longer imitates that of America. “Going Over” Cultural Imperialism: Hip Hop Graffiti and Processes of Globalisation The argument that graffiti has developed local inflections has lately garnered increasing support due to new theories of global cultural interaction and exchange. The modern era has been characterised by the increasing circulation of goods, capital, knowledge, information, people, images, ideologies, technologies and practices across national borders and territorial boundaries (Appadurai, 230; Scholte, 10). Academic discussion of these developments has converged in recent years around the concept of “globalisation”. While cultural imperialism describes these movements as the diffusion of a foreign culture at the expense of a local one, globalisation interprets these profound changes as evidence of “a global ecumene of persistent cultural interaction and exchange” (Hannerz, 107). In such a view, the globe is not characterised by domination and homogenisation (as with cultural imperialism), but more in terms of exchange and heterogeneity. Recent studies acknowledge that globalisation is complex and multidimensional (Giddens, 30; Kalb, 1), even a process of paradoxes (Findlay, 30). Globalisation is frequently described in terms of contradictory processes—universalisation vs. particularisation, homogenisation vs. differentiation, integration vs. fragmentation. Another of these dialectical tendencies is that of localisation. Kloos defines localisation as representing “the rise of localised, culturally defined identities … localisation stresses sociocultural specificity, in a limited space” (281). While localisation initially appears to stand in opposition to globalisation, the concepts are actually involved in a dialectical process (Giddens, 64). The relationship between localisation and globalisation has been formulated as follows: “Processes of globalisation trigger identity movements leading to the creation of localised, cultural-specific, identities” (Kloos, 282). The development of localisation is particularly pertinent to this study of graffiti. The concept allows for local diversity and has led to the understanding that global cultural phenomena are involved in a process of exchange. Work around globalisation lends credence to the argument that, as graffiti has disseminated throughout the globe, it has mutated to the specific locale within which it exists. Graffiti has always been locally specific: from the early stages which witnessed writers such as Julio 204, Fran 207 and Joe 136 (the numbers referred to their street), to the more recent practice of suffixing tag names with the name of a writers’ crew and their area code. The tendency to include area codes has been largely abandoned in Australia as the law has responded to graffiti with increasing vigilance, but evolutions in graffiti have pointed towards the development of regionally specific styles which writers have come to recognise. Thus, graffiti cannot be thought of as a globally homogenous form, nor can it be said that Australian graffiti replicates that of America. As hip hop has circulated throughout the globe it has appeared to adopt local inflections, having adapted into something quite locally distinctive. In a sense hip hop has been “translated” to particular circumstances. It is now appropriate to consider Australian hip hop and graffiti as a translation of a global cultural phenomenon. A useful reference in this regard is Yuri Lotman, who designates dialogue as the elementary mechanism of translation (143). He suggests that participants involved in a dialogue alternate between a position of “transmission” and “reception” (144). Hence cultural developments are cyclical, and relationships between units—which may range from genres to national cultures—pass through periods of “transmission” and “reception” (144). Lotman proposes that the relationship between structures follows a pattern: at first, a structure will appear in decline, static, unoriginal. He records these “intermissions” as “pauses in dialogue”, during which the structure absorbs influences from the outside (144). When saturation reaches a certain limit, the structure begins producing its own texts as its “passive state changes to a state of alertness” (145). This is a useful way of comprehending Australian hip hop culture. It appears that the Australian hip hop scene has left behind its period of “reception” and is now witnessing one of “transmission” in which it is producing uniquely Australian flavours and styles. Of the contemporary graffiti I have observed, it appears that Australian writing is truly distinctive. Australian writers may have initially poached the subcultural codes developed by their American counterparts, however Australia has evolved to be truly unique where it counts—in graffiti styles. Distinctive graffiti styles can be witnessed, not only between different continents, but also within geographic locations. American graffiti registers a variety of locally specific forms. New York remains devoted to the letter, while graffiti on the west coast of America is renowned for its gang writing. American lettering styles tend to develop existing styles. New York wildstyle is easily recognised, and differs from letters in the Bay Area and San Francisco, which feature arrows inside the letters. While American graffiti is by and large concerned with letters, Australia has gained some repute for its exploration of characters. Like American writers, Australians employ characters poached from popular culture, but for the most part Australian writers employ characters and figures that they have invented themselves, often poaching elements from a wide variety of sources and utilising a wide variety of styles. Marine imagery, not usually employed in American graffiti, recurs in Australian pieces. Kikinit in the Park, a youth festival held in Fremantle in March 2001, featured a live urban art display by Bugszy Snaps, who combined oceanic and graffiti iconography, fusing sea creatures with spraypaint cans. Phibs also “uses images from the sea a lot” (Hamilton, 73), having grown up at the beach. In spite of this focus on the development of characters and images, Australia has not neglected the letter. While initially Australian graffiti artists imitated the styles developed in America, Australian lettering has evolved into something exceptional. Some writers have continued to employ bubble letters and wildstyle, and Australia has kept up with modifications in wildstyle that has seen it move towards 3D. Australia has cultivated this form of traditional wildstyle, elevating it to new heights. Sometimes it is combined with other styles; other times it appears as controlled wildstyle—set around a framework of some sort. In other instances, Australia has charted new territory with the letter, developing styles that are completely individual. Australian writing also blends a variety of lettering and graphic styles, combining letters and figures in new and exciting ways. Australian graffiti often fuses letters with images. This is relatively rare in American graffiti, which tends to focus on lettering and, on the whole, utilises characters to less effect than Australian graffiti. Conclusion Graffiti is not a globally homogeneous form, but one which has developed in locally specific and distinctive ways. As hip hop graffiti has circulated throughout the globe it has been translated between various sites and developed local inflections. In order to visualise graffiti in this manner, it is necessary to recognise theories of cultural imperialism as guiding the widespread belief that graffiti is a globally homogeneous form. I have refuted this view and the worth of cultural imperialism in directing attitudes towards graffiti, as there is a valid foundation for considering the local distinctiveness of Australian graffiti. By engaging critically with literature around globalisation, I have established a theoretical base for the argument that graffiti is locally specific. Envisaging the global form of hip hop graffiti as translated between various sites and having developed in locally specific ways has exposed the study of graffiti outside of the United States. Current writings on cultural studies and graffiti are dominated by the American academy, taking the United States as its centre. In rectifying this imbalance, I stress the need to recognise the distinctiveness of other cultures and geographic locations, even if they appear to be similar. While writers across Australia argue that their locations produce original styles, few have been willing to expound on how their scene is “fresh”. One writer I spoke with was an exception. Zenith explained that: “the way we are original is that our style has developed for so long, fermented if you will, because of Perth being so damned isolated” (personal communication). He went on to say: “I also happen to feel that we’re losing the originality every second of every day, for a number of reasons … with web sites, videos, magazines, and all this type of graffito affiliated stuff” (personal communication). Hip hop graffiti culture is one in which communication and exchange is of central concern. The circulation of this “graffito affiliated stuff”—websites, graffiti magazines, videos, books—as well as the fact that aerosol artists frequently travel to other cities and countries to write, demonstrates that this is a culture which, although largely identified with America, is also global in reach. This global interaction and exchange is increasingly characterised by a complex relationship which involves imitation and adaptation. Glossary Bite To copy another graffiti writer’s style Crew Organised group of graffiti writers Getting up Successful graffiti endeavour; to graffiti Going over To graffiti over another’s graffiti Piece The most sophisticated kind of graffiti, which includes characters, words and phrases Tag A stylised version of a signature; the most basic form of graffiti Throw up Two-dimensional version of a tag Wildstyle Style of graffiti characterised by interlocking letters and arrows Writer Graffiti artist; one who does graffiti References Andrews, Benedict. “If a Cleaner Can Review Graffiti Art, Then …” Sydney Morning Herald 15 Jan. 2001. 15 August 2001 http://www.smh.com.au/news/0101/15/features/features8.html&gt;. Appadurai, Arjun. “Globalization and the Research Imagination.” International Social Science Journal 51.2 (1999): 229-38. Campbell, Ian. “The National Perspective.” Dealing with Graffiti. Ed. Graffiti Program, Government of Western Australia: Perth, 1997: 6-7. Chalfant, Henry, and James Prigroff. Spraycan Art. London: Thames &amp; Hudson, 1987. Cooper, Martha, and Henry Chalfant. Subway Art. London: Thames &amp; Hudson, 1984. “Exit”. n.d. [1998]. 18 Jul. 2001 http://loud.net.au/projects/digit/garry/exit.htm&gt;. Ferrell, Jeff. “Review of Moscow Graffiti: Language and Subculture.” Social Justice 20.3-4 (1993): 188 (15). ———. “Urban Graffiti: Crime, Control, and Resistance.” Youth and Society 27 (1995-6): 73-87. Findlay, Mark. The Globalization of Crime: Understanding Transitional Relationships in Context. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1999. Giddens, Anthony. Runaway World: How Globalization Is Reshaping our Lives. New York: Routledge, 2000. Hamilton, Kate. “Can in Hand.” Rolling Stone 590 (2001): 72-5. Hannerz, Ulf. “Scenarios for Peripheral Cultures.” Culture, Globalization and the World-System: Contemporary Conditions for the Representation of Identity. Ed. Anthony D. King. Houndmills: Macmillan, 1991. 107-28. Kalb, Don. “Localizing Flows: Power, Paths, Institutions, and Networks.” The Ends of Globalization: Bringing Society Back In. Ed. Don Kalb. Boston: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2000. 1-29. Kloos, Peter. “The Dialectics of Globalization and Localization.” The Ends of Globalization: Bringing Society Back In. Ed. Don Kalb. Boston: Rowman and Littlefield, 2000. 281-97. Leys, Nick. “Graffiti Removalist Gives Art Installation a Spray.” Sydney Morning Herald 9 January 2001. 9 Jan. 2001. http://www.smh.com.au/news/0101/09/national/national15.html&gt;. Lotman, Yuri. The Universe of the Mind: A Semiotic Theory of Culture. Bloomington, IN: Indiana UP, 1990. “Old Skool.” Triple J. 2001. 18 Jul. 2001 http://www.abc.net.au/triplej/arts/graff/oldskool/default.htm&gt;. s3. “Name &amp; Email Supplied.” Online posting. 9 May 2004. Blitzkrieg Bulletin Board. 20 July 2001 http://network54.com/Forum&gt;. Scholte, Jan Aarte. “Globalisation: Prospects For a Paradigm Shift.” Politics and Globalisation: Knowledge, Ethics and Agency. Ed. Martin Shaw. London: Routledge, 1999. 9-22. Stevens, Tony. “It’s Vandalism, It’s Illegal and It Causes Anguish and Frustration.” Sydney Morning Herald 5 Feb. 2001. 4 Mar. 2001 http://www.smh.com.au/news/0102/05/features/features10.html&gt;. Style Wars. Dir. Tony Silver and Henry Chalfant. 1983. DVD. Passion River, 2005. Token. “F*** You Little Kids!” Online posting. 5 May 2000. Blitzkrieg Bulletin Board. 20 Jul. 2001 http://network54.com/Forum&gt;. Tomlinson, John. Cultural Imperialism: A Critical Introduction. London: Pinter Publishers, 1991. Umph. n.d. [1998]. 18 Jul. 2001. http://loud.net.au/projects/digit/garry/umph.htm&gt;. Wild Style. Dir. Charlie Ahearn. 1983. DVD. Rhino Theatrical, 2002. &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; &#x0D; Citation reference for this article&#x0D; &#x0D; MLA Style&#x0D; Lombard, Kara-Jane. "“To Us Writers, the Differences Are Obvious”: The Adaptation of Hip Hop Graffiti to an Australian Context." M/C Journal 10.2 (2007). echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/05-lombard.php&gt;. APA Style&#x0D; Lombard, K. (May 2007) "“To Us Writers, the Differences Are Obvious”: The Adaptation of Hip Hop Graffiti to an Australian Context," M/C Journal, 10(2). Retrieved echo date('d M. Y'); ?&gt; from &lt;http://journal.media-culture.org.au/0705/05-lombard.php&gt;. &#x0D;

Western notions of authors’ Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs), as expressed within copyright law, maintain a potentially fraught relationship with a range of philosophical and theoretical positions on writing and authorship that have developed within contemporary Western thinking. For Roland Barthes, authorship is compromised, de-identified and multiplied by the very nature of writing: ‘Writing is that neutral, composite, oblique space where our subject slips away, the negative where all identity is lost, starting with the very identity of the body writing’ (142). Gilles Deleuze and Félix Guattari follow a related line of thought in A Thousand Plateaus: ‘Write, form a rhizome, increase your territory by deterritorialization, extend the line of flight to the point where it becomes an abstract machine covering the entire plane of consistency’ (11). Similarly, in Of Grammatology, Jacques Derrida suggests that ‘Writing is that forgetting of the self, that exteriorization, the contrary of the interiorizing memory’ (24). To the extent that these philosophical and theoretical positions emerge within the practices of creative writers as remixes of appropriation, homage and/or pastiche, prima facie they problematize the commercial rights of writers as outlined in law. The case of Kathy Acker often comes up in such discussions. Acker’s 1984 novel Blood and Guts in High School, for example, incorporates techniques that have attracted the charge of plagiarism as this term is commonly defined. (Peter Wollen notes this in his aptly named essay ‘Death [and Life] of the Author.’) For texts like Acker’s, the comeback against charges of plagiarism usually involves underscoring the quotient of creativity involved in the re-combination or ‘remixing’ of the parts of the original texts. (Pure repetition would, it would seem, be much harder to defend.) ‘Plagiarism’, so-called, was simply one element of Acker’s writing technique; Robert Lort nuances plagiarism as it applies to Acker as ‘pseudo-plagiarism’. According to Wollen, ‘as she always argued, it wasn’t really plagiarism because she was quite open about what she did.’ As we shall demonstrate in more detail later on, however, there is another and, we suggest, more convincing reason why Acker’s work ‘wasn’t really plagiarism.’ This relates to her conscious interest in calligraphy and to her (perhaps unconscious) appropriation of a certain strand of Chinese philosophy. All the same, within the Western context, the consistent enforcement of copyright law guarantees the rights of authors to control the distribution of their own work and thus its monetised value. The author may be ‘dead’ in writing—just the faintest trace of remixed textuality—but he/she is very much ‘alive’ as in recognised at law. The model of the author as free-standing citizen (as a defined legal entity) that copyright law employs is unlikely to be significantly eroded by the textual practices of authors who tarry artistically in the ‘de-authored territories’ mapped by figures like Barthes, Deleuze and Guattari, and Derrida. Crucially, disputes concerning copyright law and the ethics of remix are resolved, within the Western context, at the intersection of relatively autonomous creative and legal domains. In the West, it is seen that these two domains are related within the one social fabric; each nuances the other (as Acker’s example shows in the simultaneity of her legal/commercial status as an author and her artistic practice as a ‘remixer’ of the original works of other authors). Legal and writing issues co-exist even as they fray each other’s boundaries. And in Western countries there is force to the law’s operations. However, the same cannot be said of the situation with respect to copyright law in China. Chinese artists are traditionally regarded as being aloof from mundane legal and commercial matters, with the consequence that the creative and the legal domains tend to ‘miss each other’ within the fabric of Chinese society. To this extent, the efficacy of the law is muted in China when it comes into contact with circumstances of authorship, writing, originality and creativity. (In saying this though, we do not wish to fall into the trap of cultural essentialism: in this article, ‘China’ and ‘The West’ are placeholders for variant cultural tendencies—clustered, perhaps, around China and its disputed territories such as Taiwan on the one hand, and around America on the other—rather than homogeneous national/cultural blocs.) Since China opened its system to Western capitalist economic activity in the 1980s, an ongoing criticism, sourced mainly out of the West, has been that the country lacks proper respect for notions of authorship and, more directly, for authorship’s derivative: copyright law. Tellingly, it took almost ten years of fierce negotiations between elements of the capitalist lobby in China and the Legislative Bureau to make the Seventh National People’s Congress pass the first Copyright Law of the People’s Republic of China on 7 September 1990. A law is one thing though, and adherence to the law is another. Jayanthi Iyengar of Asia Times Online reports that ‘the US government estimates that piracy within China [of all types of products] costs American companies $20-24 billion a year in damages…. If one includes European and Japanese firms, the losses on account of Chinese piracy is in excess of $50 billion annually.’ In 2008, the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI) reported that more than 99% of all music files in China are pirated. In the same year, Cara Anna wrote in The Seattle Times that, in desperation at the extent of Chinese infringement of its Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs), Microsoft has deployed an anti-piracy tactic that blacks out the screens of computers detected running a fake copy of Windows. The World Trade Organisation (WTO) has filed complaints from many countries against China over IPRs. Iyengar also reports that, under such pressure, the State Intellectual Property Office in Beijing has vowed it will continue to reinforce awareness of IPRs in order to better ensure their protection. Still, from the Western perspective at least, progress on this extremely contentious issue has been excruciatingly slow. Such a situation in respect of Chinese IPRs, however, should not lead to the conclusion that China simply needs to catch up with the more ‘morally advanced’ West. Rather, the problematic relations of the law and of creativity in China allow one to discern, and to trace through ancient Chinese history and philosophy, a different approach to remix that does not come into view so easily within Western countries. Different materialisms of writing and authorship come into play across global space, with different effects. The resistance to both the introduction and the policing of copyright law in China is, we think, the sign of a culture that retains something related to authorship and creativity that Western culture only loosely holds onto. It provides a different way of looking at remix, in the guise of what the West would tend to label plagiarism, as a practice, especially, of creativity. The ‘death’ of the author in China at law (the failure to legislate and/or police his/her rights) brings the author, as we will argue, ‘alive’ in the writing. Remix as anonymous composition (citing Barthes) becomes, in the Chinese example, remix as creative expression of singular feelings—albeit remix set adrift from the law. More concretely, our example of the Chinese writer/writing takes remix to its limit as a practice of repetition without variation—what the West would be likely to call plagiarism. Calligraphy is key to this. Of course, calligraphy is not the full extent of Chinese writing practice—not all writing is calligraphic strictly speaking. But all calligraphy is writing, and in this it influences the ethics of Chinese writing, whether character-based or otherwise, more generally. We will have more to say about the ‘pictorial’ material aspect of Chinese writing later on. In traditional Chinese culture, writing is regarded as a technical practice perfected through reproduction. Chinese calligraphy (visual writing) is learnt through exhaustively tracing and copying the style of the master calligrapher. We are tempted to say that what is at stake in Chinese remix/calligraphy is ‘the difference that cannot be helped:’ that is, the more one tries, as it were, to repeat, the more repetition becomes impossible. In part, this is explained by the interplay of Qing 情 (‘feelings’) and Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’). Now, the order of the characters—Qing 情 (‘feelings’) before Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’)—suggests that Qing creates and supports Yun. To this extent, what we have here is something akin to a Western understanding of creative writing (of the creativity of writing) in which individual and singular feelings are given expression in the very movement of the writing itself (through the bodily actions of the writer). In fact though, the Chinese case is more complicated than this, for the apprenticeship model of Chinese calligraphy cultivates a two-way interplay of Qing 情 (‘feelings’) and Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’). More directly, the ‘composed body movements’ that one learns from the master calligrapher help compose one’s own ‘feelings’. The very repetition of the master’s work (its remixing, as it were…) enables the creativity of the apprentice. If this model of creativity is found somewhat distasteful from a Western perspective (that is, if it is seen to be too restrictive of originality) then that is because such a view, we think, depends upon a cultural misunderstanding that we will try to clear up here. To wit, the so-called Confucian model of rote learning that is more-or-less frowned upon in the West is not, at least not in the debased form that it adopts in Western stereotypes, the philosophy active in the case of Chinese calligraphy. That philosophy is Taoism. As Wing-Tsit Chan elucidates, ‘by opposing Confucian conformity with non-conformity and Confucian worldliness with a transcendental spirit, Taoism is a severe critic of Confucianism’ (136). As we will show in a moment, Chinese calligraphy exemplifies this special kind of Taoist non-conformity (in which, as Philip J. Ivanhoe limns it, ‘one must unweave the social fabric’). Chan again: ‘As the way of life, [Taoism] denotes simplicity, spontaneity, tranquility, weakness, and most important of all, non-action (wu-wei). By the latter is not meant literally “inactivity” but rather “taking no action that is contrary to Nature”—in other words, letting Nature take its own course’ (136). Thus, this is a philosophy of ‘weakness’ that is neither ‘negativism’ nor ‘absolute quietism’ (137). Taoism’s supposed weakness is rather a certain form of strength, of (in the fullest sense) creative possibilities, which comes about through deference to the way of Nature. ‘Hold fast to the great form (Tao), / And all the world will come’ illustrates this aspect of Taoism in its major philosophical tract, The Lao Tzu (Tao-Te Ching) or The Classic of the Way and its Virtue (section 35, Chan 157). The guiding principle is one of deference to the original (way, Nature or Tao) as a strategy of an expression (of self) that goes beyond the original. The Lao Tzu is full of cryptic, metaphoric expressions of this idea: ‘The pursuit of learning is to increase day after day. / The pursuit of Tao is to decrease day after day. / It is to decrease and further decrease until one reaches the point of taking no action. / No action is undertaken, and yet nothing is left undone’ (section 48, Chan 162). Similarly, The female always overcomes the male by tranquility, / And by tranquility she is underneath. / A big state can take over a small state if it places itself below the small state; / And the small state can take over a big state if it places itself below the big state. / Thus some, by placing themselves below, take over (others), / And some, by being (naturally) low, take over (other states) (section 61, Chan 168). In Taoism, it is only by (apparent) weakness and (apparent) in-action that ‘nothing is left undone’ and ‘states’ are taken over. The two-way interplay of Qing 情 (‘feelings’) and Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’), whereby the apprentice copies the master, aligns with this key element of Taoism. Here is the linkage between calligraphy and Taoism. The master’s work is Tao, Nature or the way: ‘Hold fast to the great form (Tao), / And all the world will come’ (section 35, Chan 157). The apprentice’s calligraphy is ‘all the world’ (‘all the world’ being, ultimately in this context, Qing 情 [‘feelings’]). Indeed, Taoism itself is a subtle philosophy of learning (of apprenticeship to a master), unlike Confucianism, which Chan characterises as a doctrine of ‘social order’ (of servitude to a master) (136). ‘“Learn not learn”’ is how Wang Pi, as quoted by Chan (note 121, 170), understands what he himself (Chan) translates as ‘He learns to be unlearned’ (section 64, 170). In unlearning one learns what cannot be taught: this is, we suggest, a remarkable definition of creativity, which also avoids falling into the trap of asserting a one-to-one equivalence between (unlearnt) originality and creativity, for there is both learning and creativity in this Taoist paradox of pedagogy. On this, Michael Meehan points out that ‘originality is an over-rated and misguided concept in many ways.’ (There is even a sense in which, through its deliberate repetition, The Lao Tzu teaches itself, traces over itself in ‘self-plagiarising’ fashion, as if it were reflecting on the re-tracings of calligraphic pedagogy. Chan notes just how deliberate this is: ‘Since in ancient times books consisted of bamboo or wooden slabs containing some twenty characters each, it was not easy for these sentences… to be added by mistake…. Repetitions are found in more than one place’ [note 102, 166].) Thinking of Kathy Acker too as a learner, Peter Wollen’s observation that she ‘incorporated calligraphy… in her books’ and ‘was deeply committed to [the] avant-garde tradition, a tradition which was much stronger in the visual arts’ creates a highly suggestive connection between Acker’s work and Taoism. The Taoist model for learning calligraphy as, precisely, visual art—in which copying subtends creativity—serves to shift Acker away from a Barthesian or Derridean framework and into a Taoist context in which adherence to another’s form (as ‘un-learnt learning’) creatively unravels so-called plagiarism from the inside. Acker’s conscious interest in calligraphy is shown by its prevalence in Blood and Guts in High School. Edward S. Robinson identifies this text as part of her ‘middle phase’, which ‘saw the introduction of illustrations and diagrams to create multimedia texts with a collage-like feel’ (154). To our knowledge, Acker never critically reflected upon her own calligraphic practices; perhaps if she had, she would have troubled what we see as a blindspot in critics’ interpretations of her work. To wit, whenever calligraphy is mentioned in criticism on Acker, it tends to be deployed merely as an example of her cut-up technique and never analysed for its effects in its own cultural, philosophical and material specificity. (Interestingly, if the words of Chinese photographer Liu Zheng are any guide, the Taoism we’re identifying in calligraphy has also worked its way into other forms of Chinese visual art: she refers to ‘loving photographic details and cameras’ with the very Taoist term, ‘lowly’ 低级 [Three Shadows Photography Art Centre 187].) Being ‘lowly’, ‘feminine’ or ‘underneath’ has power as a radical way of learning. We mentioned above that Taoism is very metaphoric. As the co-writer of this paper Cher Coad recalls from her calligraphy classes, students in China grow up with a metaphoric proverb clearly inspired by Lao Tzu’s Taoist philosophy of learning: ‘Learning shall never stop. Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ ‘Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ What could this mean? Before answering this question with recourse to two Western notions that, we hope, will further effect (building on Acker’s example) a rapprochement between Chinese and Western ways of thinking (be they nationally based or not), we reiterate that the infringement of Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs) in China should not be viewed only as an egregious denial of universally accepted law. Rather, whatever else it may be, we see it as the shadow in the commercial realm—mixed through with all the complexities of Chinese tradition, history and cultural difference, and most particularly of the Taoist strand within Confucianism—of the never-quite-perfect copying of calligraphic writing/remixing. More generally, the re-examination of stereotypical assumptions about Chinese culture cues a re-examination of the meaning behind the copying of products and technology in contemporary, industrialised China. So, ‘Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ What is this ‘more than the blue of black’? Or put differently, why is calligraphic writing, as learnt from the master, always infused with the singular feelings of the (apprentice) writer? The work of Deleuze, Guattari and Claire Parnet provides two possible responses. In On the Line, Deleuze and Guattari (and Deleuze in co-authorship with Parnet) author a number of comments that support the conception we are attempting to develop concerning the lines of Chinese calligraphy. A line, Deleuze and Guattari suggest, is always a line of lines (‘Line of chance, line of hips, line of flight’ [57]). In the section of On the Line entitled ‘Politics’, Deleuze and Parnet outline the impossibility of any line being just one line. If life is a line (as it is said, you throw someone a life line), then ‘We have as many entangled lines in our lives as there are in the palm of a hand’ (71). Of any (hypothetical) single line it can be said that other lines emerge: ‘Black comes from blue, but is more than the blue.’ The feelings of the apprentice calligrapher (his/her multiple lines) emerge through the repeated copying of the lines and composed body movements of the master. The Deleuzean notion of repetition takes this idea further. Repetitive Chinese calligraphy clearly indexes what Claire Colebrook refers to as ‘Deleuze’s concept of eternal return. The only thing that is repeated or returns is difference; no two moments of life can be the same. By virtue of the flow of time, any repeated event is necessarily different (even if different only to the extent that it has a predecessor)’ (121). Now, it might be objected that Chinese calligraphic practices, because of the substantially ideographic nature of Chinese writing (see Kristeva 72-81), allow for material mutations that can find no purchase in Western, alphabetical systems of writing. But the materiality of time that Colebrook refers to as part of her engagement with Deleuzean non-repetitious (untimely) repetition guarantees the materiality of all modes of writing. Furthermore, Julia Kristeva notes that, with any form of language, one cannot leave ‘the realm of materialism’ (6) and Adrian Miles, in his article ‘Virtual Actual: Hypertext as Material Writing,’ sees the apparently very ‘unmaterial’ writing of hypertext ‘as an embodied activity that has its own particular affordances and possibilities—its own constraints and local actualisations’ (1-2). Calligraphic repetition of the master’s model creates the apprentice’s feelings as (inevitable) difference. In this then, the learning by the Chinese apprentice of the lines of the master’s calligraphy challenges international (both Western and non-Western) artists of writing to ‘remix remix’ as a matter—as a materialisation—of the line. Not the line as a self-identical entity of writing that only goes to make up writing more generally; rather, lines as a materialisation of lines within lines within lines. More self-reflexively, even the collaborative enterprise of this article, co-authored as it is by a woman of Chinese ethnicity and a white Australian man, suggests a remixing of writing through, beneath and over each other’s lines. Yun 韵 (‘composed body movements’) expresses and maximises Qing 情 (‘feelings’). Taoist ‘un-learnt learning’ generates remix as the singular creativity of the writer. Writers get into a blue with the line—paint it, black. Of course, these ideas won’t and shouldn’t make copyright infringement (or associated legalities) redundant notions. But in exposing the cultural relativisms often buried within the deployment of this and related terms, the idea of lines of lines far exceeds a merely formalistic practice (one cut off from the materialities of culture) and rather suggests a mode of non-repetitious repetition in contact with all of the elements of culture (of history, of society, of politics, of bodies…) wherever these may be found, and whatever their state of becoming. In this way, remix re-creates the depths of culture even as it stirs up its surfaces of writing. References Acker, Kathy. Blood and Guts in High School: A Novel. New York: Grove Press, 1978. Anna, Cara. ‘Microsoft Anti-Piracy Technology Upsets Users in China.’ The Seattle Times. 28 Oct. 2008 ‹http://seattletimes.com/html/businesstechnology/2008321919_webmsftchina28.html›. Barthes, Roland. ‘The Death of the Author.’ Barthes, Roland. Image-Music-Text. London: Fontana Press, 1977. 142-148. Chan, Wing-Tsit. A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy. Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969. Colebrook, Claire. Gilles Deleuze. London: Routledge, 2002. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. On the Line. New York: Semiotext(e), 1983. Deleuze, Gilles, and Félix Guattari. A Thousand Plateaus: Capitalism and Schizophrenia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1987. Derrida, Jacques. Of Grammatology. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1976. International Federation of the Phonographic Industry. ‘Recording Industry Steps Up Campaign against Internet Piracy in China.’ ifpi. 4 Feb. 2008 ‹http://www.ifpi.org/content/section_news/20080204.html›. Ivanhoe, Philip J. ‘Taoism’. The Cambridge Dictionary of Philosophy. Ed. Robert Audi. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. 787. Iyengar, Jayanthi. ‘Intellectual Property Piracy Rocks China Boat.’ Asia Times Online. 16 Sept. 2004 ‹http://www.atimes.com/atimes/China/FI16Ad07.html›. Kristeva, Julia. Language: The Unknown: An Initiation into Linguistics. New York: Columbia University Press, 1989. Lort, Robert. ‘Kathy Acker (1944-1997).’ Jahsonic: A Vocabulary of Culture. 2003 ‹http://www.jahsonic.com/KathyAcker.html›. Meehan, Michael. ‘Week 5a: Playing with Genres.’ Lecture notes. Unit ALL705. Short Stories: Writers and Readers. Trimester 2. Melbourne: Deakin University, 2013. Miles, Adrian. ‘Virtual Actual: Hypertext as Material Writing.’ Studies in Material Thinking 1.2 (April 2008) ‹http://www.materialthinking.org/papers/29›. Robinson, Edward S. Shift Linguals: Cut-up Narratives from William S. Burroughs to the Present. New York: Editions Rodopi, 2011. Three Shadows Photography Art Centre. ‘Photography and Intimate Space Symposium.’ Conversations: Three Shadows Photography Art Centre’s 2007 Symposium Series. Ed. RongRong, inri, et al. Beijing: Three Shadows Press Limited, 2008. 179-191. Wollen, Peter. ‘Death (and Life) of the Author.’ London Review of Books 20.3 (5 Feb. 1998). ‹http://www.lrb.co.uk/v20/n03/peter-wollen/death-and-life-of-the-author›.

Mobilities We live in a world of mobilised social life, as John Urry describes it. This is a world made out of constant flows of items, ideas, and actors travelling materially and/or immaterially from one location to another, non-stop. The movement of things and people goes back and forth; it changes direction and passes around various locations, both physical and virtual. No discussion of mobility today can be complete without consideration of the role of communication in reshaping mobilised social life. In many respects, our social life and a sense of community may be thought of as displaced and imaginary (Taylor). This is to say that, in today’s world, “belonging” as a constitutive element of community is acted out, in many cases, at a distance, without physical contact (Delanty 119-49). Furthermore, our sense of belonging is shaped by cultural and social communication networks and the media logic of the latest communication technology (Castells 54-136). It is in these de-territorialised communities (Dayan 166) that we communicate from one to one, or from one to many, without physical restriction; and by doing this, we form, transmit, and modify our self-understanding (or mis/understanding!) of the world in which we live and in which our lives are formed, transmitted, and modified by others. To understand the deeper dynamics of our newly mobilised social life, we need to elaborate on yet another dimension of communication: that is, the idea of circulation (Latour 36). The simplest way of defining circulation is to say that it is about “going the round” and/or “passing on” something—whether it is material or immaterial items, goods, artefacts, ideas, or beliefs that are being distributed and disseminated (Sumiala 44-55). However, as Benjamin Lee and Edward LiPuma (192) argue, if circulation is to serve as a useful analytic construct for the analysis of contemporary social life, “it needs be conceived as more than simply the movement of people, ideas, and commodities from one culture to another.” It is necessary to analyse circulation as a cultural process with its “own forms of abstraction, evaluation, and constraint” (192). It is, indeed, the dynamic structures of circulation that we have to look for. In this article, I shall attempt to illuminate the workings of circulation by discussing how images of violence travel in different types of mobile media environments and how that movement contributes to the formation and reformation of various social imaginaries. Drawing on Charles Taylor’s, Arjun Appadurai’s and Dilip Gaonkar’s work, I define social imaginaries as a symbolic matrix within which people imagine their collective social life. As Gaonkar (1-19) argues, it is within the folds of a social imaginary that we see ourselves as agents who traverse a social space and inhabit a temporal horizon. In everyday life, social imaginaries are carried in stories, symbols and images and in today’s world they rely heavily on stranger sociability—that is, sociability based on media-related relations among strangers (Gaonkar 4-5, 10). Images In Kauhajoki, Finland, on 23 September 2008, a 22-year-old male student went on the rampage at the Seinäjoki University of Applied Science (located in Kauhajoki, the province of Western Finland: a town with a population of some 14,000 inhabitants). The killer shot a teacher, nine of his classmates and, finally, himself. This was a second school shooting tragedy in Finland in less than a year, the first major incident being in Jokela in 2007. Before committing his crimes, the killer had distributed several self-images on the Internet (namely on IRC-gallery and YouTube) in which he broadcast his fascination for guns and shooting. Altogether, he had posted some 15 images on the IRC-gallery site. Some of the images were video clips, but these were later converted into still images. The images that started to circulate in the media after the tragedy included ones of the shooter pointing at the camera with his gun or of him shooting in a shooting range, as well as a number of self-portraits. Following Bruno Latour (159-64), I shall attempt to track the circulation of the killer’s images across different media landscapes: social and mainstream media. This short media ethnography covers excerpts from the Finnish online papers, television news, social media, and newspapers from the day of the tragedy (23 September 2008). Only print newspapers are collected from the next day, 24 September. More specifically, I trace the killer’s images from the largest broadsheet Helsingin Sanomat (print and online versions), the two tabloids Ilta-Sanomat and Iltalehti (print and online versions), and the national public broadcasting company, YLE (TV1 and TV2), as well as the two largest national commercial TV channels, MTV3 and TV4 (I will look especially at the main broadcast newscasts from the channels for the first day). En Route The Kauhajoki rampage shooter launched the process of circulation only about 15 minutes before he left home and started shooting. He logged in, downloaded the images on the social media website, IRC-gallery, and made a link to a server called Rapidshare to accelerate dissemination of his visual material. But this was only the tip of the iceberg in the shooter’s case. In the past, he had been an active circulator of violent material on the Web. By tracing his online history, we can confirm that the killer was a competent user of the digital communication technology (Hakala 99-118). The shooter registered with IRC-gallery in December 2004 and with YouTube in mid-March 2008. He took, for example, the username Wumpscut86 as his online identification. In the course of 2008, the images of the young man smiling at the camera changed into profile photos taken at a shooting range and eventually into a video where the man shoots at the camera. The shooter posted the first photos, hinting at the impending massacre, in the IRC-gallery in August 2008. Ten days after the first posting, the shooter downloaded a picture of his weapon onto the IRC-gallery, titled “Pity for majority”. At the end of August, pictures appeared on the IRC-gallery featuring the man firing his weapon at a shooting range and posing for the camera with his weapon. On Wednesday, 17 September 2008, he again added two more gunman photos of himself to his gallery (Sumiala and Tikka 17-29). During September, the killer downloaded four shooting videos onto YouTube, the last ones on 18 September 2008 (the Thursday of the week before the shooting). The videos feature the man firing his weapon at a location that appears to be a shooting range. On the day of the shooting, Tuesday 23 September 2008, he included a link to his Massacre in Kauhajoki file package, which contained the videos “You will die next”, “Goodbye”, and “Me and my Walther,” as well as an aerial shot of the school centre and photos of him aiming the weapon at the camera (Sumiala and Tikka 17-29).It is therefore clear that the shooter had planned his media strategy carefully before he committed his crime: he left plenty of visual traces, easy to find and distribute, after the catastrophe. In this respect, he also followed the pattern of his predecessors in Virginia Tech and in Jokela: these shooters had also activated social media sites to circulate violent material before taking any action (Kellner 39-43; Sumiala and Tikka 17-29). The killer started shooting in the school centre at around 10:46. The emergency response centre was notified of a fire and of the shooting at 10:47. Altogether, he shot ten people: nine students and one teacher. Around noon, the killer shot himself, but didn’t die immediately. His death, from gunshot wounds, was reported at Tampere University Hospital at 17:40 that evening. The first pieces of information about the shooting appeared on the social media site MuroBBS (a chat room) about half an hour after the shooting had started. About five minutes later, people chatting on the MuroBBS site made a connection between the shooter and his YouTube videos and IRC-gallery material. The IRC-gallery server removed his videos at 11:29 and the YouTube server an hour later, but they had already been uploaded by other users of social media and thus could not be totally destroyed by the server (Hakala 100-18). The online tabloid Iltalehti, published the first of the shooter’s images about 45 minutes after he had shot himself but was still alive. At this point, his face was not recognisable in the images because it was obscured by a black box. The tabloid headline said (in English translation) “Is he the shooter?” Later in the afternoon, all three online papers, Helsingin Sanomat, Iltalehti, and Ilta-Sanomat, published online images of the killer shooting and pointing his gun at the camera, and of his face (as originally published in IRC-gallery). With regard to issues of mobility, the online images travelled much faster than people with cameras. Kauhajoki, the town where the massacre took place, is situated far away from Helsinki, the capital of Finland, and centre of the country’s largest media and news organisations. Only the most well-resourced news organisations were able to send journalists and photographers to the scene of the crime with helicopters and planes; other journalists and broadcasters had to sit in a car or in a train for hours to get to Kauhajoki. Consequently, the critical moment had passed by the time they finally arrived (Hakala 99-118). By contrast, the images posted by the killer himself were available on the Web as soon the shooting started. And it was the social media sites that were the first to make the connection between the shooter and his images. This early annexing of images by the social media users was thus crucial in putting the massacre into circulation in its virtual form (Sumiala and Tikka 17-29). As noted above, social media operators in IRC-gallery and YouTube started to remove the shooter’s material less than an hour after the tragedy started at Kauhajoki. But, when searching YouTube or googling “Kauhajoki” at around 14:00 on the same day, one could still find at least 15 (and probably many more) of his videos (or at least, clips) on YouTube. The titles of these videos included: “School Massacre in Finland (Kauhajoki) 9/23/2008”, “The Shooter at the Massacre in Kauhajoki”, “Kauhajoki Killer Shooting his Deadly Weapon”. One of the crucial aspects of circulation is the issue of which material gets into circulation and what value is attached to it. In the case of the Kauhajoki school shootings, one needs to ask which were the texts or images that started to circulate in the national media, as it is the national media (in particular, television) that play a crucial role in transforming a local news event it into a national media catastrophe (see e.g. Liebes 71-84). The newscasts analysed for this research included evening news from every national news channel: YLE: channel 1 (20:30); channel 2 (21:50); MTV3 (19:00); and TV4 (23.00). All of them showed the shooter’s own images as part of their broadcasts. YLE channels 1 and 2 were more cautious about showing visual material, whereas the commercial channels MTV3 and TV4 used more airtime (and a larger number of images, both still and moving) to profile the killer. By the end of the day, the “Kauhajoki Killer” had become “the star” of the shootings (both nationwide and internationally), largely on account of the visual material he had left behind on the Web and which was so easy to circulate from one medium to another (Hakala 48-98). Needless to day, the “victims” of the shooting (nine students and a teacher) all but faded from view. Events the next day only increased this emphasis. The two tabloids Iltalehti and Ilta-Sanomat brought out extra issues featuring the killer’s own visual material on several double-page spreads. Especially interesting was Iltalehti’s double page (24-25), covered with images from the international online papers: Spiegel Online, Mail Online, CNN.com, BBC news, El Pais.com, Expressen and Aftonbladet, all but one of which had chosen to display the killer’s face on the front page. Helsingin Sanomat also chose to give the killer’s face extraordinary visibility; in Finland, the front page of the daily is usually always sold for advertisements and there are only very few instances in its history that have been an exception to this rule. The Kauhajoki massacre was one of these rare moments in history. Community Through this short media ethnography, I hope to have illustrated some of the ways in which circulation features in a contemporary media context through the example of the “Kauhajoki School Shooter”. The direction of this “circulation” was clearly from the social media to the mainstream media: from online to offline. As a media event, it was diachronic (i.e. “historical”—it evolved “across time”), but also synchronic inasmuch as the images multiplied on the Web in an instant (Sumiala and Tikka 17-29). In the circulation of the Kauhajoki shooter’s images, digital communication technology clearly played an absolutely central role. The images were easily accessible on social media sites and they were in a digital format that was simple to convert from one medium to another. This enabled instant and sensational “remediation”, to use Bolter and Grusin’s formulation. Not only were the images transformed from one medium to another; they became remediated, especially in commercial electronic and print media, as they all (MTV3, TV4, Helsingin Sanomat, Iltalehti, and Ilta-Sanomat) circulated images from the killer’s own online sites. Yet I do not wish to give the impression that the media circulation of the Kauhajoki killer images is an “innocent” or inconsequential cultural phenomenon in the context of mobilised social life. Circulation, as a means of communication, has the power to influence social imaginaries: how belonging is imagined and acted out in the age of mobility. In his book Fear of Small Numbers, Arjun Appadurai has argued that, in the contemporary era, communities are not only organised around communications that nurture positive imaginaries, but also circulate violence, fear, destruction, and uncertainty. By copying, repeating, and “recycling” violent material—by keeping circulation on the move, in other words—social imaginaries of violence are spread, not only on a national scale but globally. In this sense, it is arguable that they become distinctly glocal phenomena. Some of the circulation of the violent material is condensed on Web-based “hate groups”: this refers to those global communities that share a common hatred or anger regarding a given phenomenon or issue. The cause of hatred is often race, religion, ethnicity, sexual orientation, or gender, but it can also be misanthropy of a more general kind (Duffy 292). The attitudes towards the objects of hatred that are revealed may vary in both nature and degree, but the “national” exporting of violence from one country to another arguably follows a similar trajectory to the migrant flow of human subjects (Sumiala and Tikka 17-29) and therefore adds to the impression that circulatory “flows” have become the dominant trope of contemporary life the world over. Imaginary communities, as de-territorialised forms of belonging, can, in fact, be regarded as the communities of the era of mobility (see also Pikner in this issue). They cannot be physically perceived, but they do have social momentum. The shooter in Kauhajoki was a member of a large number of global virtual communities himself and arguably succeeded in exporting both himself, and “Finland”, to the rest of the world. He had, as we’ve seen, registered with YouTube, IRC-gallery, Suomi24 (Finland’s largest online community), and Battlefield 2 long before the massacre took place. It is also worth noting that, in these virtual communities, the killer took up his place as a resident rather than a visitor. Having established his online profile, he sought out contact with like-minded users, and engaged in social relationships in global online communities that were, quite literally, a world away from his home in Finland. In the virtual “hate communities” to which the Kauhajoki shooter belonged, dispersed people from around the world came together through a discourse of violence, hate, and destruction; I call these ephemeral encounters of stranger sociability networked communities of destruction. These are virtual global communities held together by a social imaginary constructed around the visualisation of texts of death and violence that emanate from a specific nation (in this case, Finland) but almost instantly transcend it. These communities cancel the distance between centre and periphery and cohere around the discourses of hate and destruction (Coman and Rothenbuhler 6). By remaking and circulating the Kauhajoki shooter’s photos and videos, these communities render a figure like the Kauhajoki killer immortal in an unprecedented way. The promise of post-mortem fame for a potential school shooter is thus kept vividly alive in today’s networked communities through the endless circulation of imaginaries of violence and destruction, raising issues of ethics and digital/media responsibility that have only just begun to be addressed. References Appadurai, Arjun. Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization. Minnesota: University of Minnesota Press, 1996. Appadurai, Arjun. Fear of Small Numbers: An Essay on the Geography of Anger. London: Duke University Press, 2006. Bolter, Jay David, and Richard Grusin. Remediation. Understanding New Media. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1998. Castells, Manuel. Communication Power. New York: Oxford University Press, 2009. Coman, Mihai, and Eric Rothenbuhler. “The Promise of Media Anthropology.” Media Anthropology. Thousand Oaks: Sage, 2005. 1-11. Dayan, Daniel. “The Pope at Reunion: Hagiography, Casting, and Imagination.” Media Anthropology. Ed. Eric Rothenbuhler and Mihai Coman. Thousand Oaks and London: Sage, 2005. 165-75. Delanty, Gerard. Community. 2nd ed. London: Routledge, 2010. Duffy, Margaret. “Web of Hate: A Fantasy Theme Analysis of the Rhetorical Vision of Hate Groups Online.” Journal of Communication Inquiry 27 (2003): 291-312. Gaonkar, Dilip Parameshwar. “Toward New Imaginaries: An Introduction.” Public Culture 14 (2002): 1-19. Hakala, Salli. Koulusurmat verkostoyhteiskunnassa. Analyysi Jokelan ja Kauhajoen kriisien viestinnästä. Helsingin yliopisto: CRC/Viestinnän laitos, 2009. ‹http://www.valt.helsinki.fi/blogs/crc/koulusurmat.htm›. Kellner, Douglas. Guys and Guns Amok: Domestic Terrorism and School Shootings from the Oklahoma City Bombing to the Virginia Tech Massacre. Boulder: Paradigm Publishers, 2008. Latour, Bruno. Reassembling the Social: An Introduction to Actor-Network-Theory. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005. Lee, Benjamin, and Edward LiPuma. “Cultures of Circulation: The Imaginations of Modernity.” Public Culture 14 (2002): 191-214. Liebes, Tamar. “Television’s Disaster Marathons: A Danger for Democratic Processes?” Media, Ritual and Identity. Eds. Tamar Liebes and James Curran. London : Routledge, 1998. 71-84. Sumiala, Johanna. “Circulation.” Keywords in Religion, Media, and Culture. Ed. David Morgan. London: Routledge, 2008. 44-55. Sumiala, Johanna, and Minttu Tikka. “‘Web First’ to Death: The Media Logic of the School Shootings in the Era of Uncertainty. Nordicom Review 31 (2010): 17-29. ‹http://www.nordicom.gu.se/eng.php?portal=publ&amp;main=info_publ2.php&amp;ex=325&amp;me=2%22%20%5Ct%20%22_blank›. Taylor, Charles. “Modern Social Imaginaries.” Public Culture 14 (2002): 91-124. Urry, John. Mobilities. Cambridge: Polity, 2008.

Did you see the videos where the cat jumps in the box, attacks the printer or tries to leap from the snowy car? As the availability and popularity of watching videos on the Internet has risen rapidly in the last decade, so has the prevalence of cat videos. Although the cuteness of YouTube videos of cats might make them appear frivolous, in fact there is a significant irony at their heart: online cat videos enable corporate surveillance of viewers, yet viewers seem just as oblivious to this as the cats featured in the videos. Towards this end, I consider the distinguishing features of contemporary cat videos, focusing particularly on their narrative structure and mode of observation. I compare cat videos with the “Aesthetic of Astonishment” of early cinema and with dog videos, to explore the nexus of a spectatorship of thrills and feline performance. In particular, I highlight a unique characteristic of these videos: the cats’ unselfconsciousness. This, I argue, is rare in a consumer culture dominated by surveillance, where we are constantly aware of the potential for being watched. The unselfconsciousness of cats in online videos offers viewers two key pleasures: to imagine the possibility of freedom from surveillance, and to experience the power of administering surveillance as unproblematic. Ultimately, however, cat videos enable viewers to facilitate our own surveillance, and we do so with the gleeful abandon of a kitten jumping in a tissue box What Distinguishes Cat Videos? Cat videos have become so popular, that they generate millions of views on YouTube, and the Walker Art Center in Minneapolis now holds an annual Internet Cat Video Festival. If you are not already a fan of the genre, the Walker’s promotional videos for the festival (2013 and 2012) provide an entertaining introduction to the celebrities (Lil Bub, Grumpy Cat, and Henri), canon (dancing cats, surprised cat, and cat falling off counter), culture and commodities of online cat videos, despite repositioning them into a public exhibition context. Cats are often said to dominate the internet (Hepola), despite the surprise of Internet inventor Tim Berners-Lee. Domestic cats are currently the most popular pet in the world (Driscoll), however they are already outnumbered by smartphones. Cats have played various roles in our societies, cultures and imaginations since their domestication some 8-10,000 years ago (Driscoll). A potent social and cultural symbol in mythology, art and popular culture, the historical and cultural significance of cats is complex, shifting and often contradictory. They have made their way across geographic, cultural and class boundaries, and been associated with the sacred and the occult, femininity and fertility, monstrosity and domesticity (Driscoll, Rogers). Cats are figured as both inscrutable and bounteously polysemic. Current representations of cats, including these videos, seem to emphasise their sociability with humans, association with domestic space, independence and aloofness, and intelligence and secretiveness. I am interested in what distinguishes the pleasures of cat videos from other manifestations of cats in folklore and popular culture such as maneki-neko and fictional cats. Even within Internet culture, I’m focusing on live action cat videos, rather than lolcats, animated cats, or dog videos, though these are useful points of contrast. The Walker’s cat video primer also introduces us to the popular discourses accounting for the widespread appeal of these videos: cats have global reach beyond language, audiences can project their own thoughts and feelings onto cats, cats are cute, and they make people feel good. These discourses circulate in popular conversation, and are promoted by YouTube itself. These suggestions do not seem to account for the specific pleasures of cat videos, beyond the predominance of cats in culture more broadly. The cat videos popular on the Internet tend to feature several key characteristics. They are generated by users, shot on a mobile device such as a phone, and set in a domestic environment. They employ an observational mode, which Bill Nichols has described as a noninterventionist type of documentary film associated with traditions of direct cinema and cinema verite, where form and style yields to the profilmic event. In the spirit of their observational mode, cat videos feature minimal sound and language, negligible editing and short duration. As Leah Shafer notes, cat videos record, “’live’ events, they are mostly shot by ‘amateurs’ with access to emerging technologies, and they dramatize the familiar.” For example, the one-minute video Cat vs Printer comprises a single, hand-held shot observing the cat, and the action is underlined by the printer’s beep and the sounds created by the cat’s movements. The patterned wallpaper suggests a domestic location, and the presence of the cat itself symbolises domesticity. These features typically combine to produce impressions of universality, intimacy and spontaneity – impressions commonly labelled ‘cute’. The cat’s cuteness is also embodied in its confusion and surprise at the printer’s movements: it is a simpleton, and we can laugh at its lack of understanding of the basic appurtenances of the modern world. Cat videos present minimalist narratives, focused on an instant of spectacle. A typical cat video establishes a state of calm, then suddenly disrupts it. The cat is usually the active agent of change, though chance also frequently plays a significant role. The pervasiveness of this structure means that viewers familiar with the form may even anticipate a serendipitous event. The disruption prompts a surprising or comic effect for the viewer, and this is a key part of the video’s pleasure. For example, in Cat vs Printer, the establishing scenario is the cat intently watching the printer, a presumably quotidian scene, which escalates when the cat begins to smack the moving paper. The narrative climaxes in the final two seconds of the video, when the cat strikes the paper so hard that the printer tray bounces, and the surprised cat falls off its stool. The video ends abruptly. This disruption also takes the viewer by surprise (at least it does the first time you watch it). The terse ending, and lack of resolution or denouement, encourages the viewer to replay the video. The minimal narrative effectively builds expectation for a moment of surprise. These characteristics of style and form typify a popular body of work, though there is variation, and the millions of cat videos on YouTube might be best accounted for by various subgenres. The most popular cat videos seem to have the most sudden and striking disruptions as well as the most abrupt endings. They seem the most dramatic and spontaneous. There are also thousands of cat videos with minor disruptions, and some with brazenly staged events. Increasingly, there is obvious use of postproduction techniques, including editing and music. A growing preponderance of compilations attests to the videos’ “spreadability” (Jenkins, Ford, and Green). The conventional formal structure of these videos effectively homogenises the cat, as if there is a single cat performing in millions of videos. Indeed, YouTube comments often suggest a likeness between the cat represented in the video and the commenter’s own cat. In this sense, the cuteness so readily identified has an homogenising effect. It also has the effect of distinguishing cats as a species from other animals, as it confounds common conceptions of all (other) animals as fundamentally alike in their essential difference from the human (animal). Cat videos are often appreciated for what they reveal about cats in general, rather than for each cat’s individuality. In this way, cat videos symbolise a generic feline cuteness, rather than identify a particular cat as cute. The cats of YouTube act “as an allegory for all the cats of the earth, the felines that traverse myths and religions, literature and fables” (Derrida 374). Each cat swiping objects off shelves, stealing the bed of a dog, leaping onto a kitchen bench is the paradigmatic cat, the species exemplar. Mode of Spectatorship, Mode of Performance: Cat Videos, Film History and Dog Videos Cat videos share some common features with early cinema. In his analysis of the “Aesthetic of Astonishment,” which dominated films until about 1904, film historian Tom Gunning argues that the short, single shot films of this era are characterised by exciting audience curiosity and fulfilling it with visual shocks and thrills. It is easy to see how this might describe the experience of watching Cat vs Printer or Thomas Edison’s Electrocution of an Elephant from 1903. The thrill of revelation at the end of Cat vs Printer is more significant than the minimal narrative it completes, and the most popular videos seem to heighten this shock. Further, like a rainy afternoon spent clicking the play button on a sequence of YouTube’s suggested videos, these early short films were also viewed in variety format as a series of attractions. Indeed, as Leah Shafer notes, some of these early films even featured cats, such as Professor Welton’s Boxing Cats from 1894. Each film offered a moment of spectacle, which thrilled the modern viewer. Gunning argues that these early films are distinguished by a particular relationship between spectator and film. They display blatant exhibitionism, and address their viewer directly. This highlights the thrill of disruption: “The directness of this act of display allows an emphasis on the thrill itself – the immediate reaction of the viewer” (Gunning “Astonishment” 122). This is produced both within the staging of the film itself as players look directly at the camera, and by the mode of exhibition, where a showman primes the audience verbally for a moment of revelation. Importantly, Gunning argues that this mode of spectatorship differs from how viewers watch narrative films, which later came to dominate our film and television screens: “These early films explicitly acknowledge their spectator, seeming to reach outwards and confront. Contemplative absorption is impossible here” (“Astonishment” 123). Gunning’s emphasis on a particular mode of spectatorship is significant for our understanding of pet videos. His description of early cinema has numerous similarities with cat videos, to be sure, but seems to describe more precisely the mode of spectatorship engendered by typical dog videos. Dog videos are also popular online, and are marked by a mode of performance, where the dogs seem to present self-consciously for the camera. Dogs often appear to look at the camera directly, although they are probably actually reading the eyes of the camera operator. One of the most popular dog videos, Ultimate dog tease, features a dog who appears to look into the camera and engage in conversation with the camera operator. It has the same domestic setting, mobile camera and short duration as the typical cat video, but, unlike the cat attacking the printer, this dog is clearly aware of being watched. Like the exhibitionistic “Cinema of Attractions,” it is marked by “the recurring look at the camera by [canine] actors. This action which is later perceived as spoiling the realistic illusion of the cinema, is here undertaken with brio, establishing contact with the audience” (Gunning “Attractions” 64). Dog videos frequently feature dogs performing on command, such as the countless iterations of dogs fetching beverages from refrigerators, or at least behaving predictably, such as dogs jumping in the bath. Indeed, the scenario often seems to be set up, whereas cat videos more often seem to be captured fortuitously. The humour of dog videos often comes from the very predictability of their behaviour, such as repeatedly fetching or rolling in mud. In an ultimate performance of self-consciousness, dogs even seem to act out guilt and shame for their observers. Similarly, baby videos are also popular online and were popular in early cinema, and babies also tend to look at the camera directly, showing that they are aware of bring watched. This emphasis on exhibitionism and modes of spectatorship helps us hone in on the uniqueness of cat videos. Unlike the dogs of YouTube, cats typically seem unaware of their observers; they refuse to look at the camera and “display their visibility” (Gunning “Attractions,” 64). This fits with popular discourses of cats as independent and aloof, untrainable and untameable. Cat videos employ a unique mode of observation: we observe the cat, who is unencumbered by our scrutiny. Feline Performance in a World of Pervasive Surveillance This is an aesthetic of surveillance without inhibition, which heightens the impressions of immediacy and authenticity. The very existence of so many cat videos online is a consequence of camera ubiquity, where video cameras have become integrated with common communications devices. Thousands of cameras are constantly ready to capture these quotidian scenes, and feed the massive economy of user-generated content. Cat videos are obviously created and distributed by humans, a purposeful labour to produce entertainment for viewers. Cat videos are never simply a feline performance, but a performance of human interaction with the cat. The human act of observation is an active engagement with the other. Further, the act of recording is a performance of wielding the camera, and often also through image or voice. The cat video is a companion performance, which is part of an ongoing relationship between that human and that other animal. It carries strong associations with regimes of epistemological power and physical domination through histories of visual study, mastery and colonisation. The activity of the human creator seems to contrast with the behaviour of the cat in these videos, who appears unaware of being watched. The cats’ apparent uninhibited behaviour gives the viewer the illusion of voyeuristically catching a glimpse of a self-sufficient world. It carries connotations of authenticity, as the appearance of interaction and intervention is minimised, like the ideal of ‘fly on the wall’ documentary (Nichols). This lack of self-consciousness and sense of authenticity are key to their reception as ‘cute’ videos. Interestingly, one of the reasons that audiences may find this mode of observation so accessible and engaging, is because it heeds the conventions of the fourth wall in the dominant style of fiction film and television, which presents an hermetically sealed diegesis. This unselfconscious performance of cats in online videos is key, because it embodies a complex relationship with the surveillance that dominates contemporary culture. David Lyon describes surveillance as “any focused attention to personal details for the purposes of influence, management, or control” (“Everyday” 1) and Mark Andrejevic defines monitoring as “the collection of information, with or without the knowledge of users, that has actual or speculative economic value” (“Enclosure” 297). We live in an environment where social control is based on information, collected and crunched by governments, corporations, our peers, and ourselves. The rampancy of surveillance has increased in recent decades in a number of ways. Firstly, technological advances have made the recording, sorting and analysis of data more readily available. Although we might be particularly aware of the gaze of the camera when we stand in line at the supermarket checkout or have an iPhone pointed at our face, many surveillance technologies are hidden points of data collection, which track our grocery purchases, text messages to family and online viewing. Surveillance is increasingly mediated through digital technologies. Secondly, surveillance data is becoming increasingly privatised and monetised, so there is strengthening market demand for consumer information. Finally, surveillance was once associated chiefly with institutions of the state, or with corporations, but the process is increasingly “lateral,” involving peer-to-peer surveillance and self-surveillance in the realms of leisure and domestic life (Andrejevic “Enclosure,” 301). Cat videos occupy a fascinating position within this context of pervasive surveillance, and offer complex thrills for audiences. The Unselfconscious Pleasures of Cat Videos Unselfconsciousness of feline performance in cat videos invites contradictory pleasures. Firstly, cat videos offer viewers the fantasy of escaping surveillance. The disciplinary effect of surveillance means that we modify our behaviour based on a presumption of constant observation; we are managed and manipulated as much by ourselves as we are by others. This discipline is the defining condition of industrial society, as described by Foucault. In an age of traffic cameras, Big Brother, CCTV, the selfie pout, and Google Glass, modern subjects are oppressed by the weight of observation to constantly manage their personal performance. Unselfconsciousness is associated with privacy, intimacy, naivety and, increasingly, with impossibility. By allowing us to project onto the experience of their protagonists, cat videos invite us to imagine a world where we are not constantly aware of being watched, of being under surveillance by both human beings and technology. This projection is enabled by discourse, which constructs cats as independent and aloof, a libertarian ideal. It provides the potential for liberation from technologized social surveillance, and from the concomitant self-discipline of our docile bodies. The uninhibited performance of cats in online videos offers viewers the prospect that it is possible to live without the gaze of surveillance. Through cat videos, we celebrate the untameable. Cats model a liberated uninhibitedness viewers can only desire. The apparent unselfconsciousness of feline performance is analogous to Derrida’s conception of animal nakedness: the nudity of animals is significant, because it is a key feature which distinguishes them from humans, but at the same time there is no sense of the concept of nakedness outside of human culture. Similarly, a performance uninhibited by observation seems beyond humans in contemporary culture, and implies a freedom from social expectations, but there is also little suggestion that cats would act differently if they knew they were observed. We interpret cats’ independence as natural, and take pleasure in cats’ naturalness. This lack of inhibition is cute in the sense that it is attractive to the viewer, but also in the sense that it is naïve to imagine a world beyond surveillance, a freedom from being watched. Secondly, we take pleasure in the power of observing another. Surveillance is based on asymmetrical regimes of power, and the position of observer, recorder, collator is usually more powerful than the subject of their gaze. We enjoy the pleasure of wielding the unequal gaze, whether we hit the “record” button ourselves or just the “play” button. In this way, we celebrate our capacity to contain the cat, who has historically proven conceptually uncontainable. Yet, the cats’ unselfconsciousness means we can absolve ourselves of their exploitation. Looking back at the observer, or the camera, is often interpreted as a confrontational move. Cats in videos do not confront their viewer, do not resist the gaze thrown on them. They accept the role of subject without protest; they perform cuteness without resistance. We internalise the strategies of surveillance so deeply that we emulate its practices in our intimate relationships with domestic animals. Cats do not glare back at us, accusingly, as dogs do, to remind us we are exerting power over them. The lack of inhibition of cats in online videos means that we can exercise the power of surveillance without confronting the oppression this implies. Cat videos offer the illusion of watching the other without disturbing it, brandishing the weapon without acknowledging the violence of its impact. There is a logical tension between these dual pleasures of cat videos: we want to escape surveillance, while exerting it. The Work of Cat Videos in ‘Liquid Surveillance’ These contradictory pleasures in fact speak to the complicated nature of surveillance in the era of “produsage,” when the value chain of media has transformed along with traditional roles of production and consumption (Bruns). Christian Fuchs argues that the contemporary media environment has complicated the dynamics of surveillance, and blurred the lines between subject and object (304). We both create and consume cat videos; we are commodified as audience and sold on as data. YouTube is the most popular site for sharing cat videos, and a subsidiary of Google, the world’s most visited website and a company which makes billions of dollars from gathering, collating, storing, assessing, and trading our data. While we watch cat videos on YouTube, they are also harvesting information about our every click, collating it with our other online behaviour, targeting ads at us based on our specific profile, and also selling this data on to others. YouTube is, in fact, a key tool of what David Lyon calls “liquid surveillance” after the work of Zygmunt Bauman, because it participates in the reduction of millions of bodies into data circulating at the service of consumer society (Lyon “Liquid”). Your views of cats purring and pouncing are counted and monetised, you are profiled and targeted for further consumption. YouTube did not create the imbalance of power implied by these mechanisms of surveillance, but it is instrumental in automating, amplifying, and extending this power (Andrejevic “Lateral,” 396). Zygmunt Bauman argues that in consumer society we are increasingly seduced to willingly subject ourselves to surveillance (Lyon “Liquid”), and who better than the cute kitty to seduce us? Our increasingly active role in “produsage” media platforms such as YouTube enables us to perform what Andrejevic calls “the work of being watched” (“Work”). When we upload, play, view, like and comment on cat videos, we facilitate our own surveillance. We watch cat videos for the contradictory pleasures they offer us, as we navigate and negotiate the overwhelming surveillance of consumer society. Cat videos remind us of the perpetual possibility of observation, and suggest the prospect of escaping it. ReferencesAndrejevic, Mark. “The Work of Being Watched: Interactive Media and the Exploitation of Self-Disclosure.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 19.2 (2002): 230-248. Andrejevic, Mark. “The Discipline of Watching: Detection, Risk, and Lateral Surveillance.” Critical Studies in Media Communication 23.5 (2006): 391-407. Andrejevic, Mark. “Surveillance in the Digital Enclosure.” The Communication Review 10.4 (2007): 295-317. Berners-Lee, Tim. “Ask Me Anything.” Reddit, 12 March 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.reddit.com/r/IAmA/comments/2091d4/i_am_tim_bernerslee_i_invented_the_www_25_years/cg0wpma›. Bruns, Axel. Blogs, Wikipedia, Second Life and Beyond: From Production to Produsage. New York: Peter Lang, 2008. Derrida, Jacques. The Animal That Therefore I Am. New York: Fordham University Press, 2008. Project MUSE, 4 Mar. 2014. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://muse.jhu.edu/›. Driscoll, Carlos A., et al. "The Taming of the Cat." Scientific American 300.6 (2009): 68-75. Foucault, Michel. Discipline and Punish: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan Sheridan. New York: Random House, 1995. Fuchs, Christian. “Web 2.0, Prosumption, and Surveillance.” Surveillance &amp; Society 8.3 (2011): 288-309. Gunning, Tom. “An Aesthetic of Astonishment: Early Film and the Incredulous Spectator.” Viewing Positions: Ways of Seeing Film. Ed. Linda Williams. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers UP, 1995. 114-133. Gunning, Tom. "The Cinema of Attractions: Early Film, Its Spectator and the Avant-Garde." Wide Angle 8.3-4 (1986): 63-70. Hepola, Sarah. “The Internet Is Made of Kittens.” Salon, 11 Feb 2009. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.salon.com/2009/02/10/cat_internet/›. Jenkins, Henry, Sam Ford, and Joshua Green. Spreadable Media: Creating Value and Meaning in a Network Culture. New York: NYU Press, 2013. Lyon, David. “Liquid Surveillance: The Contribution of Zygmunt Bauman to Surveillance Studies.” International Political Sociology 4 (2010): 325–338 Lyon, David. “Surveillance, Power and Everyday Life.” In Robin Mansell et al., eds., Oxford Handbook of Information and Communication Technologies. Oxford: Oxford Handbooks, 2007. 449-472. 29 Apr. 2014 ‹http://www.sscqueens.org/sites/default/files/oxford_handbook.pdf›. Nichols, Bill. Introduction to Documentary. 2nd ed. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2010. Rogers, Katharine. The Cat and the Human Imagination: Feline Images from Bast to Garfield. Ann Arbor, MI: University of Michigan Press, 2001. Shafer, Leah. “I Can Haz an Internet Aesthetic?!? LOLCats and the Digital Marketplace.” Paper presented at the Northeast Popular/American Culture Association Conference, St. John Fisher College, Rochester, New York, 2012. 5 Mar. 2014 ‹http://fisherpub.sjfc.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1094&amp;context=nepca›.

<strong>Dolomatov S.I., Zukow W. </strong><strong>Эпигенетика почек</strong><strong> = Kidney</strong><strong>s</strong><strong> epigenetics</strong><strong>. </strong><strong>RSW. Radom,</strong><strong> 144 </strong><strong>p. ISBN </strong><strong>9780359774524</strong><strong>.</strong><strong> DOI </strong><strong>http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3270699</strong><strong> PBN Poland </strong><strong>https://pbn.nauka.gov.pl/sedno-webapp/works/917606</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Radomska Szkoła Wyższa w Radomiu, Radom, Poland</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>С.И. Доломатов, В.А. Жуков </strong> <strong>S.I. </strong><strong>Dolomatov, </strong><strong>W. </strong><strong>Zukow</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Эпигенетика почек</strong> <strong>Kidneys epigenetics</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Radom, 2019</strong> <strong>Dolomatov S.I., Zukow W. </strong><strong>Эпигенетика почек</strong><strong> = Kidneys epigenetics</strong><strong>. </strong><strong>RSW. Radom,</strong><strong> 144 </strong><strong>p. ISBN </strong><strong>9780359774524</strong><strong>.</strong><strong> DOI </strong><strong>http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3270699</strong><strong> PBN Poland </strong><strong>https://pbn.nauka.gov.pl/sedno-webapp/works/917606</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Radomska Szkoła Wyższa w Radomiu, Radom, Poland</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>С.И. Доломатов, В.А. Жуков </strong> <strong>S.I. </strong><strong>Dolomatov, </strong><strong>W. </strong><strong>Zukow</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Эпигенетика почек</strong> <strong>Kidneys epigenetics</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Radom, 2019</strong> <strong>Dolomatov S.I., Zukow W. </strong><strong>Эпигенетика почек</strong><strong> = Kidneys epigenetics</strong><strong>. </strong><strong>RSW. Radom,</strong><strong> 144 </strong><strong>p. ISBN </strong><strong>9780359774524</strong><strong>.</strong><strong> DOI </strong><strong>http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.3270699</strong><strong> PBN Poland </strong><strong>https://pbn.nauka.gov.pl/sedno-webapp/works/917606</strong> &nbsp; <strong>Reviewers:</strong> <strong>dr hab. </strong><strong>R</strong><strong>. </strong><strong>Muszkieta, prof. nadzw.</strong><strong> (</strong><strong>Poland</strong><strong>)</strong> <strong>dr hab. M</strong><strong>. </strong><strong>Napierała, prof. nadzw</strong><strong> (</strong><strong>Poland</strong><strong>)</strong> &nbsp; <strong>АННОТАЦИЯ</strong> В книге представлены сведения о роли эпигенетических механизмов в системе контроля функции почек в норме и при патологии. Результаты анализа роли эпигенетического контроля экспрессии генов транспортных и регуляторных белков почки в норме указывают, во-первых, на высокую пластичность процессов изменения экспрессии генов. Во-вторых, иллюстрируют их способность адекватно реагировать на изменения параметров гомеостатических функций почек, что, в свою очередь, позволяет рассматривать данные процессы в качестве еще одного звена управления деятельностью органа наряду с нейро-эндокринными и внутриорганными уровнями гуморального контроля водно-солевого баланса организма. Приведены факты, подчеркивающие вовлеченность гуморальных факторов системного действия и внутрипочечных систем гуморального контроля в процессы эпигенетической перестройки экспрессии генов ренальной паренхимы в норме и при патологии. Также анализируется роль факторов среды в регуляции экспрессии генов. &nbsp; <strong>ANNOTATION</strong> The book provides information about the role of epigenetic mechanisms in the system of monitoring renal function in normal and pathological conditions. The results of the analysis of the role of epigenetic control of gene expression of kidney transport and regulatory proteins normally indicate, firstly, the high plasticity of gene expression change processes. Secondly, they illustrate their ability to adequately respond to changes in the parameters of homeostatic functions of the kidneys, which, in turn, makes it possible to consider these processes as another element in the management of organ activity along with neuro-endocrine and intraorgan levels of the humoral control of the body&rsquo;s water-salt balance. The facts that emphasize the involvement of humoral factors of systemic action and intrarenal systems of humoral control in the processes of epigenetic rearrangement of the expression of renal parenchyma genes in normal and pathological conditions are presented. The role of environmental factors in the regulation of gene expression is also analyzed. &nbsp; <strong>Ключевые слова: почки, эпигенетика.</strong> <strong>Key words: kidneys, epigenetics.</strong> &nbsp; &copy; The Author(s) 2019. This monograph is published with Open Access. Open Access This monograph is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution Noncommercial License which permits any noncommercial use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author(s) and source are credited. &nbsp; &nbsp; Attribution &mdash; You must attribute the work in the manner specified by the author or licensor (but not in any way that suggests that they endorse you or your use of the work). Noncommercial &mdash; You may not use this work for commercial purposes. Share Alike &mdash; If you alter, transform, or build upon this work, you may distribute the resulting work only under the same or similar license to this one. &nbsp; Zawartość jest objęta licencją Creative Commons Uznanie autorstwa-Użycie niekomercyjne-Na tych samych warunkach 4.0 &nbsp; <strong>ISBN 9780359774524</strong> &nbsp; <strong>DOI </strong><strong>http://dx.doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.</strong><strong>3270699</strong> &nbsp; <strong>PBN Poland </strong><strong>https://pbn.nauka.gov.pl/sedno-webapp/works/917606</strong> &nbsp; Radomska Szkoła Wyższa w Radomiu, Polska ul. 1905 roku 26/28 26-600 Radom Tel: 048 383 66 05 mail: med@rsw.edu.pl &nbsp; <strong>144</strong><strong> p. Number of characters: 2</strong><strong>50</strong><strong> 000 (with abstracts). Number of images:</strong><strong> 4 </strong><strong>x 1000 characters (lump sum) =</strong><strong> 4 </strong><strong>000 characters.</strong> <strong>Total: Number of characters: 2</strong><strong>54</strong><strong> 000 (with abstracts, summaries and graphics) = 6,</strong><strong>35</strong><strong> sheet publications.</strong> <strong>СОДЕРЖАНИЕ</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>ВВЕДЕНИЕ</strong> <strong>7</strong> <strong>ОБЩИЕ СВЕДЕНИЯ ОБ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМАХ</strong> <strong>8</strong> <strong>INTRODUCTION</strong> <strong>11</strong> <strong>GENERAL INFORMATION ON EPIGENETIC MECHANISMS</strong> <strong>13</strong> <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ &laquo;ВВЕДЕНИЕ И ОБЩИЕ СВЕДЕНИЯ ОБ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМАХ&raquo;</strong> <strong>16</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>ГЛАВА 1. </strong><strong>ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>МЕХАНИЗМЫ В СИСТЕМЕ КОНТРОЛЯ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>ФУНКЦИИ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>ПОЧЕК</strong><strong> </strong><strong>В</strong><strong> </strong><strong>НОРМЕ</strong> <strong>2</strong><strong>1</strong> <strong>1.1. ПЛАСТИЧНОСТЬ СИСТЕМ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКОЙ МОДУЛЯЦИИ ЭКСПРЕССИИ ГЕНОВ РЕНАЛЬНОЙ ПАРЕНХИМЫ</strong> <strong>23</strong> <strong>1.2. ЭНДОКРИННЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ВОДНО-СОЛЕВОГО БАЛАНСА ОРГАНИЗМА В СИСТЕМЕ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ КОНТРОЛЯ ГОМЕОСТАЗА</strong> <strong>27</strong> <strong>1.2.1. АРГИНИН-ВАЗОПРЕССИН (АВП)</strong> <strong>27</strong> <strong>1.2.2. НАТРИЙУРЕТИЧЕСКИЕ ПЕПТИДЫ</strong> <strong>30</strong> <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ &laquo;ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>МЕХАНИЗМЫ </strong><strong>В СИСТЕМЕ КОНТРОЛЯ ФУНКЦИИ ПОЧЕК В НОРМЕ&raquo;</strong> <strong>33</strong> <strong>ГЛАВА 2. НЕКОТОРЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ АКТИВАЦИИ </strong><strong>ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ</strong> <strong>47</strong> <strong>2.1. ИЗМЕНЕНИЕ ТЕМПЕРАТУРНОГО РЕЖИМА, КАК ФАКТОР ИНДУКЦИИ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ</strong> <strong>49</strong> <strong>2.2. ГИПОКСИЯ</strong> <strong>50</strong> <strong>2.3. ГИПЕРГЛИКЕМИЯ</strong> <strong>52</strong> <strong>2.4. ТЯЖЕЛЫЕ МЕТАЛЛЫ</strong> <strong>54</strong> <strong>2.5. ЭНДОКРИНОПАТИИ</strong> <strong>57</strong> <strong>2.6. </strong><strong>ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ ПРОЦЕССЫ, ИНДУЦИРОВАННЫЕ ПАТОГЕННЫМИ МИКРООРГАНИЗМАМИ</strong> <strong>59</strong> <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ &laquo;НЕКОТОРЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ АКТИВАЦИИ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ&raquo;</strong> <strong>61</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>ГЛАВА 3. ФАКТОРЫ ВНУТРИОРГАННОЙ ГУМОРАЛЬНОЙ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПОЧЕК. ИХ МЕСТО И РОЛЬ В ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМАХ НАРУШЕНИЯ ФУНКЦИОНАЛЬНОГО СОСТОЯНИЯ РЕНАЛЬНОЙ ПАРЕНХИМЫ</strong> <strong>69</strong> <strong>3.1. РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВАЯ СИСТЕМА (РАС)</strong> <strong>70</strong> <strong>3.2. МИНЕРАЛОКОРТИКОИДЫ.</strong> <strong>76</strong> <strong>3.3. ТРАНСФОРМИРУЮЩИЙ ФАКТОР РОСТА-бета1 </strong> <strong>79</strong> <strong>3.4. МОЛЕКУЛА ОКСИДА АЗОТА (</strong><strong>NO</strong><strong>)</strong> <strong>83</strong> <strong>3.5. ПАТОФИЗИОЛОГИЧЕСКОЕ ЗНАЧЕНИЕ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКОЙ ТРАНСФОРМАЦИИ СИСТЕМЫ ВНУТРИОРГАННОЙ ГУМОРАЛЬНОЙ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПОЧЕК</strong> <strong>87</strong> <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ &laquo;ФАКТОРЫ ВНУТРИОРГАННОЙ ГУМОРАЛЬНОЙ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПОЧЕК. ИХ МЕСТО И РОЛЬ В ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМАХ НАРУШЕНИЯ ФУНКЦИОНАЛЬНОГО СОСТОЯНИЯ РЕНАЛЬНОЙ ПАРЕНХИМЫ&raquo;</strong> <strong>89</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>ГЛАВА 4. БЕЛКИ РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВОЙ СИСТЕМЫ ПРИ ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИХ ЗАБОЛЕВАНИЯХ </strong> <strong>105</strong> <strong>4.1. ДИАГНОСТИЧЕСКАЯ ЦЕННОСТЬ АНАЛИЗА ЭКСПРЕССИИ БЕЛКОВ-КОМПОНЕНТОВ РАС В ОНКОЛОГИИ</strong> <strong>107</strong> <strong>4.1.1. Рецепторы к А-</strong><strong>II</strong> <strong>107</strong> <strong>4.1.2. Ангиотензин-</strong><strong>I</strong><strong>-превращающий фермент (АСЕ-1)</strong> <strong>108</strong> <strong>4.1.3. Ангиотензин-</strong><strong>I</strong><strong>-превращающий фермент-2 (АСЕ-2) и ось ACE2/Ang-(1&ndash;7)/M</strong><strong>AS</strong><strong>1</strong> <strong>110</strong> <strong>4.1.4. Ангиотензиноген</strong> <strong>111</strong> <strong>4.1.5. (Про)Ренин</strong> <strong>112</strong> <strong>4.2. ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ МЕХАНИЗМЫ, КАК ВОЗМОЖНЫЕ РЕГУЛЯТОРЫ ЭКСПРЕССИИ ПРОТЕИНОВ-КОМПОНЕНТОВ РАС ПРИ ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИХ ЗАБОЛЕВАНИЯХ</strong> <strong>114</strong> <strong>4.3. ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ АСПЕКТЫ ЭКСПРЕССИИ КОМПОНЕНТОВ РАС И ЛОКАЛЬНАЯ РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВАЯ СИСТЕМА</strong> <strong>116</strong> <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ &laquo;БЕЛКИ РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВОЙ СИСТЕМЫ ПРИ ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИХ ЗАБОЛЕВАНИЯХ&raquo;</strong> <strong>120</strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>ВВЕДЕНИЕ</strong> &nbsp; Заболевание почек является одной из наиболее актуальных глобальных проблем современной медицины. Данные медицинской статистики показывают неуклонный рост числа нефрологических пациентов, нуждающихся в диализе и трансплантации органа (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015; Uwaezuoke S.N. et al., 2016; Zununi Vahed S. et al., 2016). Дополняет драматичность картины тот факт, что данная тенденция демонстрирует актуальность и в отношении детей, включая новорожденных (Woroniecki R. et al., 2011; Uwaezuoke S.N. et al., 2016; Lee-Son K., Jetton J.G., 2016). Проблема носит серьезный характер, но даже привлечение к ее преодолению подходов генетики, основанных на законах моногенного наследования Г. Менделя, не в полной мере решает поставленную задачу. Выводы специалистов по медицинской генетике, изучающих наследование патологических признаков, способствующих повышению рисков возникновения почечной недостаточности, сопровождаются констатацией практической значимости выяснения эпигенетических механизмов поражения ткани почек (K&ouml;ttgen A. et al., 2010; Lee-Son K., Jetton J.G., 2016; Ma R.C.W., 2016). Действительно, обзоры результатов экспериментальных и клинических исследований, указывают на необходимость более глубокого развития научного направления, связанного с эпигенетическими механизмами патогенеза почечной недостаточности (Thomas M.C., 2016; Witasp A. et al., 2017). Вместе с тем, особенность деятельности почки заключается в том, что различные сегменты ее структурно-функциональной единицы &ndash; нефрона, обладают существенными отличиями между собой, связанными с их транспортными возможностями, набором гуморальных факторов регуляции их активности и физико-химическими параметрами среды микроокружения. Действительно, гомеостатические функции разных отделов нефрона, координируются достаточно сложной системой гуморальных факторов, определяющих физиологические и патофизиологические механизмы реакции почек на изменения параметров водных бассейнов организма и внешних неблагоприятных воздействий. К числу таких гуморальных факторов следует отнести ренин-ангиотензин-альдостероновую систему (РААС) (Lee-Son K., Jetton J.G, 2016), оксид азота (Shirodkar A.V., Marsden P.A., 2011), трансформирующий фактор роста-бета (Shi M. et al., 2011) и т.д. Перечисленные гуморальные факторы контроля органогенеза и гомеостатических функций почек требуют более глубокого изучения, поскольку могут также являться медиаторами структурно-функциональных нарушений ренальной паренхимы, связанных, в том числе и с эпигенетическими преобразованиями процессов транскрипции и трансляции в условиях острой и хронической почечной недостаточности. С этих позиций, актуальность эпигенетического подхода обусловлена тем, что, во-первых, сведения об изменениях экспрессии генов, осуществляющих контроль над биосинтезом и экспрессией протеинов ренальной паренхимы, а также системных и внутрипочечных гуморальных факторов регуляции гомеостатической функции почек могут быть использованы в совершенствовании методов современной лабораторной диагностики заболеваний почек (Kobori H. et al., 2008). Во-вторых, выяснение эпигенетических механизмов патогенеза почечной недостаточности открывает перспективу в разработке принципиально новых фармакологических препаратов, в том числе, контролирующих синтез ренальной паренхимой различных физиологически активных молекул (Marumo T. et al., 2008; Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015). В-третьих, выяснение эпигенетических механизмов прогрессирования почечной недостаточности позволяет по-новому оценить спектр применения и нефропротекторных свойств уже известных и широко применяемых препаратов, действие которых основано на коррекции активности гуморальных систем контроля гомеостатических функций органа (Reddy M.A. et al., 2014; Hayashi K. et al., 2015). Таким образом, мы видим свою задачу в том, чтобы попытаться интегрировать современные достижения молекулярной биологии и биохимии в уже существующую систему научных представлений о физиологических механизмах регуляции деятельности почек и патофизиологических процессах патогенеза становления и прогрессирования почечной недостаточности. Следовательно, цель нашей работы сводится к выяснению нескольких вопросов. Во-первых, какова роль эпигенетической трансформации хроматина и микро РНК в физиологических механизмах регуляции деятельности почек? Во-вторых, какова роль эпигенетических процессов нарушения баланса системного и внутрипочечного метаболизма гуморальных факторов регуляции функции почек в становлении и прогрессировании почечной недостаточности? <strong>ОБЩИЕ СВЕДЕНИЯ ОБ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМАХ</strong> &nbsp; Эпигенетика &mdash; современное научное направление, изучающее механизмы регуляции экспрессии генов. Эпигенетические механизмы не оказывают влияния на первичную структуру нуклеиновых кислот (Beckerman P. et al., 2014) и реализуются процессами метилирования и деметилирования ДНК (van der Wijst M.G.P. et al., 2015), РНК (Saletore Y. et al., 2013) и посттрансляционным процессингом гистоновых белков (Voon H.P.J., Wong L.H., 2016; Jamal A. et al., 2012). По нашему мнению, важно отметить, что процессы синтеза и постранскрипционного процессинга микро РНК находятся под жестким контролем энзимов (Treiber T. et al., 2019; Michlewski G., C&aacute;ceres J.F., 201(). Помимо этого, микро РНК могут выполнять важную функцию в регуляции биосинтеза белка на уровне транскрипции или трансляции (Petrillo F. et al., 2017; Thomas M.J. et al., 2018). По данным авторов цитируемых обзоров, изучение метаболизма микро РНК в различных биологических средах организма способствует разработке принципиально новых методов диагностики и лечения заболеваний почек. Помимо этого, эпигенетические механизмы принимают участие в адаптивных реакциях организма и популяции в ответ на изменения факторов среды через модуляцию экспрессии генов (Zama A.M., Uzumcu M., 2010). Одним из наиболее изученных эпигенетических механизмов регуляции экспрессии генов является процесс метилирования ДНК. Данный процесс заключается в присоединении метиловых групп (CH₃) к одному из четырех видов нуклеотидов ДНК путем образования между ними ковалентной связи, однако, порядок последовательности нуклеотидов в цепи ДНК при этом не меняется (Lister R. et al., 2009;Woroniecki R. et al., 2011). За присоединение метиловых групп к нуклеотидам отвечает один из четырех изоферментов ядерных ДНК-метилтрансфераз (DNMT) &ndash; а именно DNMT1, DNMT2, DNMT3a или DNMT3b (Reddy M.A., Natarajan R., 2015; Efimova O.A. et al., 2012). DNMT1 распознает полуметилированную ДНК (каждую из её цепей) во время репликации (Bechtel W. et al., 2010). DNMT3a и DNMT3b обеспечивают метилирование ДНК de novo, т. е. повторно, в новых сайтах. Функция DNMT2 до сих пор является предметом дискуссии (Jamal A. et al., 2012). ДНК-метилтрансферазы обладают способностью встраивать особые &laquo;метки&raquo; в нуклеиновые кислоты, что приводит к изменению экспрессии данных генов (van der Wijst M.G.P. et al., 2015). Высказывается предположение о том, что эпигенетические &laquo;метки&raquo; в цепи ДНК блокируют процесс транскрипции более двух третей объема ДНК (Ponnaluri V.K.C. et al., 2016). Таким образом, клетки организма применяют ковалентную модификацию ДНК с целью регуляции экспрессии генов по так называемому принципу &ldquo;on/off&rdquo; (Quarta C. et al., 2016). Метилирование ДНК в большинстве случаев происходит на цитозиновом азотистом основании (С), располагающимся в паре с гуанином (G), на так называемых CpG-участках, или CpG-кластерах (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011). В человеческом организме около 70-80% CpG-динуклеотидов находятся в метилированном состоянии (Ziller M.J. et al., 2013). Участки цепи ДНК, где плотность CpG-кластеров особенно высока, называют CpG-островками (Zhang D. et al., 2009). Однако процесс метилирования ДНК осуществляется на участках с пониженной плотностью CpG-динуклеотидов (Ziller M.J. et al., 2013). Наряду с процессом метилирования ДНК большое значение в эпигенетической регуляции экспрессии генов имеет процесс деметилирования (van der Wijst M.G.P. et al., 2015; Yefimova O.A. et al., 2012). Деметилирование ДНК &ndash; процесс высвобождения ДНК от метильных групп, который осуществляется при помощи специальных ферментов демиталаз (Auclair G., Weber M., 2012). Кроме того, к эпигенетическим механизмам относят также модификации белков-гистонов в результате процессов ацетилирования, деацетилирования, фосфорилирования, убиквитинирования и др. (Ganai S.A. et al., 2016; Araki Y., Mimura T., 2017;). Процессы ацетилирования и деацетилирования возможны благодаря ряду специфических ферментов &mdash; гистонацетилазам (ацетилтрансферазам, HAT) и гистондеацетилазам (HDAC) (Gong F. et al., 2016). Фосфорилирование же происходит за счет ферментов киназ (фосфотрансфераз) (Araki Y., Mimura T., 2017; Nathan D. et al., 2012). Ковалентная модификация гистонов, как правило, ослабляет связь гистонового кора нуклеосомы и ДНК, что способствует доступности молекулы ДНК для процесса транскрипции (Rossetto D. et al., 2012). Однако, это правило не носит универсальный характер. Например, ацетилирование лизина в положении 27 гистона H3 (H3K27ac) ведёт к усилению экспрессии генов. Сочетание ацетилированного лизина 14 (H3K14ac) и фосфорилированного серина 10 гистона H3 (H3S10ph) так же говорит о повышенной экспрессии генов (Chen K.W., Chen L., 2017). Наряду с этим другие модификации, а именно ацетилирование лизина H2AK5, H2BK20, H3K14, H4K5 и др. и фосфорилирование треонина H3T3 и серина H3S28 и H4S1 аналогично приводят к активированию гена (Araki Y., Mimura T., 2017; Wang Z. et al., 2008; Rossetto D. et al., 2012). Деацетилирование гистонов, напротив, сопровождается инактивацией гена, поскольку влечет за собой конденсацию ДНК и невозможность протекания транскрипции (Ganai S.A. et al., 2016). Посттранскрипционная экспрессия генов регулируется таким эпигенетическим механизмом как интерференция РНК. Интерференция РНК &mdash; это процесс подавления процесса биосинтеза белка (транскрипция, трансляция) при помощи микро РНК (Nabzdyk C.S. et al., 2017). При этом микро РНК может оказывать непосредственное влияние на состояние трансляции (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011; Cui J. et al., 2017). Собственно процесс подавления экспрессии генов именуется сайленсингом (Cui J. et al., 2017). МикроРНК &mdash; это класс коротких одноцепочечных некодирующих РНК длиной в 21-24 нуклеотида (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011; Zhang D. et al., 2009). За производство микро РНК ответственны эндогенные некодирующие участки ДНК. Помимо трансляции микро РНК обладает способностью подавлять экспрессию генов на стадии транскрипции (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011). Все регуляторные эффекты микро РНК встроены в определенную систему эпигенетического контроля функций данной популяции клеток (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011). Анализируя современные данные литературы, можно предположить, что эпигенетические механизмы являются важным элементом адаптации на популяционном и организменном уровне, осуществляющим координацию экспрессии генов адекватно изменениям факторов внешней среды. В нашем сознании понятие &laquo;эпигенетические механизмы&raquo; чаще ассоциируются с феноменом фетального программирования. Между тем, их деятельность активно протекает и в постнатальный период онтогенеза. Сложно сказать в чем именно может иметь место несовершенство этой формы адаптивного ответа, однако, ее реализация зачастую сопряжена с активацией патогенетических механизмов различных систем органов. <strong>INTRODUCTION</strong> &nbsp; Kidney disease is one of the most pressing global problems of modern medicine. Medical statistics show a steady increase in the number of nephrological patients in need of dialysis and organ transplantation (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015; Uwaezuoke S.N. et al., 2016; Zununi Vahed S. et al., 2016). The drama of the picture complements the fact that this trend also shows relevance for children, including newborns (Woroniecki R. et al., 2011; Uwaezuoke S.N. et al., 2016; Lee-Son K., Jetton J.G., 2016). The problem is serious, but even the attraction of genetics approaches based on the monogenic inheritance laws of G. Mendel to its overcoming does not fully solve the problem posed. The findings of specialists in medical genetics who study the inheritance of pathological signs that increase the risk of renal failure are accompanied by a statement of the practical importance of finding out the epigenetic mechanisms of kidney tissue damage (K&ouml;ttgen A. et al., 2010; Lee-Son K., Jetton JG, 2016; Ma RCW, 2016). Indeed, reviews of the results of experimental and clinical studies indicate the need for a deeper development of the scientific direction related to the epigenetic mechanisms of the pathogenesis of renal failure (Thomas M.C., 2016; Witasp A. et al., 2017). At the same time, the peculiarity of the kidney activity is that the various segments of its structural and functional unit, the nephron, have significant differences among themselves related to their transport capabilities, a set of humoral factors regulating their activity and the physicochemical parameters of the microenvironment. Indeed, the homeostatic functions of different parts of the nephron are coordinated by a rather complex system of humoral factors that determine the physiological and pathophysiological mechanisms of the reaction of the kidneys to changes in the parameters of the body&rsquo;s water basins and external adverse effects. These humoral factors include the renin-angiotensin-aldosterone system (RAAS) (Lee-Son K., Jetton JG, 2016), nitric oxide (Shirodkar AV, Marsden PA, 2011), transforming growth factor-beta (Shi M. et al., 2011), etc. The listed humoral factors controlling organogenesis and homeostatic functions of the kidneys require further study, since they can also mediate structural and functional disorders of the renal parenchyma, including epigenetic transformations of transcription and translation in conditions of acute and chronic renal failure. From this point of view, the relevance of the epigenetic approach is due to the fact that, firstly, information on changes in the expression of genes that control biosynthesis and expression of renal parenchyma proteins, as well as systemic and intrarenal humoral factors regulating the homeostatic function of the kidneys can be used to improve modern methods. laboratory diagnosis of kidney disease (Kobori H. et al., 2008). Secondly, the clarification of the epigenetic mechanisms of renal failure pathogenesis opens up the prospect of developing fundamentally new pharmacological drugs, including those controlling the synthesis of renal parenchyma of various physiologically active molecules (Marumo T. et al., 2008; Reddy MA, Natarajan R., 2015) . Third, clarifying the epigenetic mechanisms of progression of renal failure allows us to re-evaluate the range of applications and the nephroprotective properties of already known and widely used drugs, which are based on correcting the activity of the humoral control systems of homeostatic organ functions (Reddy MA et al., 2014; Hayashi K . et al., 2015). Thus, we see our task in trying to integrate modern advances in molecular biology and biochemistry into the already existing system of scientific ideas about the physiological mechanisms of regulating kidney activity and the pathophysiological processes of the pathogenesis of renal failure and progression. Consequently, the goal of our work comes down to clarifying a few questions. First, what is the role of epigenetic transformation of chromatin and micro RNA in the physiological mechanisms of regulation of kidney activity? Secondly, what is the role of the epigenetic processes of imbalance of the systemic and intrarenal metabolism of humoral factors regulating the function of the kidneys in the formation and progression of renal failure? <strong>GENERAL INFORMATION ON EPIGENETIC MECHANISMS</strong> &nbsp; Epigenetics is a modern scientific direction that studies the mechanisms of regulation of gene expression. Epigenetic mechanisms do not affect the primary structure of nucleic acids (Beckerman P. et al., 2014) and are implemented by DNA methylation and demethylation processes (van der Wijst MGP et al., 2015), RNA (Saletore Y. et al., 2013) and post-translational processing of histone proteins (Voon HPJ, Wong LH, 2016; Jamal A. et al., 2012). In our opinion, it is important to note that the processes of synthesis and post-transcriptional processing of micro RNA are tightly controlled by enzymes (Treiber T. et al., 2019; Michlewski G., C&aacute;ceres JF, 201 (). In addition, micro RNA can perform an important function in the regulation of protein biosynthesis at the level of transcription or translation (Petrillo F. et al., 2017; Thomas MJ et al., 2018). According to the authors of the cited reviews, the study of the metabolism of micro RNA in various biological media of the body contributes to the development of fundamentally new diagnostic methods and kidney disease treatment. of this, epigenetic mechanisms are involved in adaptive responses of the organism and population in response to changes in environmental factors through modulation of gene expression (Zama A.M., Uzumcu M., 2010). One of the most studied epigenetic mechanisms of regulation of gene expression is the process of DNA methylation. This process involves the addition of methyl groups (CH3) to one of four types of DNA nucleotides by forming a covalent bond between them, however, the order of the sequence of nucleotides in the DNA chain does not change (Lister R. et al., 2009; Woroniecki R. et al., 2011). One of the four nuclear DNA methyltransferase isoenzymes (DNMT), namely DNMT1, DNMT2, DNMT3a or DNMT3b, is responsible for the addition of methyl groups to nucleotides (Reddy M.A., Natarajan R., 2015; Efimova O.A. et al., 2012). DNMT1 recognizes semi-methylated DNA (each of its chains) during replication (Bechtel W. et al., 2010). DNMT3a and DNMT3b provide de novo methylation of DNA, i.e., repeatedly, in new sites. The DNMT2 function is still under discussion (Jamal A. et al., 2012). DNA methyltransferases have the ability to embed specific &ldquo;tags&rdquo; in nucleic acids, which leads to changes in the expression of these genes (van der Wijst M.G.P. et al., 2015). It is suggested that epigenetic &ldquo;tags&rdquo; in the DNA chain block the transcription process for more than two thirds of the DNA volume (Ponnaluri V.K.C. et al., 2016). Thus, the cells of an organism use covalent modification of DNA in order to regulate gene expression according to the so-called &ldquo;on / off&rdquo; principle (Quarta C. et al., 2016). DNA methylation in most cases occurs on the cytosine nitrogen base (C), which is paired with guanine (G), on the so-called CpG sites, or CpG clusters (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011). In the human body, about 70-80% of CpG dinucleotides are in the methylated state (Ziller M.J. et al., 2013). The portions of the DNA chain where the density of CpG clusters is particularly high are called CpG islands (Zhang D. et al., 2009). However, the process of DNA methylation is carried out in areas with low density of CpG dinucleotides (Ziller M.J. et al., 2013). Along with the process of DNA methylation, the process of demethylation is of great importance in the epigenetic regulation of gene expression (van der Wijst M.G.P. et al., 2015; Yefimova O.A. et al., 2012). DNA demethylation is the process of DNA release from methyl groups, which is carried out with the help of special enzymes of demetallas (Auclair G., Weber M., 2012). In addition, modifications of histone proteins as a result of acetylation, deacetylation, phosphorylation, ubiquitination, etc. are also considered epigenetic mechanisms (Ganai S.A. et al., 2016; Araki Y., Mimura T., 2017;). Acetylation and deacetylation processes are possible due to a number of specific enzymes - histone acetylases (acetyltransferases, HAT) and histone deacetylases (HDAC) (Gong F. et al., 2016). Phosphorylation occurs at the expense of enzymes of kinases (phosphotransferases) (Araki Y., Mimura T., 2017; Nathan D. et al., 2012). Covalent modification of histones, as a rule, weakens the connection between the histone core of the nucleosome and DNA, which contributes to the availability of the DNA molecule for the transcription process (Rossetto D. et al., 2012). However, this rule is not universal. For example, acetylation of lysine at position 27 of histone H3 (H3K27ac) leads to increased gene expression. The combination of acetylated lysine 14 (H3K14ac) and phosphorylated serine 10 histone H3 (H3S10ph) also indicates increased gene expression (Chen K.W., Chen L., 2017). Along with this, other modifications, namely acetylation of lysine H2AK5, H2BK20, H3K14, H4K5, etc., and threonine H3T3 and serine H3S28 and H4S1 phosphorylation similarly lead to gene activation (Araki Y., Mimura T., 2017; Wang Z. et al ., 2008; Rossetto D. et al., 2012). On the contrary, histone deacetylation is accompanied by gene inactivation, as it entails DNA condensation and the impossibility of transcription (Ganai S.A. et al., 2016). Post-transcriptional gene expression is regulated by such an epigenetic mechanism as RNA interference. RNA interference is the process of suppressing the process of protein biosynthesis (transcription, translation) using micro RNA (Nabzdyk C.S. et al., 2017). At the same time, micro RNA can have a direct impact on the state of translation (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011; Cui J. et al., 2017). The actual process of suppressing gene expression is called silencing (Cui J. et al., 2017). MicroRNA is a class of short single-stranded non-coding RNAs of 21-24 nucleotides in length (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011; Zhang D. et al., 2009). Endogenous noncoding regions of DNA are responsible for the production of micro RNA. In addition to translation, micro RNA has the ability to suppress gene expression at the transcription stage (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011). All regulatory effects of micro RNA are embedded in a specific system of epigenetic control of the functions of a given cell population (Dwivedi R.S. et al., 2011). Analyzing modern literature data, it can be assumed that epigenetic mechanisms are an important element of adaptation at the population and organism level, coordinating the expression of genes adequately to changes in environmental factors. In our consciousness, the concept of &ldquo;epigenetic mechanisms&rdquo; is more often associated with the phenomenon of fetal programming. Meanwhile, their activity is actively proceeding in the postnatal period of ontogenesis. It is difficult to say exactly what the imperfection of this form of adaptive response can take place, however, its implementation often involves activation of the pathogenetic mechanisms of various organ systems. <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ &laquo;ВВЕДЕНИЕ&raquo;</strong> &nbsp; 1.Reddy M.A, Natarajan R. 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Kidney Int. 2014; 85(2): 362&ndash;373 doi: 10.1038/ki.2013.387 &nbsp; 16.Kobori H., Kamiyama M., Harrison-Bernard L.M., Navar L.G. Cardinal Role of the Intrarenal Renin-Angiotensin System in the Pathogenesis of Diabetic Nephropathy. J Investig Med. 2013; 61(2): 256&ndash;264 doi:10.231/JIM.0b013e31827c28bb &nbsp; 17.Beckerman P., Ko Y.-A., Susztak K. Epigenetics: a new way to look at kidney diseases. Nephrol Dial Transplant. 2014; 29(10): 1821&ndash;1827 doi: 10.1093/ndt/gfu026 &nbsp; 18.van der Wijst M.G.P., Venkiteswaran M., Chen H. et al. Local chromatin microenvironment determines DNMT activity: from DNA DNMT activity: from DNA methyltransferase to DNA demethylase or DNA dehydroxymethylase. Epigenetics. 2015; 10(8): 671&ndash;676 doi:10.1080/15592294.2015.1062204 &nbsp; 19.Saletore Y.,Chen-Kiang S., Mason C.E. Novel RNA regulatory mechanisms revealed in the epitranscriptome. RNA Biol. 2013; 10(3): 342&ndash;346 doi: 10.4161/rna.23812 &nbsp; 20.Voon H.P.J., Wong L.H. 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Kidney Dis (Basel). 2017;3(3):111-119 doi: 10.1159/000481730 25.Thomas M.J., Fraser D.J., Bowen T. Biogenesis, Stabilization, and Transport of microRNAs in Kidney Health and Disease. Noncoding RNA. 2018;4(4). pii: E30 doi: 10.3390/ncrna4040030 &nbsp; 26.Zama A.M., Uzumcu M. Epigenetic effects of endocrine-disrupting chemicals on female reproduction: An ovarian perspective. Front Neuroendocrinol. 2010; 31(4): 420&ndash;439 doi:10.1016/j.yfrne.2010.06.003 &nbsp; 27.Lister R., Pelizzola M., Dowen R.H. et al. Human DNA methylomes at base resolution show widespread epigenomic differences. Nature. 2009; 462: 315-322 doi: 10.1038/nature08514 &nbsp; 28.Efimova O.A., Pendina A.A., Tikhonov A.V. et al. DNA methylation - a major mechanism of human genome reprogramming and regulation. Medical Genetics. 2012; 4(118): 10-18 &nbsp; 29.Bechtel W., McGoohan S., Zeisberg E.M. et al. Methylation determines fibroblast activation and fibrogenesis in the kidney. Nat Med. 2010; 16(5): 544&ndash;550 doi: 10.1038/nm.2135 &nbsp; 30.Ponnaluri V.K.C., Ehrlich K.C., Zhang G., Lacey M., Johnston D., Pradhan S., Ehrlich M. Association of 5-hydroxymethylation and 5-methylation of DNA cytosine with tissue-specific gene expression. Epigenetics. 2016; 12(2): 123-138 doi: 10.1080/15592294.2016.1265713 &nbsp; 31.Quarta C., Shneider R., Tschӧp M.H. Epigenetic ON/OFF Switches for Obesity. Cell. 2016; 164(3): 341-342 doi: 10.1016/j.cell.2016.01.006 &nbsp; 32.Dwivedi R.S., Herman J.G., McCaffrey T. et al. Beyond genetics: epigenetic code in chronic kidney disease. Kidney Int. 2011; 79(1): 23-32 doi: 10.1038/ki.2010.335 &nbsp; 33.Ziller M.J., Gu H., M&uuml;ller F., Donaghey J. et al. Charting a dynamic DNA methylation landscape of the human genome. Nature. 2013; 500(7463): 477-481. doi: 10.1038/nature12433 <strong>ГЛАВА 1. </strong><strong>ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>МЕХАНИЗМЫ </strong> <strong>В СИСТЕМЕ КОНТРОЛЯ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>ФУНКЦИИ</strong><strong> </strong><strong>ПОЧЕК</strong><strong> </strong><strong>В</strong><strong> </strong><strong>НОРМЕ</strong><strong> </strong> &nbsp; &nbsp; Эпигенетические системы управления экспрессии генов выполняют принципиально важную функцию на разных этапах онтогенеза. Например, у плода они координируют нормальное течение нефрогенеза. В зрелом возрасте эпигенетические механизмы тесно вовлечены в систему контроля гомеомтатических функций органа. Процессы снижения функции почек у пожилых людей также тесно связаны с эпигенетическими механизмами. Оценивая роль эпигенетических механизмов в процессах органогенеза почки, необходимо отметить роль метилирования гистонов в цитодифференцировке эмбриональных клеток (Adli M. et al., 2015). Наряду с этим, подчеркивается роль баланса активности гистоновых ацетилтрансфераз и деацетилаз в регуляции экспрессии генов на ранних стадиях органогенеза почки (Hilliard S.A, El-Dahr S.S., 2016). Высказывается мнение о том, что некоторые деацетилазы гистоновых белков (HDAC1 and HDAC2) могут быть критически важны для процессов развития канальцевого и сосудистого компонентов нефрона на ранних стадиях онтогенеза почки (Liu H. et al., 2018). Наряду с этим, в литературе имеются даные о том, что синтез некодидурющих РНК и реакции ацетилирования гистонов выполняют важную роль в формировании юкста-гломерулярного аппарата (ЮГА) в процессе нефрогенеза (Martini A.G., Danser A.H.J., 2017). С другой стороны, внутриорганная продукция компонентов ренин-ангиотензиновой системы (РАС) на ранних этапах онтогенеза также критически важна для координации гисто- и органогенеза. Установлено, что избыточное потребление хлорида натрия во время беременности может нарушать эти процессы через изменения активности внутриорганной экспрессии компонентов РАС и продукции оксида азота в тканях плода (Stocher D.P. et al., 2018). Анализ роли метилтрансфераз и деметилаз, а также гистон-ацетилтрансфераз и гистон-деацетилаз в процессах нефрогенеза позволил выявить определенные закономерности динамики активности данных групп ферментов по мере формирования нефрона (Hilliard S.A., El-Dah S.S., 2016). Авторы цитируемого обзора сопоставляют процессы нефрогенеза с топологией и динамикой во времени активности систем ковалентной модификации хроматина: остатков лизина в составе гистонов (H3K), остатков аргинина в составе гистонов (H3R) и молекулы ДНК. Наряду с процессами ковалентной модификации хроматина, механизмы транскрипции и метаболизма некодирующих РНК также могут иметь принципиально важное значение для нормального течения морфогенеза почки млекопитающих (Ho J., Kreidberg J.A., 2012). В настоящее время роль микро РНК в процессах органогенеза почки изучено достаточно подробно. В литературе имеются сведения о том, что некоторые семейства микро РНК критически важны для морфогенеза сосудисто-клубочкового и канальцевого отделов почки (Trionfini P., Benigni A., 2017). Возможно, эпигенетические механизмы органогенеза почки находятся под контролем гормонов системного действия материнского организма. В частности, показано, что такой способностью может обладать мелатонин (Tain Y.-L. et al., 2017). По мнению авторов, мелатонин обладает способностью контролировать не только формирование архитектуры нефрона, но и регулировать уровень активности внутрипочечной системы NO-синтаз и ренин-ангиотензиновой системы плода через интенсивность метилирования ДНК и ацетилирования белков гистонов. Кроме того, показано, что инсулин также обладает выраженным влиянием на состояние эпигенетических механизмов в тканях почки человека (Lay A.C., Coward R.J.M., 2018). В литературе приводятся данные о том, что гипометилирование хроматина на уровне нейро-эндокринного звена контроля деятельности почки &mdash; одна из причин увядания гомеостатической функции органа в преклонном возрасте (Murgatroyd C. et al., 2010). Дальнейшие исследования позволили установить важное значение роли метилирования хроматина в возрастных изменениях системы контроля водно-солевого баланса у млекопитающих (Greenwood M.P. et al., 2018). В литературе уделяется внимание роли микро РНК и ковалентной модификации хроматина в процессах возрастных нарушений функции почек человека (Shiels P.G. et al., 2017). На основе анализа роли деацетилаз гистонов SIRT1 и SIRT3 в регуляции обменных процессов почки, делается вывод о том, что данная группа ферментов обладает выраженным нефропротекторным свойством, обеспечивая сдерживание процессов старения тканей органа (Morigi M. et al., 2018). <strong>1.1. ПЛАСТИЧНОСТЬ СИСТЕМ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКОЙ МОДУЛЯЦИИ ЭКСПРЕССИИ ГЕНОВ РЕНАЛЬНОЙ ПАРЕНХИМЫ </strong> &nbsp; Как уже отмечалось выше, в зрелом возрасте эпигенетические механизмы сохраняют за собой важное место в регуляции функции почек, в частности, адаптивных реакций ренальной паренхимы. Необходимо подчеркнуть, что эпигенетические механизмы контроля биосинтеза белка сохраняют высокий уровень пластичности в зрелом возрасте. Иллюстрируя высокие показатели пластичности обсуждаемых процессов, можно упомянуть роль метилирования ДНК в формировании суточного ритма поведенческой активности млекопитающих (Azzi A. et al., 2014). Следовательно, есть основания полагать, что молекулярные механизмы регуляции экспрессии генов могут непосредственно координировать адаптивные реакции ренальной паренхимы. Возможно, эпигенетические механизмы, наряду с нейро-гуморальными системами контроля водно-солевого обмена, принимают участие в регуляции гомеостатических функций почек. В ряде публикаций указывается, что стимулом для молекулярных механизмов управления экспрессии генов, как правило, является динамика параметров констант водно-солевого баланса организма. Результаты более ранних исследований показали, что метилтрансфераза гистонов Dot1a непосредственно определяет альдостерон-зависимую транскрипцию гена EnaC-альфа в дистальных отделах нефрона (Zhang D. et al., 2009). Согласно данным литературы, состояние посттранскрипционного процессинга предшественника микроРНК в проксимальных нефроцитах может выполнять ключевую роль в адаптации канальцевого эпителия к ишемии, возможно, участвуя в патогенезе реперфузионного поражения S3-сегмента (Wei Q. et al., 2010). Подчеркивается, что интенсивность репаративных реакций ренальной паренхимы может контролироваться некодирующими РНК и состоянием метилирования Н2А и Н3 гистонов (Chou Y.-H. et al., 2017). В литературе имеются сведения о том, что у некоторых видов млекопитающих в адаптивных реакциях почки на острые изменения системных параметров водно-солевого обмена могут принимать участие механизмы регуляции экспрессии генов (MacManes M.D., 2017). Наряду с этим, в проксимальном сегменте нефрона объектом регуляторного влияния эпигенетических механизмов являются гены субъединиц натрий\калиевой АТФазы базолатеральной мембраны эпителия (Taub M., 2018). По мнению автора цитируемого обзора, сигналом для активации/инктивации транскрипции указанных генов может служить концентрация натрия в люминальной жидкости, а непосредственная реализация поступающих сигналов определяется интенсивностью ацетилирования гистонов. Наряду с этим, изменения внутриклеточной концентрации натрия в эпителии проксимального сегмента нефрона и тонкой восходящей петли Генле также может оказывать прямое влияние на состояние транскрипции генов транспортных белков, экспрессируемых данной популяцией нефроцитов (Gildea J.J. et al., 2018). Приводятся данные о том, что содержание натрия в рационе питания оказывает влияние на экспрессию генов белков-транспортеров натрия (ENaC и Na-Cl-котранспортер) в дистальном отделе нефрона (Ivy J.R. et al., 2018). С другой стороны, показано, что гипонатриевая диета стимулирует гипометилирование гена альдостерон-синтазы через активацию РАС (Takeda Y. et al., 2018). Привлекает внимание тот факт, что ядерные деацетилазы ренальной паренхимы (SIRT1,3,6,7) обладают способностью регулировать экспрессию ряда белков в тканях почки, имеющих фундаментальное значение для гомеостатических функций органа (Morigi M. et al., 2018). В частности, авторы обзора сообщают, что SIRT1 непосредственно регулирует экспрессию альфа-субъединицы эпителиального натриевого канала, эндотелиальной NO-синтазы и рецептора к ангиотензину-2 (AT1R) в подоцитах и гладкомышечных волокнах кровеносных сосудов почки. По данным авторов SIRT3 участвует в регуляции обменных процессов в митохондриях, обладает противовоспалительным и противосклерозирующим действием. Белок SIRT6 также необходим для сдерживания просклерозирующих факторов. Следует отметить, что, наряду с ковалентной модификацией хроматина, важная роль в эпигенетическом контроле ренального транспорта веществ отводится некодирующим РНК (Hua J.X. et al., 2012). Показана важная роль микро РНК в регуляции транспорта натрия в эпителии нефрона (Mladinov D. et al., 2013). Наряду с ионорегулирующей функцией почек, установлено, что некодирующие РНК могут принимать участие в управлении осморегулирующей функцией почек млекопитающих (Huang W. et al., 2011; Luo Y. et al., 2014). Авторы цитируемых публикаций указывают на роль микро РНК в регуляции экспрессии транспортных белков медуллярных сегментов нефрона в ответ на острый гиперосмотический стимул. Следует отметить, что в норме экспрессия некоторых типов микро РНК в корковом и мозговом слое почки имеет четкие отличия (Chandrasekaran K. et al., 2012; Ichii O., Horino T., 2018). Приводится информация о непосредственном влиянии гиперосмотического стимула на экспрессию строго определенных типов микро РНК во внутренней медулле почки (Chandrasekaran K. et al., 2012). Вместе с тем, авторы обращают внимание на тот факт, что состояние метаболизма микро РНК в ренальной паренхиме может регулироваться гуморальными факторами нейро-эндокринного звена контроля гомеостатических функций почек. При этом микро РНК осуществляют контроль транспорта ионов не только в почке, но и системные параметры ионного гомеостаза (Hua J.X. et al., 2012). В ряде публикаций подчеркивается тезис о том, что микро РНК могут осуществлять постоянную тонкую регуляцию обменных процессов в ренальной паренхиме. Например, имеются сообщения о роли микро РНК в регуляции обменных процессов в подоцитах, в зависимости от возможных изменений величины гидростатического давления в клубочке и химического состава ультрафильтрата (Trionfini P., Benigni A., 2017). Одним из наиболее перспективных направлений исследований роли микро РНК в регуляции деятельности почки является анализ взаимосвязи внутриорганного метаболизма микро РНК и их содержания в биологических средах организма (Thomas M.J. et al., 2018). С точки зрения практической медицины, ценность таких исследований обусловлена необходимостью внедрения новых методов диагностики и терапии заболеваний почек (Trionfini P., Benigni A., 2017; Thomas M.J. et al., 2018). Вместе с тем, значительное внимание уделяется роли гуморальных систем контроля гомеостатических функций почек в регуляции эспрессии генов в ренальной паренхиме (Hirohama D. et al., 2018; Lu C.C. et al., 2018). Приводятся данные о молекулярных механизмах регуляции локальной экспрессии белков-компонентов РАС (Martini A.G. et al., 2017; Lu C.C. et al., 2018). Ранее была показана роль микро РНК в регуляции экспрессии генов ренина (Sequeira-Lopez M.L.S. et al., 2010). В настоящее время установлена роль метилирования ДНК, ацетилирования и метилирования гистонов канальцевого эпителия в управлении экспрессией гена ангиотензиногена (Marumo T. et al., 2015). Показано участие метилирования ДНК, ковалентной модификации гистонов и метаболизма микро РНК в экспрессии генов ренина в почке (Martini A.G., Danser A.H.J., 2017). С другой стороны, выявлено значение ренин-ангиотензин-альдостероновой системы в регуляции экспрессии генов транспортных белков канальцевого отдела нефрона в ответ на изменение физиологических констант водно-солевого баланса (Hirohama D. et al., 2018). Установлено, что ковалентная модификация гистонов (метилирование и ацетилирование) может принимать участие в контроле экспрессии гена атриального натрийуретического пептида (Hohl M. et al., 2013). Сообщается, что эпигенетический контроль экспрессии гена атриального натрийуретического пептида способствует адаптивным изменениям продукции гормона (Sergeeva I.A. et al., 2016). При этом, атриальный натрийуретический пептид также рассматривается в качестве индуктора эпигенетических механизмов, реализуемых через специфические микро РНК (Li Y. et al., 2016). Не меньший интерес привлекают сведения о влиянии острого осмотического стимула на эпигенетические системы контроля синтеза аргинин-вазопрессина - АВП (Hayashi M. et al., 2006; Greenwood M.P. et al., 2016). Необходимо отметить, что половые стероидные гормоны также могут оказывать влияние на экспрессию гена АВП при участии эпигенетических механизмов (Augera C.J. et al., 2011). Поскольку канальцевые эффекты АВП реализуются при участии специфических поробразующих белков &mdash; аквапоринов, в частности, при участии аквапорина-2 (AQP2), привлекают интерес сведения о значении эпигенетического контроля данного белка (Park E.-J., Kwon T.H.; 2015; Jung H.J., Kwon T.-H.; 2016). <strong>1.2. ЭНДОКРИННЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ВОДНО-СОЛЕВОГО БАЛАНСА ОРГАНИЗМА В СИСТЕМЕ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ КОНТРОЛЯ ГОМЕОСТАЗА </strong> &nbsp; Предполагая определенную роль эпигенетических механизмов в регуляции гомеостатических функций почек и адаптивных изменениях органа, по нашему мнению, необходимо проанализировать, во-первых, информацию о роли эпигенетических механизмов в модуляции экспрессии генов белковых гормонов-регуляторов водно-солевого обмена. Во-вторых, свойства гуморальных факторов системного действия, как возможных индукторов эпигенетической трансформации ренальной паренхимы. Общеизвестна роль аргинин-вазопрессина, как системного регулятора осмотического гомеостаза, определяющего острую и точную реакцию организма на изменение пищевого и внутривенного поступления жидкости осмотически активных веществ (Bourque C.W., 2008; Thornton S.N.; 2010; Greenwood M.P. et al., 2015; Park E.-J., Kwon T.-H., 2015). Физиологическая роль ренин-ангиотензиновой системы определяется, как контролем реабсорбции весьма значительного объема ультрафильтрата, растворенных в нем натрия и калия, а также других жизненно важных компонентов ультрафильтрата (Zhuo J.L., Li X.C., 2001; Kurtz A., 2012; Gomez R.A., Sequeira-Lopez M.L.S., 2018). Таким образом, Ангиотензин-II принимает участие в регуляции показателей ионного, осмотического, волемического, кислотно-основного гомеостаза, а также регулирует тонус кровеносных сосудов. Атриальный (мозговой) натрий уретический пептид &mdash; важнейший гуморальный регулятор волемического гомеостаза, определяющий выведение натрия и жидкости на уровне дистального отдела нефрона (Kuwahara К., Nakao К., 2010; Nakagawa Y. et al., 2019). &nbsp; 1.2.1. АРГИНИН-ВАЗОПРЕССИН (АВП) &nbsp; Результаты более ранних исследований позволили установить, что изменения физиологических констант осмотического и волемического гомеостаза оказывают влияние на уровни транскрипции гена аргинин вазопрессина (АВП) (Kondo N. et al., 2004). Кроме того, авторами цитируемой публикации была выявлена корреляция между концентрацией катионов натрия во внеклеточной жидкости и уровнем экспрессии гена аргинин вазопрессина. Было продемонстрировано также резкое усиление транскрипции гена АВП под влиянием осмотического стимула (Hindmarch C.C.T., Murphy D., 2010). Наряду с этим, было показано, что гиперосмотический стимул усиливает транскрипцию ряда генов, белки которых аккумулируются в задней доли гипофиза (Hindmarch C. et al., 2006). Выявлено, что активация транскрипции гена аргинин вазопрессина, под влиянием осмотического воздействия, демонстрирует более выраженную чувствительность к стимулу, в сравнении с другими нейропептидами задней доли гипофиза (Yue C. et al., 2008). Сложность вопроса в том, что к осмотическому стимулу чувствительны также гены гипоталамо-гипофизарной оси, принимающие участие в регуляции репродуктивной сферы (Qiu J. et al., 2007). В то же время, было установлено, что осмотические нагрузки оказывают специфическое влияние на экспрессию вполне определенной группы генов в супраоптическом ядре крысы (Johnson K.R. et al., 2015). При этом, необходимо отметить, что, вероятно, ген аргинин вазопрессина содержит нуклеотидную последовательность в области промотора, обладающей чувствительностью к изменениям показателей осмотического гомеостаза (Ponzio T.A. et al., 2012). Авторами установлено отличие в первичной последовательности нуклеотидов данного участка генов аргинин вазопрессина и окситоцина. Далее, сопоставляя классическую схему физиологического контроля осмотического гомеостаза и факты, подтверждающие участие эпигенетических механизмов, опираясь на выше изложенные результаты исследований, мы констатируем, что показатель экспрессии гена аргинин вазопрессина обладает чувствительностью к сдвигам осмоляльности внеклеточной жидкости организма. Вероятный механизм влияния физико-химических условий внеклеточной жидкости (концентрации хлорида натрия во внеклеточной жидкости) на состояние транскрипции гена аргинин вазопрессина, в основном, подтвердили ранее выполненные наблюдения (Kondo N. et al., 2004; Hindmarch C.C., Murphy D., 2010). При этом отмечается, что АВП, помимо регуляции осмотического гомеостаза, может отвечать за поведенческие реакции, поэтому, с точки зрения авторов, нарушения осмотического гомеостаза могут негативно отражаться на адаптивных поведенческих реакциях (Mitchell N.C. et al., 2018). Показано, что экспрессия гена аргинин вазопрессина демонстрирует высокий уровень пластичности, и что интенсивность метилирования ДНК в области помотора гена гормона может существенно изменяться в зависимости от состояния показателей осмотического гомеостаза организма (Greenwood M.P. et al., 2016). Сообщается о видоспецифических молекулярных механизмах, вовлеченных в индукцию транскрипции аргинин вазопрессина, на фоне дегидратации организма (Stewart L. et al., 2011). Высокий уровень пластичности эпигенетических систем контроля биосинтеза аргинин вазопрессина подтверждается тем фактом, что усиление транскрипции гена гормона регистрируется в условиях острого гиперосмотического стимула раствором хлорида натрия (Kawasaki M. et al., 2009). В настоящее время имеются данные и о том, какие энзиматические системы, отвечающие за ковалентную трансформацию хроматина принимают участие в изменении транскрипции гена аргинин вазопрессина (Archer T., 2015). Дальнейшие исследования, проведенные научными сотрудниками групппы Murphy D. показали, что к чувствительностью к осмотическому стимулу обладают целый ряд генов (Caprin2), белки которых могут быть важны в формировании адаптивного ответа супраоптических ядер гипоталамуса на изменения осмотического гомеостаза организма (Loh S.-Y. et al., 2017). При том, что показана роль гена Caprin2 в механизмах стабилизации матричной РНК аргинин вазопрессина (Konopacka A. et al., 2015). Высказанный тезис можно дополнить сведениями о том, что микро РНК также принимают участие в эпигенетической модуляции активности нейро-эндокринного контроля осмотического гомеостаза (Luo Y. et al., 2014). В этом блоке анализа данных литературы необходимо выделить тот факт, что аргинин вазопрессин может непосредственно контролировать экспрессию транспортного белка Na+,K+,2Cl- котранспортера в восходящей петле Генле нефрона (Konopacka A. et al., 2015). Однако, непосредственно усиление экспрессии гена Na+,K+,2Cl-котранспортера по влиянием аргинин вазопрессина, рассматривается в качестве долговременной АВП- зависимой стимуляции белка (Knepper M.A. et al., 2015). Вместе с тем, авторы обзора подчеркивают, что аргинин вазопрессин может контролировать в дистальных сегментах нефрона экспрессию таких транспортных белков, как: натрий-хлор котранспортирующий протеин, переносчик мочевины, некоторые субъединицы эпителиального натриевого канала порообразующих белков аквапоринов. Подчеркивается актуальность данных механизмов в изучении патогенеза заболеваний почек и сердечно-сосудистой системы (Qian Q., 2018). Также анализируется АВП-зависимые системы внутриклеточной передачи сигнала (через протеин киназы) в эпителии собирательных трубочек канальцевого отдела нефрона, как звено индукции эпигенетического контроля экспрессии генов транспортных белков (Sanghi A. et al., 2014). С другой стороны, анализируется взаимосвязь различных изоформ аденилатциклаз и протеинкиназ в системе регуляции генов транспортных белков в эпителии собирательных трубочек (Roos K.P. et al., 2013). Завершая рассмотрение роли эпигенетических механизмов в поддержании осмотического гомеостаза, необходимо отметить участие АВП в долговременной стимуляции биосинтеза и экспрессии аквапорина-2 в эпителии собирательных трубочек канальцевого отдела нефрона (Wilson J.L.L. et al., 2013). Были установлены механизмы активации транскрипции гена аквапорина-2, включающие в себя механизмы внутриклеточной передачи сигнала, а также идентифицированы участки ДНК предполагаемого связывания регулятора транскрипции (Yua M.-J. et al., 2009). Проведен анализ метаболизма белка аквапорина-2 в эпителии собирательных трубочек канальцевого отдела нефрона и роль АВП в управлении транскрипции гена AQP2 (Jung H.J., Kwon T.H., 2016). Наряду с этим, авторы цитируемого обзор указывают на роль микро РНК (miR-32 и miR-137) в процессах внутриклеточного метаболизма протеина аквапорина-2. Оценивая роль эпигенетического контроля физиологических функций собирательных трубочек (Xiao Z. et al., 2016), авторы приходят к выводу, что баланс активности ядерных метилтрансфераз (Dot1lAC и Dot1lf/f) в эпителии данного сегмента нефрона, может оказывать существенное влияние на экспрессию белка аквапорин-2. Поскольку изменения в продукции и биологических эффектах аргинин вазопрессина имеют отношение не только к регуляции водно-солевого гомеостаза, но и к поведенческим реакциям человека, изучение эпигенетических процессов контроля, например, рецепторов АВП также является объектом междисциплинарных исследований (Bodden C. et al., 2017). &nbsp; 1.2.2. НАТРИЙУРЕТИЧЕСКИЕ ПЕПТИДЫ &nbsp; Интерес к эпигенетическим системам контроля АНП также в некоторой степени обусловлен нейротропными эффектами гормона (Frieling H. et al., 2008). Были достаточно подробно изучены физиологически активные вещества, способные индуцировать транскрипцию генов атриального (АНП), мозгового (БНП) и С-типа натрийуретических пептидов, структура генов и самих натрийуретических гормонов (Gardner D.G. et al., 2007; Kuwahara К., Nakao К., 2010; Ichiki T., Burnett J.C., 2017; Nakagawa Y. et al., 2019). Вместе с тем, имеются данные о том, что АНП может синтезироваться эпителием канальцевого отдела нефрона (Dong L. et al., 2016; Pandey K.N., 2018). При этом, в некоторых обзорных публикациях высказывается тезис о важной практической значимости исследований эпигенетического контроля экспрессии генов натрийуретических пептидов (DiSalvo T.G., 2015; Man J. et al., 2018). Поскольку представляет интерес несколько аспектов данной проблемы: эффективность использования параметров синтеза и секреции натрийуретических пептидов в качестве диагностических маркеров ряда актуальных нозологий, исследования собственно механизмов контроля экспрессии генов этих гормонов и вовлеченность в этот процесс некоторых гормонов и цитокинов, участвующих в патогенезе заболеваний сердечно-сосудистой системы и почек: ангиотензин-2, трансформирующий фактор роста-бета1, гормоны щитовидной железы (Sergeeva I.A., Christoffels V.M., 2013). Вместе с тем, данные литературы подчеркивают значение уровня экспрессии рецепторов натрийуретических пептидов в сердечно-сосудистой системе и ренальной паренхиме для понимания физиологических и патофизиологических эффектов гормонов (Pandey K.N., 2011; Kumar P. et al., 2014). Результаты экспериментальных исследований показали, что гипертрофия кардиомиоцитов токсического генеза сопровождается снижением продукции miR-133a на фоне усиления метилирования ДНК метилтрансферазами ДНК DNMT1 и DNMT3b, а также дозозависимым увеличением уровня м-РНК АНП и БНП (Huang L. et al., 2016). Снижение уровня miR-133a в миокарде было обнаружено у лабораторных крыс, подвергавшихся продолжительной инфузии ангиотензина-2 (Li Y. et al., 2016). Вместе с тем, авторы сообщают, что предварительное введение животным рекомбинантного АНП благоприятно сказывалось на динамике miR-133a. Показано, что в условиях неишемической кардиомиопатии наблюдается снижение экспрессии генов АНП и БНП в кардиомиоцитах на фоне усиления метилирования остатка лизина H3 гистона нуклеосомы (Ito E. et al., 2017). Наряду с этим, авторами публикации выявлена взаимосвязь биосинтеза АНП в кардиомиоцитах и продукции (miR-133a) микро РНК. Результаты дальнейших наблюдений показали, что микро РНК-30 может принимать участие в регуляции синтеза БНП (Nakagawa Y. et al., 2019). Важная роль в регуляторном эффекте гормона отводится его рецепторам. В этом смысле, привлекают внимание сведения о том, что уровень экспрессии рецептора популяции А к натрийуретическому пептиду, наиболее физиологически активных рецепторов к АНП (БНП), негативно коррелирует с параметрами энзиматической активности изоформы ДНК-метилтрансферазы DNMT3B (Shen K. et al., 2017). Наряду с этим, высказывается мнение о ключевой роли деацетилаз гистоновых белков (HDAC4) в регуляции экспрессии генов АНП И БНП в норме и при патологии (Hohl M. et al., 2013). В результате экспериментальных исследований установлено, что нарушения функционального состояния миокарда сопровождаются изменениями продукции АНП и БНП на фоне деметилирования H3K9 в промоторных областях генов данных белков и умеренного повышения ацетилирования Н3 гистона (H3K27ac) (Sergeeva I.A. et al., 2016). Тогда показатели ацетилирования H3K9 существенно не были изменены. Ранее полученные сведения также подчеркивают роль ацетилирования белков гистонов в регуляции экспрессии рецептора популяции А к натрийуретическому пептиду в ренальной паренхиеме, (Kumar P., Pandey K.N., 2009). По мнению авторы цитируемой публикации, ацетилтрансфераза белков гистонов (Р300), при участии специализированной микро РНК, может регулировать экспрессию гена гуанилил циклазы-А/рецептора-А натрийуретического пептида. В дальнейших исследованиях авторами было показано, что эпигенетический механизм регуляции экспрессии гуанилил циклазы-А/рецептора-А натрийуретического пептида (<em>Npr1</em>) на основе баланса ацетилирования гистонов (ацетилтрансфераза Р300 и деацетилазы гистонов HDAC1/2), может выполнять важную роль в поддержании физиологических констант волемического гомеостаза организма (Kumar P. et al., 2014). Вместе с тем, авторами высказывается мысль о том, что величина осмотического давления во неклеточной жидкости, уровень продукции ангиотензина-II и витамин Д могут оказывать влияние на показатели экспрессии гена <em>Npr1</em>. Подчеркивается, что амплификация генов (Nppa и Nppb), а также рецепторов натрийуретических пептидов, препятствует повышению кровяного давления, способствует усилению почечного кровотока, увеличению скорости клубочковой фильтрации, ограничивает процессы воспаления и фиброза в ренальной паренхме (Pandey K.N., 2018). Авторы цитируемого обзора также указывают, что натрийуретические пептиды обладают способностью сдерживать активность ренин-ангиотензин-альдостероновой системы. Обращает на себя внимание тот факт, что значительное количество публикаций по данной тематике отмечают антагонизм физиологических эффектов натрийуретических пептидов и трансформирующего фактора роста бета1 (ТФР бета1). Причина такого внимания, по нашему мнению, объясняется фундаментальной ролью ТФР бета1 в ряде патогенетических механизмов нарушения функций органов сердечно-сосудистой системы и почек (Chen L. et al., 2018). 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НЕКОТОРЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ АКТИВАЦИИ </strong> <strong>ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ</strong> &nbsp; Приступая к обсуждению данной темы, считаем необходимым подчеркнуть, что, во-первых, в отличие от предыдущих разделов, при рассмотрении большинства факторов, включая факторы внешней среды, способных оказывать влияние на экспрессию генов, речь идет о надорганизменном уровне, чаще всего, о популяции. Во-вторых, косвенно затронуты вопросы участия эпигенетических механизмов в процессах наследования приобретенных признаков и их роли в эволюционных преобразований. Возможно, сочетание новых признаков, обусловленных не только мутациями, но и эпигенетическими механизмами внутри популяции, может оказать влияние на процессы микроэволюции. Необходимо отметить, что в современной литературе уделяется внимание поставленным вопросам. В частности, указывается, что предполагаемые глобальные изменения климатических условий учитывают актуальность эпигенетических преобразований для динамики адаптивных изменений популяций человека (Hu J., Barrett R.D.H., 2017). Поэтому, экспериментальные данные, полученные в исследованиях на животных позволяют, с одной стороны, расширить наши представления о роли эпигенетических система контроля адаптивных реакций на изменения факторов среды. С другой стороны, предположить возможность закрепления этих адаптивных преобразований экспрессии генов в ряду поколений. При этом, авторы цитируемого обзора, во-первых, подчеркивают важное значение эпигенетических механизмов для экологической пластичности различных видов животных. Во-вторых, приводят конкретные примеры передачи в последующие поколения эпигенетических изменений хроматина у некоторых видов млекопитающих. Наряду с этим, привлекают внимание сведения об устойчивых сочетаниях генов, выполняющих ведущую роль в формировании экологической пластичности животных к изменениям, например, температурного режима окружающей среды (Wollenberg Valero K.C. et al., 2014). Заслуживает внимания и тот факт, что комбинация данных генов в ряду позвоночных животных обладает достаточно высокой эволюционной консервативностью. Поэтому, необходимо отметить, что в современной литературе высказываются мнения о том, что эпигенетические преобразования, сформированные в генотипе родительских особей, могут выполнять принципиально важную функцию в эволюционном процессе, поскольку могут передаваться потомству и играть существенную роль в адаптивных реакциях потомства (Wang Y. et al., 2017). Авторы приводят ряд аргументов, подтверждающих возможность наследования эпигенетических трансформаций хроматина и у человека. Аналогичная точка зрения, относительно возможности наследования в поколениях эпигенетической модуляции экспрессии генов, обусловленной, в первую очередь, ковалентной модификацией хроматина, высказывается и в последующих публикациях (Norouzitallab P. et al., 2019). Вместе с тем, приведенные сведения о наследовании эпигенетических модификаций генома, во-первых, не являются общепризнанными. Во-вторых, возможный тип наследования эпигенетических трансформаций также мало изучен. Тем не менее, мы посчитали необходимым включить в обзор краткое упоминание об этих аспектах эпигенетики, поскольку возможность их реализации существует. Следовательно, рассматривая роль эпигенетических механизмов в адаптивных реакциях почки на факторы среды (не только внешних) в масштабе популяций, уместно принять к сведению возможность наследования эпигенетических перестроек в системе регуляции экспрессии генов, равно, как и их возможное участие в эволюционных процессах. Также, на наш взгляд, необходимо учитывать интересы практической медицины, особенно, если речь идет об участии эпигенетических процессов в патофизиологических механизмах заболеваний почек. В данном разделе, в качестве тем для обсуждения нами выбраны факторы внешней среды, в том числе и антропогенной природы. Наряду с этим, некоторые факторы, связанные с устойчивыми нарушениями физиологических констант организма также достаточно широко распространены в популяциях человека и заслуживают рассмотрения. <strong>2.1. ИЗМЕНЕНИЕ ТЕМПЕРАТУРНОГО РЕЖИМА, КАК ФАКТОР ИНДУКЦИИ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ</strong> &nbsp; Даже принимая к сведению тот факт, что представители биологического вида Homo sapiens sapiens проживают в искусственно созданной среде и используют различные способы формирования микроклимата своих жилищ, климатические факторы среды, в частности, температура среды, до настоящего времени оказывает исключительно важное влияние на человека (Cheshire W.P. Jr., 2016; Beker B.M. et al., 2018). Обсуждение вероятности стремительных изменений климатических условий на планете Земля не входит в круг наших задач. Вместе стем, мы исходим из того, что уже существующее разнообразие климатических условий различных географических широт, а также межсезонные флуктуации климатических условий можно рассматривать, как важный стимул в изучении роли эпигенетических процессов в адаптации организма к изменению температурного режима среды (Franks S.J., Hoffmann A.A., 2012; Wollenberg Valero K.C. et al., 2014). В данном случае, температурный режим рассматривается в качестве одного из основных факторов среды, способных вызывать устойчивые эпигенетические изменения структуры ДНК человека, которые, направлены на повышение адаптивных возможностей популяции и, вероятно, могут передаваться по наследству (Giuliani C. et al., 2015). Вместе с тем, авторы иллюстрируют адаптивный характер эпигенетических изменений, адекватных геофизическим условиям проживания данных популяций человека. Почки наземных позвоночных животных (амниот) выполняют жизненно важную функцию поддержания постоянства внутренней среды организма. При этом, с одной стороны, физиологические и патофизиологические аспекты адаптации почек человека к изменению температурного режима среды постоянно находятся в центре внимания современной науки (Johnson R.J. et al., 2016; de Lorenzo A., Lia&ntilde;o F., 2017). С другой стороны, участие эпигенетических механизмов в этих процессах требует более глубокого изучения. Тем не менее, установлено, что, в частности, тепловой стресс оказывает мощное влияние на перестройку метаболизма микро РНК в почках (Permenter M.G. et al., 2019). Вместе с тем, авторы цитируемой публикации отмечают органоспецифический характер изменений метаболизма микро РНК под влиянием повышения температуры. Ранее было показано, что белки семейства аквапорины также могут изменять свою экспрессию в почках и слюнных железах под влиянием температурного фактора (как повышение, так и понижение температуры) у позвоночных животных (Wollenberg Valero K.C. et al., 2014). <strong>2.2. </strong><strong>ГИПОКСИЯ.</strong> &nbsp; Наряду с температурным фактором, одним из важнейших факторов среды, способным оказать влияние на состояние эпигенетических механизмов человека, является гипоксия (Giuliani C. et al., 2015). Гипоксическая гипоксия может оказывать влияние на структурные показатели и функциональное состояние ренальной паренхимы через систему HIFs-протеинов, контролируя экспрессию генов, белки которых критически важны для регуляции деятельности почек (Poonit N.D. et al., 2018). С другой стороны, гипоксия ренальной паренхимы различного генеза рассматривается в качестве одного из базовых индукторов эпигенетических механизмов трансформации гуморальных систем контроля гомеостатических функций почек человека (Clarke N.E., Turner A.J., 2012; Macconi D. et al., 2014). Известно, что, стимулируемый гипоксией HIF-1альфа, является одним из ведущих активаторов эпигенетических механизмов (Perez-Perri J.I. et al., 2011). Являясь важным звном в системе адаптации почки к гипоксии, HIF-1альфа может быть непосредственно вовлечен в патогенетические механизмы хронизации и прогрессирования почечной недостаточности (Shoji K. et al., 2014). Установлено, что HIFs-зависимое угнетение метилирования гистонов (H3K9me3 и H3K27me3) может сопутствовать прогрессированию почечной недостаточности (Nangaku M. et al., 2017). Сообщается, что эпигенетические механизмы активации ренин-ангиотензиновой системы могут выполнять ключевую роль в хронизации и прогрессирования почечной недостаточности (Chou Y.H. et al., 2017). Вместе с тем, показано, что HIF-1альфа на уровне транскрипции изменяет баланс экспрессии компонентов РАС в направлении стимуляции биосинтеза компонентов оси Ангиотензин-I-превращающий фермент (АСЕ)/Ангиотензин-2/АТ1-рецепторы против угнетения контура отрицательной обратной связи РАС АСЕ-2/Ангиотензин-1-7/MASS1-рецепторов (Clarke N.E., Turner A.J., 2012; Macconi D. et al., 2014). Помимо того, что HIF-1альфа усиливает экспрессию АТ1-рецепторов и АСЕ, в условиях гипоксии в почке наблюдается резкая активация АСЕ-независимого пути образования Ангиотензин-I в присутствии индуцированного гипоксией лактат-химаза-зависимого механизма (Xie G. et al., 2017). В совокупности, индуцированное гипоксией смещение баланса в пользу оси Ангиотензин-I-превращающего фермента (АСЕ)/Ангиотензин-2/АТ1-рецептор против угнетения контура отрицательной обратной связи РАС АСЕ-2/Ангиотензин-1-7/MASS1 способствует активации воспаления, нарушению клеточного цикла клеток ренальной паренхимы, состоянию энергетического обмена нефроцитов, а также активации эпителиально-мезенхимальной трансформации (Macconi D. et al., 2014; Chou Y.H. et al., 2017). Эпигенетические механизмы, стимулированные гипоксией, выполняют важную роль в хронизации и прогрессирования почечной недостаточности, индуцируя нарушение функции подоцитов (Lin C.-L. et al., 2014) и мезангиума (Lu Z. et al., 2017). По мнению ряда исследователей, ключевым звеном в этом процессе является поражение проксимального отдела нефрона (Matsusaka T. et al., 2012; Kobori H. et al., 2013). Наряду с этим приводятся аргументы о том, что стимулируемые семейством HIF-протеинов эпигенетический процессы являются перспективным объектом фармакологических методов сдерживания прогрессирующей почечной недостаточности (Shoji K. et al., 2014). <strong>2.3. ГИПЕРГЛИКЕМИЯ</strong> &nbsp; Гипергликемия, в подавляющем большинстве случаев, рассматривается в качестве симптома, сопутствующего течению сахарного диабета. Тем не менее, устойчиво повышенный уровень глюкозы во внеклеточной жидкости выступает в качестве самостоятельного патогенетического фактора ренальных дисфункций (Dounousi E. et al., 2015), способного инициировать дальнейшее прогрессирование почечной недостаточности при участии ковалентной трансформации хроматина (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015; Lu Z. et al., 2017). Обсуждая роль гипергликемии в эпигенетических механизмах перестройки функции почки, необходимо отметить, что данному симптому сахарного диабета 2-го типа сопутствует также изменения секреции инсулина, нарушения обменных процессов, усиление продукции активных форм кислорода, нарушение параметров системной и внутриорганной гемодинамики, повышение уровня HIF-1 (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015). По мнению цитируемых авторов, HIF-1 обладает способностью стимулировать эпигенетические механизмы активации экспрессии ферментов деметилаз гистонов. Высказывается мнение о том, что гипергликемия в значительной степени ответственна за ряд характерных изменений систем передачи внутриклеточного сигнала в целом ряде различных популяций клеток почки, включая клетки канальцевого эптелия, фибробласты, эндотелиоциты, клетки мезангиума и подоциты (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015). В обзоре указывается, что стимуляция фиброза тканей почки может усиливаться TGF-&beta;, индуцирующего повышение таких эпигенетических меток, как miR-29, H3K9/14Ac,<strong> </strong>H3K9Ac, H3K4me1 и H3K4me3, на фоне снижения H3K9me3. Указанные изменения могут сопровождаться усилением экспрессии гена <em>Agt</em> (ангиотензиногена) в проксимальных нефроцитах, вызванной ингибированием DNMT и повышением активности HDAC. С другой стороны, следует учитывая роль сопутствующих сахарному диабету изменений гемодинамических параметров на эпигенетические процессы. Известно, что устойчивое повышение кровяного давления может способствовать повышению экспрессии гена Асе (ангиотензин-превращающего фермента) в том числе и в почках через повышение уровня меток H3KAc и H3K4me, на фоне снижения экспрессии метки H3K9me2 (Liang M. et al., 2013; Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015). Эпигенетические механизмы патогенеза и прогрессирования гипертонической болезни рассмотрены в ряде обзорных публикаций (Friso S. et al., 2013; Wise I.A., Charchar F.J., 2016). Авторами цитируемых работ указан ряд генов, экспрессия которых тесно связана с течением гипертонии, включая гены ренина, АСЕ, рецепторов ангиотензина-2 и эндотелиальной NO-синтазы. Эпигенетическая перестройка экспрессии генов системы NO-синтаз может индуцироваться гипоксией (Fish J.E. et al., 2010) и гипергликемией (Advani A. et al., 2011; Schmidt Dellamea B. et al., 2014). Показано, что ингибитор ферментов деацетилаз белков гистонов vorinostat способствует снижению албуминурии, отложению коллагена IV клетками мезангиума, а также оксидативный стресс в экспериментальной модели сахарного диабета 1 типа (Advani A. et al., 2011). <strong>2.4. ТЯЖЕЛЫЕ МЕТАЛЛЫ</strong> &nbsp; Широко известно нефротоксическое действие тяжелых металлов. Наряду с этим в литературе имеются отдельные сведения об их эпигенетических эффектах (Ruiz-Hernandez A. et al., 2015). В частности, авторами показано усиление метилирование ДНК в зависимости от продолжительности экспозиции к кадмию, a также общая тенденция к гипометилированию ДНК на фоне повышения свинца в крови. Относительно ртути, экспериментальные исследования свидетельствуют о том, что ртуть может изменить характер метилирования ДНК. В эмбриональных стволовых клетках крысы метилртуть уменьшала пролиферацию нервных клеток, в связи с гипометилированием ДНК. Также авторы цитируемой публикации сообщают, что механизмы индукции тяжелыми металлами эпигенетической перестройки ДНК остаются крайне мало изучены. Поскольку высоко токсичные тяжелые металлы (ртуть, кадмий и свинец) в организм человека поступают, как правило, в следовых количествах не вызывая острого токсического эффекта, представляет интерес анализ их влияния на изменение обменных процессов в организме, эндокринных функций поджелудочной железы, в патогенезе резистентности тканей к инсулину и избыточной массы тела (Kuo C.-C. et al., 2013). Действительно, эпигенетические эффекты тяжелых металлов могут быть индуцированы достаточно низкими уровнями поступления ксенобиотиков, как правило, не превышающие санитарные нормы. Наиболее ранние публикации, посвященные данной тематике, содержат информацию о том, что, например, тяжелый металл Со2+ может стимулировать процессы транскрипции некоторых белков независимо от внутриклеточной эндогенной продукции активных форм кислорода (Salnikow K. et al., 2000). В дальнейшем были непосредственно указаны индуцированные Со2+, HIF‐1&alpha;-зависимые эпигенетические механизмы, связанные с ферментными системами метилирования ДНК и ацетилирования гистонов (Maxwell P., Salnikow K., 2004). В современной литературе роль эпигенетических механизмов в реализации токсических и канцерогенных эффектов тяжелых металлов широко признана (Salnikow K., Zhitkovich A., 2008; Chervona Y, Costa M., 2012; Brocato J.,<strong> </strong>Costa M., 2013). Также широко признана важность роли HIF‐1&alpha;-зависимых эпигенетических механизмов, индуцируемых тяжелыми металлами (Salnikow K. et al., 2008; Nagasawa H., 2011; Brocato J.,<strong> </strong>Costa M., 2013; Eskandani M. et al., 2017). Было также показано, что стимуляция кобальтом отложений белков внеклеточного матрикса, а также индукция регуляторных пептидов VEGF и эритропоэтина связаны с HIF‐1&alpha; (Tanaka T. et al., 2005). По нашему мнению, научная новизна предлагаемого подхода, состоит в том, что впервые было предложено теоретически обоснованное эпигенетическими механизмами контроля экспрессии генов объяснение патогенеза смертельно опасных онкологических заболеваний, индуцированных тяжелыми металлами. При этом, патогенез этих заболеваний не рассматривался, как результат прямого повреждения ДНК. Был разработан подход, основанный на малигнизирующих эффектах тяжелых металлов, обусловленных специфической ковалентной модификацией хроматина, изменяющей экспрессию генов (Salnikow K., Zhitkovich A., 2008; Salnikow K. et al., 2008). Продуктивность такого подхода была подтверждена последующими результатами исследований (Chervona Y, Costa M., 2012; Brocato J.,<strong> </strong>Costa M., 2013). Результаты исследований in vitro на культуре малигнизированных клеток показали, что присутствие в среде тяжелых металлов оказывает существенное влияние на уровни HIF-1&alpha; в клетках, а также на состояние экспрессии генов, идентифицированных, как гены факторов транскрипции, маркеров дифференциации клеток, цитокинов и факторов роста, протеинкиназ, супрессоров опухолей и онкогенов (Bae S. et al., 2012). По данным авторов, им удалось выделить группу генов, чувствительных, в частности, к ионам Со2+. Установлено также, что тяжелые металлы, через процессы ацетилирования белков-гистонов, регулирует экспрессию гена внеклеточной супероксид дисмутазы<strong> </strong> (Hattori S. et al., 2016). С другой стороны, показано, что применение в эксперименте ингибитора деацетилаз гистоновых белков (valproic acid), способствует ослаблению патофизиологических эффектов HIF-1&alpha; (Luo H.-M. et al., 2013; Kim Y.J. et al., 2017). Наряду с этим, показано, что HIF-1&alpha; может регулировать не только ковалентную модификацию хроматина, но и биосинтез малых некодирующих РНК, способных определять биосинтез белка на уровне транскрипции или трансляции (Kwak J. et al., 2018). Действительно, в литературе имеются данные о том, что HIF могут оказывать влияние на системы метаболизма некодирующих малых РНК (Ho J.J. et al., 2012; Ibrahim A.A. et al., 2017). При этом, в исследованиях in vitro установлена связь между присутствием в среде дихлорида кобальта, HIFs протеинами и показателями экспрессии клетками микро РНК (Silakit R. et al., 2018). Приводятся данные о том, что HIF-зависимые механизмы, через систему микро РНК принимают участие в регуляции экспрессии провоспалительных цитокинов (Kwak J. et al., 2018). Механизмы индукции Со2+ процессов воспаления занимают важное место в патогенезе кобальтовой интоксикации, однако роль эпигенетических механизмов, определяющих синтез (в том числе и микро РНК) провоспалительных факторов белковой природы изучены пока не достаточно (Kumanto M. et al., 2017). По нашему мнению, в литературе проведен достаточно детальный анализ роли тяжелых металлов в индукции базовых механизмов эпигенетической трансформации систем контроля экспрессии генов. В тоже время, нельзя исключить определенных органоспецифических особенностей их реализации. Например, в почках. При том, что ренальная паренхима является одной из основных мишеней для данной группы ксенобиотиков. <strong>2.5. ЭНДОКРИНОПАТИИ</strong> &nbsp; Течение эндокринопатий связано с тем, что на состояние эпигенетических механизмов может одновременно оказывать существенное влияние несколько факторов. Пример такого комбинированного влияния мы уже рассматривали, анализируя эпигенетические эффекты гипергликемии. Вместе с тем, фактор неадекватной секреции инсулина и изменение чувствительности тканей к гормону не является второстепенным и может участвовать в эпигенетических механизмах регуляции деятельности почки (Shiels P.G. et al., 2017). Авторы цитируемого обзора рассматривают роль инсулина в эпигенетической системе контроля деятельности почек в процессе возрастных изменений функции органа. В этом смысле, представляют интерес сведения о базовых эпигенетических механизмах, способных детерминировать резистентность тканей к регуляторному воздействию инсулина (Seok S. et al., 2018). Сложность точной оценки степени влияния различных факторов (гипергликемия, изменение чувствительности тканей к инсулину, оксидативный стресс и т.д) течения сахарного диабета второго типа на перестройку экспрессии генов &mdash; вполне объективная проблема. Вместе с тем, в литературе имеются данные о том, что собственно резистентность к инсулину может, через регуляцию метилирования гистонов, принимать участие в патофизиологических механизмах нарушении целостности слоя подоцитов, провоцируя усиление альбуминурии и прогрессирование нефропатии (Lizotte F. et al., 2016). Действительно, ранее экспериментально было подтверждено участие инсулина в регуляции экспрессии генов мыши и человека через систему метилирования ДНК (Kuroda A. et al., 2009). Известно также, что альдостерон через систему метилирования гистонов может непосредственно регулировать экспрессию гена альфа-субъединицы эпителиального натриевого канала дистального отдела нефрона &alpha;<em>ENaC</em> (Kone B.C., 2013), а также эндотелина-1 (Welch A.K. et al., 2016). Высказывается мнение, что понимание этих эпигенетических механизмов альдостерона представляет интерес, как в лечении гипертонической болезни, так и в борьбе с избыточным весом (Kawarazaki W., Fujita T., 2016). В качестве потенциального индуктора эпигенетической трансформации гуморальных систем контроля гомеостатических функций почек можно упомянуть гормоны щитовидной железы. В литературе имеются указания на регуляторные эффеты гормонов щитовидной железы, рассматриваемых, как природные ингибиторы ацетилазы белков-гистонов (Re A. et al., 2016). Также установлено, что эпигенетические эффекты тироксина стимуляции деацетилазы гистонов-5 (HDAC5) могут реализовываться через путь передачи сигнала, сопряженный с интегрином &alpha;v&beta;3/PKD/HDAC5 (Liu X. et al., 2014). В литературе представлены данные и о том, что в условиях гипофункции щитовидной железы также наблюдается закономерное изменение экспрессии некоторых генов через механизм импринтинга (Hu Z. et al., 2014; Leow M.K., 2016). Следовательно, как гипо- так и гипертиреоз могут рассматриваться в качестве потенциальных индукторов эпигенетической перестройки гуморальных систем контроля деятельности почки. Поскольку широко известен тот факт, что нарушение тиреоидного статуса организма усиливает риск заболевания почек через активацию РАС (Kobori H. et al., 1999). <strong>2.6. </strong><strong>ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ ПРОЦЕССЫ, ИНДУЦИРОВАННЫЕ ПАТОГЕННЫМИ МИКРООРГАНИЗМАМИ</strong> &nbsp; Воспалительные реакции тканей почки человека в ответ на инфекционные и неинфекционные заболевания, анализируются с учетом их популяционных особенностей с позиций современных взглядов на филогенез выделительной системы и принципы антропогенеза (Chevalier R.L., 2017). В литературе подчеркивается роль эпигенетических механизмов в эволюционных аспектах формирования адаптивных реакций иммунной системы и тканей почки. При этом, особое внимание уделяется механизмам иммунопатологии почки. В связи с этим в ряде публикаций высказывается мнение о том, что у человека эпигенетическая перестройка (метилирование и ацетилирование гистонов) клеток моноцитарного ряда, направленная на регуляцию выработки провоспалительных факторов, может сохранятся и передаваться дочерним клеткам, определяя особенности течения заболевания (Venet F., Monneret G., 2018). По мнению некоторых исследователей, эпигенетические изменения в иммунной системе, вызванные хроническим воспалением и повышенным окислительным стрессом, могут рассматриваться в качестве базового патогенетического механизма патологии почек и могут приводить к необратимым нарушениям ренальной паренхимы (Syed-Ahmed M., Narayanan M., 2019). Помимо этого, на основе результатов популяционных исследований была проанализирована возможная роль микрофлоры организма человека в эпигенетической перестройке иммунных реакций, связанных с риском заболеваний почек (Uy N. et al., 2015). Дальнейшие исследования показали, что состояние микрофлоры организма может оказывать влияние на риск заболевания почек через эпигенетические механизмы перестройки внутрипочечной РАС (Marques F.Z. et al., 2017). По мнению некоторых авторов, нарушения функции почек могут быть тесно связаны с нарушениями микрофлоры кишечника, поскольку данный показатель оказывает влияние на состояние иммунитета кишечника таким образом, что он больше не может поддерживать физиологический контроль микробиоты (Syed-Ahmed M., Narayanan M., 2019). Авторы цитируемого обзора рассматривают эпигенетическую активацию провоспалительных реакций, возможно, за пределами почечной паренхимы, как мощный индуктор патологических изменений органа. Аналогичную точку зрения высказывают и другие авторы, обращая внимание на тот факт, что эпигенетические механизмы могут выполнять определенную роль в патогенезе прогрессирующей почечной недостаточности на фоне нарушений микрофлоры кишечника (Lu C.C. et al., 2018). Наряду с эим, привлекают внимание сведения о том, что метаболиты микрофлоры кишечника могут оказывать влияние на состояние внутрипочечной ренин-ангиотензиновой системы. Предполагая наличие патогенетических механизмов активации внутрипочечных систем гуморального контроля гомеостатических функций почек &mdash; ренин-ангиотензиновой системы. Показана актуальность эпигенетической индукции РАС и при вирусной инвазии (Chandel N. et al., 2013). <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ</strong> &laquo;<strong>НЕКОТОРЫЕ ФАКТОРЫ АКТИВАЦИИ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМОВ&raquo;</strong> &nbsp; 1.Hu J., Barrett R.D.H. Epigenetics in natural animal populations. J Evol Biol. 2017;30(9):1612-1632 doi: 10.1111/jeb.13130 2.Wollenberg Valero K.C., Pathak R., Prajapati I., Bankston S., Thompson A., Usher J., Isokpehi R.D. A candidate multimodal functional genetic network for thermal adaptation. PeerJ. 2014;2:e578 doi: 10.7717/peerj.578 &nbsp; 3.Wang Y., Liu H., Sun Z. 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ИХ МЕСТО И РОЛЬ В ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИХ МЕХАНИЗМАХ НАРУШЕНИЯ ФУНКЦИОНАЛЬНОГО СОСТОЯНИЯ РЕНАЛЬНОЙ ПАРЕНХИМЫ</strong> &nbsp; Обсуждая физиологические и патофизиологические аспекты эпигенетического контроля экспрессии генов клеток ренальной паренхимы, необходимо учитывать, что почки обладают автономной системой продукции тканевых гормонов, с одной стороны, принимающих участие в системе ауторегуляции гомеостатических функций и внутриорганного кровотока. С другой стороны, способных индуцировать эпигенетическую трансформацию экспрессии регуляторных и транспортных белков в интересах системного контроля гомеостаза. Вместе с тем, данным эпигенетическим системам контроля экспрессии генов отводится важная патофизиологическая роль в индукции патогенеза почечной недостаточности. Следовательно, еще одним объектом исследований молекулярной биологии и генетики в изучении патогенеза заболеваний почек являются принципиально новые фармакологические методы сдерживания прогрессирования почечной недостаточности. <strong>3.1. РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВАЯ СИСТЕМА (РАС)</strong> &nbsp; Для того чтобы более полно охарактеризовать результаты эпигенетической перестройки локальной внутрипочечной РАС для функции почек, мы позволим себе кратко упомянуть широко известную схему функционирования внутрипочечной РАС. Согласно существующим представлениям, утвердившимся в мировой литературе, в почке основным местом синтеза ренина являются специализированные клетки ЮГА. Субстрат ренина &ndash; ангиотензиноген, синтезируется в печени. Основные регуляторные эффекты ангиотензина-II, образующегося в результате поступательной конверсии ангиотензиногена в ангиотензин-I при участии ренина, а затем и в ангиотензин-II при участии ангиотензин-превращающего фермента-1 (АПФ-1), сосредоточены на уровне проксимального сегмента нефрона и кровеносных сосудов почки, главным образом, через АТ1-популяцию рецепторов. Благодаря этим эффектам ангиотензин-II осуществляет контроль кровяного давления, волемического гомеостаза, параметров ионного и кслотно-основного гомеостаза организма, а также принимает участие в ауторегуляции почечного кровотока. Некоторые авторы не исключают, что в норме ангиотензиноген может в небольших количествах синтезироваться нефроцитами проксимального отдела нефрона (Kobori H. et al., 2013). Вместе с тем, результаты экспериментальных исследований указывают, что главным источником ангиотензиногена в норме является печень (Matsusaka T. et al., 2012). Помимо АПФ-1, в почке достаточно высокие уровни активности АПФ-2, отвечающего за образование ангиотензина-1-7, отвечающего за механизмы отрицательной обратной связи к ангиотензину-II, хотя, строго говоря, ангиотензин-1-7 антагонистом октапептида не является. В указанной схеме преобразования ангиотензиногена в ангиотензин-II регуляторным ферментом является ренин. При этом, более ранние источники литературы указывали роль процесса ацитилирования гистонов в контроле прогрессирования заболеваний почек, сердца, легких (Bush E.W., McKinsey T.A., 2010). В обсуждении роли преобразований экспрессии компонентов ренин-ангиотензиновой системы почки в процессах патогенеза почечной недостаточности, высказывается мысль о том, что индукцию экспрессии ренина/проренина в канальцевом эпителии следует рассматривать в качестве одного из ключевых событий (Prieto M.C. et al., 2013). Рассматривается роль усиления экспрессии ренина в канальцевом отделе нефрона в патогенезе фиброза почки и гипертонической болезни (Prieto M.C. et al., 2013; Gonzalez A.A., Prieto M.C., 2015). В литературе анализируются возможные молекулярные механизмы индукции экспрессии гена ренина в почках, включая механизмы экспансии ренин-секретирующих клеток за пределы юкста-гломерулярного аппарата (Sequeira Lopez M.L., Gomez R.A., 2010; Kurtz A., 2012). В настоящее время экспансия экспрессии гена ренина (за счет рекрутирования новых, ранее не синтезировавших ренин клеток) рассматривается, как результат, в основном, деятельности эпигенетических механизмов (Gomez R.A., 2017). С другой стороны, эпигенетические системы контроля экспрессии гена ренина сохраняют свою актуальность не только для тканей почки, но и для процессов кроветворения, иммунокомпетентных клеток и т. д. (Gomez R.A., Sequeira-Lopez M.L.S., 2018). Необходимо отметить, что, по мнению ряда авторов, ангиотензин-II следует рассматривать в качестве одного из основных факторов, способствующих прогрессированию почечной недостаточности, через нарушение внутриорганной гемодинамики, стимуляцию фиброза органа, активацию провоспалительных факторов, ограничение клеточного цикла канальцевого эпителия и нарушение обменных процессов в нефроцитах (Kobori H. et al., 2013). Указывается, что по мере прогрессирования почечной недостаточности концентрации ангиотензина-II в тканях почки могут существенно повышаться, на фоне незначительных изменений уровня октапептида в системном кровотоке (Matsusaka T. et al., 2012; Kobori H. et al., 2013). Привлекает внимание тот факт, что существенному увеличению внутриренальной продукции ангиотензина-II, на фоне прогрессирования почечной недостаточности, сопутствует отчетливый прирост биосинтеза белков-компонентов РАС: ангиотензиногена, проренина, АПФ-1 и АТ1-рецепторов ангиотензина-II (основной популяции рецепторов, отвечающих за большинство физиологических и патофизиологических эффектов ангиотензина-II), не только в проксимальных нефроцитах, но и в атипичных очагах активности РАС - эпителии дистальных отделов нефрона (Kobori H. et al., 2013). Авторы цитируемой публикации детально не обсуждают возможную роль эпигенетических механизмов в перестройке внутрипочечной РАС по мере нарастания патологических изменений ренальной паренхимы. Тем не менее, сама логика излагаемых фактов подводит к этому вопросу. Постараемся выяснить, насколько обосновано такое предположение. Действительно, дальнейшие исследования показали, что экспрессия компонентов РАС может регулироваться эпигенетическими механизмами на разных этапах онтогенеза (Tain Y.-L. et al., 2017; Tain Y.L., Hsu C.N., 2017, Witasp A. et al., 2017). При этом, эпигенетическая модуляция экспрессии компонентов РАС рассматривается, в качестве одного из ведущих патогенетических механизмов целого ряда опасных заболеваний (Tain Y.-L. et al., 2017). В частности, показано, что эпигенетические изменения критически важны для понимания перехода острой почечной недостаточности в хроническую форму (Rodr&iacute;guez-Romo R. et al., 2015). В литературе мы встречаем данные о том, что в условиях экспериментальной модели фетального программирования подтверждено участие эпигенетических факторов в регуляции уровней экспрессии АТ1 рецепторов ангиотензина-II (Bogdarina I. et al., 2007; Wu L. et al., 2016). Важным является тот факт, что эпигенетические механизмы, усиливая синтез компонентов РАС, создают условия для активации внутриклеточных (аутокринных) эффектов ангиотензина-II, что, по мнению некоторых авторов, является базовым патогенетическим механизмом РАС-зависимых повреждений тканей почек и сердца (De Mello W.C., 2015). В качестве иллюстрации к высказанному мнению можно привести данные о том, что ацетилирование гистонов 3 (H3Ac), а также их триметилирование (H3K4me3) и диметилирование (H3K9me2) может способствовать высвобождению промотора гена АПФ-1 в почечной паренхиме, обеспечивая биосинтез фермента (Liang M. et al., 2013). С одной стороны, в соответствии с классическим представлением о деятельности РАС, АПФ-1 в нашем организме присутствует в избытке и не является лимитирующим фактором в процессах образования ангиотензина-II. Но если оценивать упомянутый факт с позиций формирования полноценно функционирующей внутриклеточной РАС, то он приобретает совершенно иное значение (Abadir P.M. et al., 2012; Ellis B. et al., 2012). Действительно, по данным литературы, повышение экспрессии в тканях почки гена АПФ-1 является маркером неблагоприятного течения диабетической нефропатии (Thomas M.C., 2016). В дополнение к сказанному, можно привести сообщение группы исследователей, выявивших в условиях диабетической нефропатии усиление внутриклеточной продукции ангиотензиногена в проксимальных нефроцитах, обусловленное ацетилированием (H3K9) и триметилированием (H3K4me3) белка гистона-3 (Marumo T. et al., 2015). По мнению авторов, выявленный эффект может в равной степени свидетельствовать, как о повышении функциональной нагрузки на данный сегмент нефрона, так и о включении патофизиологических механизмов, индуцирующих повреждение данной популяции клеток канальцевого эпителия. Мнение о том, что повышение экспрессии ангиотензиногена в проксимальных нефроцитах может рассматриваться в качестве маркера прогрессирования почечной недостаточности, высказывают и другие авторы (O&#39;Leary R. et al., 2016; Bourgeois C.T. et al., 2017). Патофизиологические и эпигенетические механизмы этого феномена требуют более глубокого исследования. Однако, установлено, что на процессы эпигенетического контроля синтеза ангиотензиногена проксимальными нефроцитами могут оказывать влияние такие факторы, как интерферон-гамма (Satou R. et al., 2013), IL-6 (O&#39;Leary R. et al., 2016) и половые стероидные гормоны (Bourgeois C.T. et al., 2017). Наряду с этим, ангиотензин-II также обладает способностью модулировать состояние экспрессии белков в тканях почки, стимулируя повышение экспрессии АТ1 рецепторов и трансформирующего фактора роста-бета1, на фоне угнетения АПФ-2 (Macconi D. et al., 2014). Эпигенетические механизмы, инициируемые на стадии острой почечной недостаточности, могут рассматриваться в качестве фактора, создающего предпосылки прогрессирования почечной недостаточности, формируя неблагоприятный прогноз течения заболевания (Beckerman P. et al., 2014; Tang J., Zhuang S., 2015; Lee-Son K., Jetton J.G., 2016). В контексте обсуждаемой темы уместно напомнить, что фармакологические ингибиторы РАС (ингибиторы АПФ-1, антагонисты АТ1 рецепторов и ингибиторы ренина) довольно широко и успешно применяются, в том числе, при решении проблемы сдерживания прогрессирующей почечной недостаточности. Применение данной группы препаратов способствует ослаблению протеинурии, предотвращает поражение канальцевого эпителия, содействует ограничению воспаления и фиброза почки (Macconi D. et al., 2014). Поэтому, вполне логичным является вопрос о возможном участии блокаторов РАС в нормализации изменений, индуцированных эпигенетической перестройкой хроматина. Установлено, что в условиях острой почечной недостаточности токсического генеза, ренопротекторные свойства антагониста АТ1 рецепторов (лозартана) обусловлены сдерживанием, в том числе, эпигенетических механизмов, индуцирующих десквамацию подоцитов и усиление протеинурии (Hayashi K. et al., 2015). В частности, авторами выявлено, что лозартан влияет на состояние метилирования промотора гена белка нефрина. По некоторым данным, в условиях экспериментальной модели диабетической нефропатии, лозартан может оказывать умеренный благоприятный эффект на состояние эпигенетических механизмов в тканях почки крыс (Reddy M.A. et al., 2013). В дальнейшем, в условиях ранее примененной экспериментальной модели, авторы показали, что лозартан эффективно блокирует эпигенетические механизмы (через регуляцию процессов ацетилирования H3K9/14Ac) экспрессии генов, ответственных за стимуляцию синтеза ингибитора активатора плазминогена-1 (PAI-1) и моноцитарного хемоаттрактанта протеина-1 (MCP-1), являющихся важными медиаторами повреждения тканей почек (Reddy M.A. et al., 2014). На основании полученных данных авторы цитируемой публикации делают вывод о том, что наиболее эффективная фармакологическая терапия почечной недостаточности должна базироваться на комбинированном применении ингибиторов РАС и специфических модуляторов эпигенетических механизмов. Аналогичную точку зрения высказываются и другие авторы, предполагая, что к наиболее благоприятным терапевтическим результатам может привести сочетанное назначение нефрологическим пациентам ингибитора АПФ-1 и ингибитора деацетилазы гистонов (HDACI) (Zhong Y. et al., 2013). Признавая эффективность лозартана в ограничении метилирования гистонов Harshman L.A. и Zepeda-Orozco D. (2016) видят перспективность клинического использования в нефрологической практике препаратов, относящихся к группе ингибиторов HDACI. Наряду с этим, высказывается мнение о роли микро-РНК в эпигенетических механизмах активации локальной РАС почек при хронической почечной недостаточности (Witasp A. et al., 2017). В литературе высказывается мнение о том, что изучение эпигенетических механизмов функционирования внутриклеточной РАС является фундаментальным направлением современной медицинской науки, призванное решать наиболее актуальные практические задачи в области нефрологии и заболеваний сердечно-сосудистой системы (De Mello W.C., 2017). Таким образом, проведенный анализ данных литературы показал, что эпигенетические аспекты перестройки внутрипочечной (внутриорганной) РАС принципиально важны для понимания патофизиологических механизмов нарушения деятельности почек, сопряженных с усилением внутриклеточной продукции ангиотензина-II. Во-первых, эпигенетическая модификация хроматинового комплекса приводит к появлению новых атипичных очагов интенсивной продукции ангиотензина-II в канальцевом эпителии проксимального и дистального отдела нефрона. Во-вторых, самодостаточная (содержащая все основные компоненты) внутриклеточная РАС канальцевого эпителия переключается на аутокринный и паракринный механизмы, с одной стороны, ослабляет свою роль в физиологической регуляции гомеостатических функций почек. С другой стороны, активация внутриклеточной РАС все более нацелена на патофизиологические механизмы усиления повреждения ткани через нарушения энергетического обмена клетки (De Mello W.C., 2017). Кроме того, активируемые эпигенетическими механизмами гены белков-компонентов РАС, через повышение продукции ангиотензина-II, запускают новый виток каскадного усиления ковалентной модификации хроматина, где в качестве индуктора эпигенетических преобразований, напрямую или опосредовано выступает сам ангиотензин-II. Об этом убедительно свидетельствует эффективность применения блокаторов РАС в отношении эпигенетической трансформации хроматина клеток почки. В-третьих, в доступной нам литературе имеются единичные косвенные данные, позволяющие судить о том, насколько эффективно проникают внутрь клеток (в том числе в эпителий канальца) фармакологические ингибиторы РАС (Foster D.R. et al., 2009). При том, что существует очевидная потенциальная возможность с помощью ингибиторов РАС оказывать влияние на внутриклеточные эффекты ангиотензина-II, нацеленные на регуляцию экспрессии генов (da Silva Novaes A. et al., 2018). При этом мы можем только предполагать характер возможного терапевтического действия селективных ингибиторов на внутриклеточную РАС. В-четвертых, данное направление исследований способствует разработке принципиально новых фармакологических препаратов, способствующих более эффективному решению практических задач не только в нефрологии, но и в борьбе с заболеваниями сердечно-сосудистой системы и в области онкологии. <strong>3.2. МИНЕРАЛОКОРТИКОИДЫ.</strong> &nbsp; Анализ фармакологических способов контроля метаболизма минералокортикоидов вовлечен в довольно широкий круг задач, далеко выходящий за пределы изучения патогенеза почечной недостаточности (Zhang D. et al., 2009; Welch A.K. et al., 2016; Bavishi C. et al., 2016; Kawarazaki W., Fujita T., 2016; Azzam Z.S. et al., 2017). Однако, роль альдостерона в патогенезе заболеваний почек, по-прежнему занимает одно из центральных мест (Currie G. et al., 2016). Строго говоря, альдостерон синтезируется вне почки. Тем не менее, мы посчитали возможным рассмотрение эпигенетических эффектов, связанных с его метаболизмом в контексте анализируемого вопроса, поскольку его физиологические, патофизиологические и фармакологические аспекты тесно связаны с функционированием локальной РАС коры надпочечников и внутрипочечной РАС (Feraille E., Dizin E., 2016; Kawarazaki W., Fujita T., 2016; Nehme A., Zibara K., 2017). Возможно, такое объединение может иметь и более обоснованный аргументы, однако, данный вопрос требует дополнительного изучения (De Mello W.C., 2017). Тем не менее, уже известные факты, широко применяемые в практической медицине (Bavishi C. et al., 2016; Currie G. et al., 2016), дают нам право дополнить выше изложенные аргументы сведениями о роли эпигенетических механизмов в патофизиологии альдостерона и РААС. Позволим себе еще одно краткое замечание. В процессе филогенеза появление у амниот минералокортикоидов произошло относительно недавно &ndash; в связи с выходом позвоночных животных на сушу. В то время, как у низших позвоночных (анамний) функцию минералокортикоидов выполнял кортизол (Dolomatov S.I. et al., 2012). Вероятно, поэтому мы наблюдаем интерференцию эффектов альдостерона и глюкокортикоидов на процессы реабсорбции натрия в дистальном отделе нефрона человека (Feraille E., Dizin E., 2016; Nehme A., Zibara K., 2017). В данном случае упоминание о минералокортикоидной функции глюкокортикоидов следует рассматривать, как попытку более полно оценить обсуждаемые процессы. Возможно, рассмотрение регуляторных эффектов альдостерона, необходимо начать с того, что наиболее важными стимулами интенсивности его секреции в коре надпочечников являются: повышение содержания ионов калия во внеклеточной (внутрисосудистой) жидкости и ангиотензина-II, образующийся в локальной (внутриорганной) РАС надпочечников и почек (Feraille E., Dizin E., 2016; Kawarazaki W., Fujita T., 2016; Nehme A., Zibara K., 2017). Поскольку стимулирующее действие ангиотензина-II на уровень секреции альдостерона реализуется через АТ1-популяцию рецепторов, уместно напомнить, что ранее была установлена роль эпигенетических механизмов в управлении экспрессией АТ1 рецепторов, в том числе и в корковом веществе надпочечников (Bogdarina I. et al., 2007; Liang M. et al., 2013). Кроме того, показано, что механизмы фетального программирования, обусловленные даже непродолжительным повышением кортизола в крови матери могут усиливать экспрессию их рецепторов у плода (Liang M. et al., 2013; Tain Y.L., Hsu C.N., 2017). По мнению авторов цитируемых публикаций, такой механизм может способствовать неадекватной стимуляции реабсорбции натрия в зрелом возрасте, приводя к системным нарушениям параметров гемодинамики. Кроме того, авторы отмечают, что активация реабсорбции натрия в дистальном отделе нефрона может осуществляться и за счет триметилирования of H3K36, сопровождающегося подавлением экспрессии гена 11&beta;-гидроксистероид дегидрогеназы-2, отвечающей за метаболический клиренс глюкокортикоидов. Необходимо подчеркнуть, что патофизиологические механизмы альдостерона в почках непосредственно сопряжены со стимуляцией фиброгенеза в тканях органа, повреждением подоцитов и нарастанием протеинурии (Kawarazaki W., Fujita T., 2016). В современной литературе мы наблюдаем повышение интереса к эпигенетическим механизмам перестройки работы почки, связанных с изменением экспрессии транспортных систем натрия, калия и хлора в различных сегментах нефрона (Tain Y.L., Hsu C.N., 2017). Одно из центральных мест этого направления исследований прочно занимает эпителиальный натриевый канал (ENaC) дистального отдела нефрона (Duarte J.D. et al., 2012; Kone B.C., 2013; Yu Z. et al., 2013). В цитируемых источниках сообщается, что альдостерон стимулирует транскрипцию гена белка альфа-субъединицы EnaC (&alpha;ENaC) через активацию фермента глюкокортикоид-индуцируемую киназу-1, подавляющую активность Dot1a (метилтрансферазу белков-гистонов H3K79), транскрипционного фактора Af9 и гистоновой деацетилазы Sirt1, изменяя активность комплекса Dot1/Af9. Кроме того, в литературе имеются данные о том, что индуцированная альдостероном модификация хроматина может способствовать усилению экспрессии гена эндотелина-1 в соединительных трубочках внутренней медуллы (Welch A.K. et al., 2016). Поскольку рецепторам минералокортикоидов отводится важная роль в реализации эпигенетических эффектов альдостерона, могут представлять интерес данные о том, какова роль данной популяции рецепторов в регуляции экспрессии генов, чувствительных к влиянию альдостерона (Ueda K. et al., 2014). Привлекают внимание сообщения о том, что эпигенетические изменения в системе РААС могут принципиально нарушать механизмы стимуляции секреции альдостерона в корковом веществе надпочечников, ослабляя регуляторную роль внутриорганной РАС почек и надпочечников, выводя на первые позиции совершенно иные факторы (например, лептин), непосредственно не связанные с функциональным состоянием почек и не привязанные к параметрам водно-солевого обмена (Kawarazaki W., Fujita T., 2016). Таким образом, проведенный анализ данных литературы показал, что эпигенетические механизмы перестройки метаболизма альдостерона являются важным фактором в патогенезе ренальных дисфункций и патологических нарушений системной гемодинамики. Установлено, что эпигенетические механизмы затрагивают: систему регуляции метаболизма неполовых стероидов; контролирующих экспрессию транспортных белков дистального отдела нефрона; секрецию физиологически активных пептидов в канальцевом отделе нефрона. Кроме того, есть основания предполагать, что процессы регулирования секреции альдостерона также могут подвергаться эпигенетическим изменениям, приводя к неадекватной стимуляции продукции гормона. Возможно, совокупность выявленных закономерностей позволяет некоторым авторам утверждать, что вызванная эпигенетической перестройкой хроматина неограниченная активация РААС и взаимное усиление патофизиологических эффектов ангиотензина-II и альдостерона является одним из базовых патогенетических механизмов хронических заболеваний почек и органов сердечно-сосудистой системы (De Mello W.C., 2017). <strong>3.3. ТРАНСФОРМИРУЮЩИЙ ФАКТОР РОСТА-бета1 </strong> &nbsp; Согласно данным литературы, трансформирующий фактор роста-бета1 (ТФР-бета1) принадлежит к суперсемейству цитокинов, в состав которых, помимо ТФР-бета, входит большое количество белков, например, ВМР, в норме имеющих важное значение для цитодифференцировки тканей и процессов заживления ран (Shi M. et al., 2011). В стимуляции внутриренального синтеза ТФР-бета1важную роль играет ангиотензин-II через АТ1 популяцию рецепторов (Reddy M.A. et al., 2014). Между тем, авторы цитируемого источника отмечают, что антагонисты АТ1 рецепторов и блокаторы АПФ-1 оказывают умеренное благоприятное воздействие на процессы фиброза органа при хронической почечной недостаточности, поскольку существуют РАС-независимые пути индукции ТФР-бета1. Известно, что ТФР-бета1 и ТФР-бета3 является ключевым фактором стимуляции фиброгенеза ткани почки в условиях хронической почечной недостаточности (Wing M.R. et al., 2013). Обнаружено, что патологические нарушения почек в условиях экспериментальных моделей острой почечной недостаточности сопровождаются достаточно быстрым приростом продукции ТФР-бета1 в тканях почки, в том числе, благодаря активации эпигенетических механизмов (Zager R.A. et al., 2011), нарушая нормальное течение репаративных процессов в почке (Bonventre J.V., Yang L., 2011). В экспериментальных условиях острой почечной недостаточности in vivo и в моделировании острого токсического воздействия на культивируемые проксимальные нефроциты было установлено, что стимуляция метилирования Н3 (H3K4mе3) предшествует резкому повышению уровня мРНК ТФР-бета1 в ткани (Zager R.A., Johnson A.C.M., 2010). Результаты экспериментальных исследований подтверждают, что эпигенетическая активация гена ТФР-бета1 происходит в условиях острой почечной недостаточности, способствуя хронизации заболеваний почек (Sun G. et al., 2014). Поскольку ТФР-бета1 может участвовать в метастазировании злокачественных опухолей, является одним из основных индукторов фиброза почек, печени, легких, кожи, проблеме клинического применения анти-ТФР-бета терапии, основанной, в том числе, на эпигенетических механизмах, уделяется значительное внимание, как наиболее перспективному направлению в лечении целого ряда опасных заболеваний (Zeisberg M., Zeisberg E.M., 2015). В частности, анализируется эффективность различных способов подавления патогенетических ТФР-бета1-заисимых механизмов через селективное ингибирование популяции II-типа рецепторов цитокина (Doi S. et al., 2011), применение антисывороток ТФР-бета1 протеина (Zeisberg M., Zeisberg E.M., 2015), использование селективных блокаторов активности деацетилаз гистоновых белков (HDAC) (Guo W. et al., 2009). Хотя, по мнению некоторых авторов, в качестве основной мишени специфических блокаторов деацетилаз гистонов следует рассматривать фермент HDAC класса I, которая, возможно, критически важна для стимуляции ТФР-бета1-зависимого фиброза почек (Liu N. et al., 2013). Также, некоторыми авторами высказывается мнение о целесообразности фармакологической коррекции баланса активности феерментов ацетилтрансфераз гистонов (HATs) и ферментов деацетилаз гистонов (HDACs) (Yuan H. et al., 2013). Необходимо отметить, что в литературе представлены обзоры, содержащие достаточно глубокий и всесторонний анализ возможных системных терапевтических эффектов ингибиторов энзиматической активности HDACs, нацеленных на предотвращение фиброза внутренних органов, включая почки, а также других модуляторов эпигенетических изменений в ренальной паренхиме (Van Beneden K. et al., 2013; Tang J., Zhuang S., 2015). Приводятся аргументы в пользу терапевтической эффективности ингибиторов метилирования в развитии ТФР-бета1-зависимого фиброгенеза почки (Bechtel W. et al., 2010). При этом, в качестве наиболее актуальной мишени перспективных препаратов предлагается фермент метилтрансфераза 7/9 (SET7/9), осуществляющая монометилирование остатка лизина 4 белка-гистона H3 (H3K4me1) (Sasaki K. et al., 2016). На том основании, что некоторые виды микроРНК (в частности, miR-29b) обладают способностью подавлять некоторые просклерозирующие эффекты ТФР-бета1, предполагается, данное направление также может быть в перспективе применено для сдерживания прогрессирующей почечной недостаточности (Wing M.R. et al., 2013). Установлено, что некоторые микроРНК (микро РНК-21 и микро ТНК-192), могут рассматриваться в качестве индукторов ТФР-бета1-зависимого тубулоинтерстициального фиброза и гломерулосклероза (Liu R. et al., 2015). Стимулированное ТФР-бета1 повышение транскрипции микро РНК<em>-192</em> подтверждено в опытах in vitro в культуре клеток (человека и мыши) мезангиума, подоцитов, эндотелиоцитов и канальцевого эпителия (Kato M. et al., 2013). Авторам также удалось установить, что стимуляция ТФР-бета1 транскрипции микро РНК<em>-192</em> зависит от нескольких участков ацетилирования гистона Н3 (H3K9, H3K14 и H3K27). Кроме того, авторами данной публикации высказывается мысль о том, что микро РНК-192 принадлежит особая роль в каскадном усилении просклерозирующих эффектов ТФР-бета1 через активацию транскрипции микро РНК-200b и микро РНК-200c, повышающих экспрессию генов коллагена-1альфа2 (<em>Col1a2</em><em>), коллагена-4альфа1(</em><em>Col4a1</em>) и самого ТФР-бета1 (<em>TGF-</em>&beta;<em>1</em>). С другой стороны, известно, что ТФР-бета1 через Smad3-протеин, стимулирует образование микро РНК-21, активирующей, в свою очередь, экспрессию генов collagen I и fibronectin, а также способствующей повышению уровня &alpha;-SMA в почке (Wing M.R. et al., 2013). Показано, что ТФР-бета1 через активацию фермента метилирования гистонов H3K4-метилтрансферазы SET7/9, повышает экспрессию генов, запускающих, процессы фиброгенеза в почке. Напротив, подавление SET7/9 ингибирует экспрессию индуцируемых ТФР-бета1 генов фиброза (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015; Dressler G.R., Patel S.R., 2015; Hilliard S.A., El-Dahr S.S., 2016). Возможно, медиаторами эффекта ТФР-бета1 в отношении активности SET7/9 являются продукты реакции, катализируемой ферментом 12/15-липоксигеназы (Yuan H. et al., 2016). Наряду с этим, сообщается о том, что ТФР-бета1-зависимая активация фиброгенеза осуществляется через систему внутриклеточной передачи сигнала Smad-протеинами (Reddy M.A, Natarajan R., 2015). Авторы указывают, что, например, Smad2-протеин причастен к стимуляции ацетилирования молекулы гистона Н3 (H3K9/14Ac). Наряду с ранее названными эпигенетическими изменениями, отмечается, что метилирование гистона Н3 (H3K9me2 и H3K9me3) является важным механизмом в регуляции экспрессии генов коллагена-1альфа1 (Col1&alpha;1) и ингибитора активатора плазминогена (PAI-1) (Reddy M.A. et al., 2013; Sun G. et al., 2014). Одним из базовых патогенетических механизмов тубулоинтерстициальных повреждений канальцевого отдела нефрона является эпителиально-мезенхимальная трансформация, маркером интенсивности которого служит экспрессия &alpha;-актина (&alpha;SMA). В связи с этим представляет интерес сообщение о том, что в условиях экспериментальной модели односторонней обструкции мочеточника у мышей TGF-&beta;1 не оказывал существенного влияния на состояние H3K9Ac в проксимальных нефроцитах и миофибробластах. Наряду с этим, цитокин приводил к перераспределению метки H3K9Me3 в хроматине ядра фибробластов, что коррелировало с увеличением экспрессии &alpha;-SMA (Hewitson T.D. et al., 2017). Таким образом, обзор литературы показал, что эпигенетические эффекты TGF-&beta;1 оказывают весьма значительное влияние на процессы фиброгенеза в тканях почек, затрагивая, фактически, все известные механизмы импринтинга: метилирование и ацетилирование гистоновых белков, а также перестройку экспрессии некоторых специфических микро РНК. Следует отметить, что эпигенетические механизмы, инициируемые TGF-&beta;1 в ренальной паренхиме, не только непосредственно участвуют в реализации просклерозирующего эффекта цитокина, но и способствуют резкому усилению TGF-&beta;1-зависимых патогенетических механизмов ремоделирования ренальной паренхимы. При этом, ингибирование TGF-&beta;1-зависимой модификации хроматина способствует сдерживанию патологических изменений деятельности почек. Что, с одной стороны, доказывает важную патогенетическую роль TGF-&beta;1 в хронизации и прогрессировании почечной недостаточности. С другой стороны, это открывает новые перспективы использования селективных модуляторов эпигенетических процессов в практической медицине, что подтверждается сведениями о готовности их применения в доклинических испытаниях (Van Beneden K. et al., 2013). <strong>3.4. МОЛЕКУЛА ОКСИДА АЗОТА (</strong><strong>NO</strong><strong>)</strong> &nbsp; По данным литературы, эпигенетические механизмы выполняют очень важную функцию в регуляции аргинин-зависимого пути синтеза NO в системе изоформ NO-синтаз: эндотелиальной (nNOS - NOS-1), индуцибельной (iNOS - NOS-2), и нейрональной (eNOS - NOS-3). Некоторые авторы выделяют еще одну изоформу &ndash; митохондриальную mtNOS. Имеются данные о том, что гипоксия, один из наиболее мощных активаторов эпигенетической модификации хроматина, способствует изменению экспрессии генов различных изоформ фермента NOS (Shirodkar A.V., Marsden P.A., 2011). Согласно данным цитируемого обзора, ишемия может сопровождаться репрессией гена eNOS в эндотелиоцитах, на фоне активации транскрипции всех трех изоформ NOS в неоинтиме, включая транскрипцию гена eNOS в мышечных волокнах стенки кровеносных сосудов. Авторы отмечают, что добавление к культивируемым клеткам гладкой мускулатуры сосудистой стенки ингибитора метилтрансферазы ДНК (5-azacytidine), а также как ингибитора HDAC (Trichostatin A), приводило к стимуляции транскрипцию гена eNOS в этих клетках, также, способствуя увеличению мРНК eNOS. В исследованиях in vitro на культуре проангиогенных клеток (early EPCs) и мезангиобластов было установлено, что добавление в среду только 3-deazaneplanocin A (DZNep), ингибитора триметилирования H3K27, не оказывало существенного влияния на экспрессию гена eNOS, тогда, как сочетанное воздействие на клетки DZNep и ингибитора гистоновой дезацетилазы Trichostatin A (TSA) увеличивает экспрессию eNOS (Ohtani K. et al., 2011). Результаты клинических наблюдений, подтверждая роль метилирования и ацетилирования гистонов в регуляции экспресси гена eNOS, также акцентируют внимание на процессах метилирования ДНК (Kheirandish-Gozal L. et al., 2013). Возможно, анализ процесса метилирования промотора гена eNOS представляет интерес в составлении прогноза рисков патологических нарушений некоторых показателей минерального обмена человека (Harvey N.C. et al., 2012). Эпигенетические механизмы контроля экспрессия eNOS в эндотелии кровеносных сосудов почки критически важны в процессе органогенеза, а также адаптации почки к гипоксии и изменениям параметров внутрипочечной гемодинамики (Jamal A. et al., 2012). По данным источника, эндотелиоциты могут не проявлять чувствительность к действию цитокинов, стимулирующих экспрессию iNOS, в том случае, если промотор этого гена обильно метилирован, В норме в тканях почки преимущественно представлены nNOS (NOS-1), в основном в области macula densa, а также eNOS (NOS-3) в эндотелиоцитах и в канальцевом эпителии. Известно, что NO участвует в регуляции ренальной гемодинамики, канальцевого транспорта натрия, регуляции величины скорости клубочковой фильтрации. Является важным фактором контроля тубуло-гломерулярной обратной связи, регулятором агрегатного состояния крови и процессов воспаления. Однако, динамика изменения внутрипочечной продукции NO не всегда совпадает с уровнем экспрессии генов NO-синтаз. Так, как интенсивность внутрипочечного синтеза NO, по мере прогрессирования почечной недостаточности, может снижаться в результате поражения сосудистого русла, фиброза коркового слоя почек, изменения метаболизма субстрата (L-Arginine), повышения концентрации эндогенного блокатора NO-синтаз (асимметричного диметиларгинина - ADMA) и доступности кофакторов NOS-синтазных энзиматических комплексов. Установлено, что прогрессирование почечной недостаточности сопровождается снижением внутрипочечной продукции NO, что коррелирует с интенсивностью фиброгенеза в почке (Schmidt Dellamea B. et al., 2014). Вместе с тем, авторы отмечают роль некоторых биологически активных веществ (инсулина, фактора некроза опухоли-альфа, ангиотензина-II) в регуляции экспрессии генов NO-синтаз. Возможно, стимулируемая инсулином избыточная экспрессия гена eNOS (NOS-3) является одним из важнейших патогенетических механизмов прогрессирования диабетической нефропатии, поскольку в условиях экспериментальной модели, введение животным vorinostat (неселективного ингибитора гистон-деацетилаз класса I и класса II понижало экспрессию данного гена, что способствовало ограничению протеинурии о накопления белков внеклеточного матрикса мезангиальными клетками (Advani A. et al., 2011). Сообщается, что, во-первых, в условиях экспериментальной патологии почек избыточная внутрипочечная продукция оксида азота является важным патогенетическим фактором развития гломерулопаии. Во-вторых, Trichostatin A (TSA) - ингибитор гистон-деацетилаз может способствовать нормализации избыточной продукции NO, как клетками мезангиума, так и индуцибельной iNOS, активируемой некоторыми провоспалительными цитокинами (например, IL-1&beta;) (Van Beneden K. et al., 2013). Возможно, ингибиторы деацетилаз гистонов следует рассматривать в качестве перспективной группы фармакологических препаратов, позволяющих сдерживать целый ряд NO-зависимых патогенетических механизмов прогрессирования почечной недостаточности: воспалительный и просклерозирующий компоненты тубуло-интерстициальных повреждений, блокировать активацию фибробластов почки и апоптоз канальцевого эпителия почки (Jamal A. et al., 2012). Кроме того, ингибиторы деацетилаз гистонов, снижая в почке экспрессию генов iNOS и eNOS, способствуют восстановлению функции почек на фоне ограничения образования &alpha;-SMA, коллагена I, фибронектина, ТФР бета1, а также ограничивают апоптоз в условиях диабетической нефропати (Khan S., Jena G., 2014). Установлено, что гипоксия является одним из наиболее мощных факторов, регулирующих экспрессию гена <em>NOS3</em> эндотелиальной NO-синтазы эндотелиоцитов через снижение и ацетилирования гистоновых белков, и метилирования остатков лизина 4 в гистоне H3 (Fish J.E. et al., 2010). Высказывается мнение о том, что, спровоцированное гипоксией усиление экспрессии индуцибельной iNOS, также может оказывать нефропротекторный эффект при реперфузионных повреждениях органа (Bonventre J.V., Yang L., 2012). Тем не менее, продолжительная стимуляция экспрессии iNOS при токсическом поражении почки рассматривается в качестве неблагоприятного фактора, усугубляющего течение заболевания (Sattarinezhad E. et al., 2017). Необходимо признать, что проблема эпигенетической перестройки внутрипочечной системы оксида азота достаточно многогранна, в частности, в литературе представлены работы, посвященные анализу изменений баланса некоторых гуморальных регуляторов деятельности почки (NO, ангиотензина-II, производных арахидоновой кислоты) в условиях фетального программирования (Tain Y.-L., Joles J.A., 2016). Обсуждаемые вопросы постоянно находятся в поле зрения современной науки, о чем свидетельствуют обзорные публикации, содержащие сведения о фундаментальных эпигенетических механизмах регуляции системы оксида азота (Vasudevan D. et al., 2016; Socco S. et al., 2017). Однако, нельзя исключать возможности наличия органоспецифических, в том числе в ренальной паренхиме, механизмов контроля экспрессии различных изоформ NOS, в частности, iNOS и eNOS (Cerkezkayabekir A. et al., 2017). Суммируя изложенные факты, можно сделать вывод о том, что эпигенетическая трансформация системы оксида азота является важным компонентом патогенетических механизмов нарушения деятельности почек. Имеющиеся в литературе факты указывают, что инициирование данной перестройки, например, гипоксией тканей или под воздействием гормонов и цитокинов, может осуществляться на самых ранних этапах заболевания почек. Кроме того, ренальная система NOS подвергается радикальной модификации по мере прогрессирования почечной недостаточности, что проявляется в уменьшении экспрессии nNOS в корковом веществе почек, неуклонном снижении экспрессии eNOS в эндотелиоцитах и появлении атипичной локализации eNOS в мышечном слое сосудистой стенки, стимуляции экспрессии iNOS. С одной стороны, известно, что NOS почек (главным образом nNOS) принимают участие в регуляции активности внутриорганной РАС, а молекула NO &ndash; один из основных антагонистов ренотропных эффектов ангиотензина-II на сосудистом и канальцевом уровне (Chappell M.C., 2012; Thoonen R. et al., 2013). Следовательно, ослабление внутриорганных регуляторных влияний конститутивных NO-синтаз может являться одной из причин неограниченной активации внутрипочечной РАС и ТФР-бета в условиях прогрессирования почечной недостаточности (Macconi D. et al., 2014). Более того, по мнению некоторых авторов именно активацию митохондриальной NOS допустимо рассматривать в ряду основных патогенетических механизмов эпигенетической активации внутриклеточной РАС (De Mello W.C., 2017). С другой стороны, неадекватная активация экспрессии NOS (eNOS и iNOS) на определенных этапах течения заболевания, в силу специфики физико-химических свойств конечного продукта &ndash; молекулы оксида азота и особенностей функционирования NO-синтазных комплексов, может служить источником активных форм кислорода и азота, внося, таким образом, существенный вклад в усиление патологических процессов (Advani A. et al., 2011; Sattarinezhad E. et al., 2017; Tain Y.-L. et al., 2017). Помимо этого, обсуждение эпигенетических перестроек аргинин-зависимого пути образования NO не исчерпывает всей темы метаболизма оксида азота в почках в норме и при патологии. Известно, что существует механизм ресинтеза молекулы NO, использующий в качестве субстрата химически стабильные продукты окисления NO (нитриты, нитраты и др.) и контролируемый такими белками, как гемоглобин или цитохром Р450. В современных обзорах мы встречаем упоминание аргинин-независимого синтеза NO в связи с эпигенетической модуляций системы оксида азота (Vasudevan D. et al., 2016; Socco S. et al., 2017). Однако, данные механизмы имеют определенную специфику, характерную для обменных и транспортных процессов, протекающих в тканях почек. <strong>3.5. ПАТОФИЗИОЛОГИЧЕСКОЕ ЗНАЧЕНИЕ ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКОЙ ТРАНСФОРМАЦИИ СИСТЕМЫ ВНУТРИОРГАННОЙ ГУМОРАЛЬНОЙ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПОЧЕК</strong> &nbsp; Результаты проведенного обзора позволяют сделать вывод о том, что эпигенетические механизмы вносят очень важный вклад в перестройку гуморальных систем регуляции деятельности почек в условиях почечной недостаточности, во многом способствуя прогрессирующему сокращению популяции действующих нефронов, непосредственно создавая предпосылки неблагоприятного течения заболевания. При этом, можно выделить несколько общих тенденций, характерных для эпигенетической трансформации внутриренального синтеза и метаболизма физиологически активных веществ. Во-первых, формирование атипичных очагов их продукции, что наиболее явно присутствует в процессах перестройки систем РАС и оксида азота. Во-вторых, гуморальные факторы, осуществляющие в неповрежденной почке координацию физиологических систем контроля гомеостатической деятельности почек, по мере усиления некоторых эпигенетических изменений, все более утрачивают функции регуляции гомеостаза и переключаются на патофизиологический путь индукции ренальных дисфункций и стимуляции прогрессирования почечной недостаточности. В-третьих, эпигенетические изменения, затрагивающие гены белков, выполняющих ключевые функции в синтезе и метаболизме гуморальных факторов регуляции функций почек, могут выполнять роль пускового механизма становления и прогрессирования почечной недостаточности. В дальнейшем, неограниченный синтез этих молекул белковой и небелковой природы приводит к триггерному усилению процесса, в том числе, опять же с привлечением эпигенетической перестройки хроматина. Следовательно, с одной стороны, гены белков, управляющих продукцией гуморальных факторов регуляции функций почек, являются объектом импринтинга. С другой стороны, стимулированная импринтингом модуляция синтеза гуморальных факторов, на последующем витке спирали, содействует дальнейшему углублению эпигенетической модификации хроматина и усилению роста их образования. Наиболее отчетливо указанная закономерность прослеживается в неограниченной активации РААС и системы ТФР-бета почек. В-четвертых, анализируя спровоцированную импринтингом трансформацию баланса ренотропных регуляторных эффектов гуморальных факторов, можно сделать вывод о том, что в этих условиях наблюдается безмерное нарастание вазотонического, просклерозирующего и провоспалительного потенциала в результате неограниченной активации РААС и системы ТФР-бета. На этом фоне происходит неуклонное сокращение регуляторных возможностей оппозиционного вектора контроля, представленного, в частности, системой оксида азота, в первую очередь, конститутивными изоформами eNOS и nNOS. В-пятых, раскрытие эпигенетических процессов в становлении и прогрессировании нефропатий различного генеза не только способствует созданию более прочной теоретической основы патогенеза почечной недостаточности, но и открывает перспективы к разработке принципиально новых фармакологических способов коррекции функции почек. К сожалению, формат рукописи не позволяет уделить данной теме того внимания, которое она безусловно заслуживает. Между тем, важный практический интерес представляют результаты исследования роли эпигенетических механизмов в модуляции систем аргинин-вазопрессина (Murgatroyd C., 2014; Lesse A. et al., 2017), порообразующих белков аквапоринов (Park E.-J., Kwon T.-H., 2015; MacManes M.D., 2017) и атриального натрийуретического пептида (Sergeeva I.A. et al., 2014; 2016). Равно, как и ренотропные эпигенетические эффекты инсулина (Kumar S. et al., 2016; Shiels P.G. et al., 2017), факторов, индуцируемых гипоксией (HIFs семейство протеинов) (Perez-Perri J.I. et al., 2011; Liu J. et al., 2017), продуктов метаболизма арахидоновой кислоты (Yuan H. et al., 2016) и тироксина (Liu X. et al., 2014; Re A. et al., 2016) могут иметь самое непосредственное отношение к обсуждаемым вопросам. По нашему мнению, данная тема может представлять интерес для понимания особенностей патофизиологических механизмов нарушения функции почек. Поскольку, эпигенетическая модификация хроматина играет принципиально важную роль в нарушении баланса внутрипочечного метаболизма гуморальных факторов регуляции функции почек. Средства фармакологической коррекции, разработанные в соответствии с пониманием механизмов импринтинга в значительной степени, могут способствовать в сдерживании хронизации и прогрессирования почечной недостаточности. Напротив, отказ от более современной стратегии сдерживания прогрессирующих нарушений ренальной паренхимы, может иметь последствия в форме изменений процессов синтеза гуморальных факторов под влиянием эпигенетических механизмов, оказыващих дальнейшее влияние на ковалентную модификацию хроматина, а также усиливающих патофизиологические механизмы повреждения ренальной паренхимы. <strong>СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ К ГЛАВЕ </strong>&laquo;<strong>ФАКТОРЫ ВНУТРИОРГАННОЙ ГУМОРАЛЬНОЙ РЕГУЛЯЦИИ ДЕЯТЕЛЬНОСТИ ПОЧЕК. 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J Mol Endocrinol. 2014;52(3):245-254 doi: 10.1530/JME-13-0252 &nbsp; 129.Re A., Nanni S., Aiello A. et al. Anacardic acid and thyroid hormone enhance cardiomyocytes production from undifferentiated mouse ES cells along functionally distinct pathways. Endocrine. 2016;53(3):681-688 doi: 10.1007/s12020-015-0751-2 &nbsp; <strong>ГЛАВА 4. БЕЛКИ РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВОЙ СИСТЕМЫ ПРИ ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИХ ЗАБОЛЕВАНИЯХ </strong> &nbsp; По нашему мнению, обсуждение роли патофизиологических механизмов контроля экспрессии генов белков, принимающих участие в регуляции деятельности почек, предполагает использование в виде иллюстрации какой-либо определенной модели патологии. В качестве такой модели нами были выбраны процессы малигнизации и метастазирования опухолей. С одной стороны, одним из важных маркеров малигнизации клеток, есть изменения в процессах биосинтеза белков, в норме не характерных для данной популяции клеток. С другой стороны, онкологические заболевания, выбранные в качестве примера, на первый взгляд, не имеют прямого отношения к системам контроля водно-солевого гомеостаза. Тем не менее, они, во-первых, демонстрируют некоторые специфические, нельзя сказать, что второстепенные, свойства протеинов, объединяемых общим термином &laquo;компоненты РАС&raquo;. Во-вторых, описываемые закономерности изменения экспрессии белков &mdash; &laquo;компонентов РАС&raquo; при онкологических заболеваниях дают повод оценить широкий спектр функций данной группы протеинов. По данным литературы, компоненты ренин-ангиотензиновой системы (РАС) могут принимать участие в процессах малигнизации тканей, стимулировать рост и метастазирование опухолей (Regulska K. et al., 2013; Gomez R.A., Sequeira-Lopez M.L.S., 2016; Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017; Pinter M. et al., 2017). Более ранние исследования продемонстрировали диагностическую ценность анализа экспрессии компонентов РАС в онкологии (Rоmer F. K., 1981). Результаты современных исследований подтверждают тезис о диагностической ценности анализа экспрессии компонентов РАС, подчеркивая также их значение в составлении прогноза течения заболевания и выборе способа лечения злокачественных опухолей (Regulska K. et al., 2013; Tawinwung S. et al., 2015; Gomez R.A., Sequeira-Lopez M.L.S., 2016). Наряду с этим, следует указать, что пептиды-компоненты РАС рассматривают в качестве ключевых патогенетических механизмов роста и метастазирования злокачественных опухолей, включая стимуляцию локальной продукции ангиотензина-II (А<strong>-</strong>II), повышение экспрессии рецепторов к А-II, изменение баланса экспрессии ангиотензин-I-превращающих ферментов (АСЕ-1 и АСЕ-2) и уровень образования продуктов их реакции (А-II и А-1-7 соответственно) (Regulska K. et al., 2013; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017; Sun H. et al., 2017). Объектом внимания некоторых исследований является изучение степени риска индукции канцерогенеза ингибиторами РАС (Connolly S. et al., 2011; Azoulay L. et al., 2012; Yang Y. et al., 2015; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). Вместе с тем, патогенетические механизмы, индуцирующие увеличение экспрессии белков-компонентов РАС в малигнизированных клетках, их роль в процессах роста и метастазирования остаются мало изученными. <strong>4.1. ДИАГНОСТИЧЕСКАЯ ЦЕННОСТЬ АНАЛИЗА ЭКСПРЕССИИ БЕЛКОВ-КОМПОНЕНТОВ РАС В ОНКОЛОГИИ</strong> &nbsp; <strong>4.1.1. Рецепторы к А-</strong><strong>II</strong> &nbsp; А-II оказывает свое влияние через АТ1 и АТ2 популяции рецепторов. Установлено, что в клетках астроцитомы человека частота выявления АТ1 рецепторов у пациентов с высокой степенью злокачественности опухоли (степень III и IV) возрастает до 67% против 10% в группе с низким уровнем злокачественности, что положительно коррелирует с интенсивностью пролиферации клеток и плотностью неоангиогенеза (Arrieta O. et al., 2008). В исследованиях на лабораторных животных, привитых культурой клеток колоректального рака (CRC), было установлено, что А-II через АТ1 и АТ2 рецепторы стимулирует миграцию малигнизированных клеток и их метастазирование в печень (Nguyen L. et al., 2016). Сообщается, что при некоторых онкологических заболеваниях легких раковые клетки, демонстрирующие высокие уровни экспрессии АТ1-рецепторов, обладают резистентностью к воздействию цитостатиков (Cheng Q. et al., 2016). Анализ клинических наблюдений позволяет сделать вывод о том, что повышение экспрессии АТ1 рецепторов малигнизированными клетками свидетельствует о неблагоприятном прогнозе течения заболевания, обусловленном стимуляцией неоангиогенеза, роста и метастазирования опухоли (Keizman D. et al., 2011; Sun H. et al., 2017). Подчеркивается, что активация плейотропных АТ1-зависимых проонкогенных эффектов А-II может затрагивать в том числе лимфоциты и связанные с опухолью макрофаги, что приводит к снижению противоракового иммунитета, изменению продукции интерлейкинов и провоспалительных цитокинов (Coulson R. et al., 2017; Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017). Значительный прирост АТ1 белка в трансформированных клетках происходит за счет активации гена <em>AGTR</em><em>1</em> (Coulson R. et al., 2017). Возможно, стимуляция неоангиогенеза, реализуемая через АТ1 рецепторы, является одним из универсальных патогенетических механизмов прогрессирования опухолей различного генеза (Osumi H. et al., 2015; Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017). Приводятся данные о синэргических эффектах систем рецепторов АТ1/А-II и АТ2/А-II в стимуляции неоангиогенеза (Ager E.I. et al., 2011), а также усилении миграции клеток, воспаления формирование внеклеточного матрикса через AT1 и AT2 рецепторы к А-II (Aydiner A. et al., 2015). Показано, что изменения экспрессии АТ1 и АТ2 рецепторов допустимо рассматривать в качестве маркеров малигнизации слизистой желудка, индуцированной патогенными микроорганизмами, например <em>Helicobacter</em><em> </em><em>pylori</em> (Sugimoto M. et al., 2012), а также при прогрессировании плоскоклеточного рака языка (Itinteang T. et al., 2016), прогрессировании колоректального рака и оценке степени риска его метастазирования (Kuniyasu H., 2012; Shimizu Y. et al., 2017), диагностике онкологических заболеваний легких (Gallagher P.E. et al., 2011) и молочной железы (Vinson G.P. et al., 2012). Уровень экспрессии рецепторов А-II рассматривается в качестве прогностического критерия течения плоскоклеточного рака пищевода (Li S.-H. et al., 2016) и светлоклеточного рака почки (Dolley-Hitze T. et al., 2010). Возможно, динамика изменения экспрессии <em>АТ1 и АТ2 </em>может рассматриваться в качестве интегрального индикатора чувствительности малигнизированной ткани к воздействию гуморальных индукторов канцерогенеза (Rhodes D.R. et al., 2009; Vinson G.P. et al., 2012; Sugimoto M. et al., 2012; Regulska K. et al., 2013; Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017). В ряде обзорных публикаций достаточно подробно изложена оценка результатов исследования особенностей экспрессии АТ1 и АТ2 рецепторов А-II при различных онкологических заболеваниях, их диагностическая и прогностическая ценность. Представлены аргументы с точки зрения их роли в патогенезе заболеваний, прогрессировании и диссеминации опухолей, а также перспективность клинического применения селективных антагонистов рецепторов А-II в целях повышения эффективности химиотерапии, иммунотерапии и ингибиторов неоангиогенеза в онкологии (Vinson G.P. et al., 2012; Regulska K. et al., 2013; Wegman-Ostrosky T. et al., 2015; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017; Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017). &nbsp; <strong>4.1.2. Ангиотензин-</strong><strong>I</strong><strong>-превращающий фермент (АСЕ-1).</strong><strong> </strong> &nbsp; Ангиотензин-I-превращающий фермент (<strong>АСЕ-1</strong>), карбоксипедиптидаза, один из ключевых факторов, осуществляющих превращение ангиотензина-I (А-1) в физиологически активный ангиотензин-II (А-II). Вместе с тем, при патологии, включая онкологические заболевания, роль АСЕ-1 в образовании А-II может изменяться за счет усиления вклада АСЕ-независимого пути конверсии А-1 в А-II в присутствии альфа-химазы и других пептидаз, формируя резистентность опухолевых клеток к современным методам противораковой терапии (Xie G. et al., 2017; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). Широко известен и тот факт, что АСЕ-1, обладая относительно низкой субстратной специфичностью, может участвовать не только в образовании А-II, но и в метаболизме кининов, а также других физиологически активных молекул, потенциально актуальных для процессов канцерогенеза, роста и диссеминации опухолей (Regulska K. et al., 2013; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). Привлекают внимание сведения о том, что АСЕ-1, помимо пептидазной активности, может непосредственно участвовать во внутриклеточной передаче сигнала А-II, фактически являясь рецептором октапептида (de Alvarenga E.C. et al., 2016). По мнению авторов цитируемой публикации, механизм АСЕ-зависимой рецепции А-II может выполнять важную роль в управлении миграции и пролиферации раковых клеток. Следовательно, динамика изменения топологии и уровней экспрессии АСЕ при онкологических заболеваниях может служить маркером локализации проонкогенных эффектов А-II и других гуморальных факторов, метаболизм которых связан с функциями компонентов РАС. Например, при онкологических заболеваниях почек наблюдается закономерное изменение активности и топологии экспрессии белков АСЕ (Errarte P. et al., 2017; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). В норме эпителий корковых сегментов канальцевого отдела нефрона, в частности, эпителий проксимального отдела, демонстрирует высокие показатели экспрессии АСЕ, который отсутствует в клетках светлоклеточного рака почки (CCRCC) и выявляется только в кровеносных сосудах опухоли (Errarte P. et al., 2017). Авторами показано, что уровень экспрессии белка в опухоли и величина его энзиматической активности в плазме крови могут служить маркером CCRCC агрессивности опухоли и является индикатором выживаемости пациентов с CCRCC. С другой стороны, перспектива применения широко известных ингибиторов АСЕ в целях подавления неоангиогенеза в злокачественных новообразованиях рассматривается в качестве одного из основных аргументов к применению препаратов данной группы в онкологии (Shen J. et al., 2016). Показано, что способствующее ускользанию от противоракового иммунитета микроокужение опухолевых клеток мышей, может формироваться макрофагами и связанными с опухолью фибробластами (Nakamura K. et al., 2018). По мнению авторов, резко повышенный в макрофагах уровень экспрессии АСЕ указывает на повышение интенсивности локальной продукции физиологически активных веществ, вызывающих иммуносупрессию: оксид азота, трансфомирующий фактор роста-бета1 и PGE2. В норме экспрессия АСЕ критически важна для формирования специфического микроокружения в процессах цитодифференцировки на стадии эмбрионального развития органа или в некоторых интенсивно пролиферирующих тканях взрослого человека. Однако, чрезмерно высокий уровень экспрессии не только ассоциируется с нарушениями гемопоэза, но и рассматривается, как эффект ACE в онкогематологии (Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016). Существенное повышение экспрессии АСЕ рака гортани свидетельствует о неблагоприятном течении заболевания и высоком риске метастазирования опухоли (Han C., Ge W., 2016). Следовательно, изменение экспрессии АСЕ-1 наряду с изучением полиморфизма гена АСЕ широко используется в современной онкологии в качестве маркера тяжести течения заболевания и его прогноза (Regulska K. et al., 2013). Вместе с тем, уровень экспрессии АСЕ-1 клетками злокачественных опухолей не всегда коррелирует с интенсивностью локального продукции А-II, по причине усиления активности, например, химазы, регулирующей АСЕ-независимый путь образования А-II (Xie G. et al., 2017). Помимо этого, необходимо учитывать, что АСЕ непосредственно принимает участие в регуляции иммунных реакций организма (Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016). &nbsp; <strong>4.1.3. Ангиотензин-</strong><strong>I</strong><strong>-превращающий фермент-2 (АСЕ-2) и ось ACE2/Ang-(1&ndash;7)/M</strong><strong>AS</strong><strong>1.</strong><strong> </strong> &nbsp; АСЕ-2, гомолог АСЕ-1, отвечает за метаболический клиренс А-II, используемого ферментом в качестве субстрата для синтеза ангиотензина-1-7 (А-1-7). В свою очередь, А-1-7, осуществляя регуляторное влияние через МAS1-рецепторы, оказывает оппозиционное действие вазотоническим, провоспалительным и просклерозирующим эффектам А-II (Clarke N.E., Turner A.J., 2012). Снижение уровня экспрессии АСЕ-2 клетками рака молочной железы рассматривается в качестве маркера тяжелой формы течения заболевания с высоким риском метастазирования (Yu С. et al., 2016). По мнению авторов, уровень экспрессии АСЕ-2 отражает степень влияния ACE2/Ang-(1&ndash;7)/MAS1 оси на ограничение трансформации кальций-зависимых путей внутриклеточной передачи сигнала, характерной для процесса малигнизации клеток. Показано, что уровень экспрессии АСЕ-2 отрицательно коррелирует с интенсивностью неоангиогенеза в некоторых опухолях легких и чувствительностью раковых клеток к цитостатикам. Активность оси ACE2/Ang-(1-7)/MAS1 может угнетать секрецию VEGFа и подавлять активности матричных металлопротеиназ MMP-2 и MMP-9, тем самым способствуя ограничению неоангиогенеза, повышению чувствительности опухоли к цитостатикам и снижению риска метестазирования (Feng Y. et al., 2011; Cheng Q. et al., 2016). В ряде публикаций указывается, что гипоксия является признаком солидных опухолей, подчеркивая, что условия гипоксии способствуют усилению проонкогенного влияния АСЕ-1/А-II на фоне снижения эффектов оси ACE-2/Ang-(1-7)/MAS1 (Fan L. et al., 2014). Авторами цитируемой публикации показано, что in vitro в культуре клеток карциномы легких Льюиса гипоксия способствует снижению экспрессии АСЕ-2 на фоне АСЕ-1/А-II-зависимой индукции VEGFа. Приводятся аргументы в пользу перспективности клинического использования А-1-7, как фактора противораковой терапии опухоли груди, клетки которой не экспрессируют рецепторы эстрогенов, рецепторы прогестерона и рецептора-2 эпидермального фактора роста (Luo Y. et al., 2015). Некоторые обзоры также содержат позитивную оценку перспектив ACE-2/Ang-(1-7)/MAS1 оси в противораковой фармакологии (Regulska K. et al., 2013). Наряду с этим, подчеркивается, что характер влияния ACE-2/Ang-(1-7)/MAS1 оси на раковые клетки и прогрессирование опухоли может зависеть от локализации опухоли (Wegman-Ostrosky T. et al., 2015; Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). В частности, приводятся данные о том, что А-1-7 стимулирует метастазирование почечно-клеточного рака (RCC), индуцирует активацию генов провоспалительных факторов, в целом способствуя прогрессированию заболевания (Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). Принимая к сведению изложенные факты, авторы склоняются к мнению о том, что А-1-7 в отношении RCC обладает, скорее, пронкогенным действием. &nbsp; <strong>4.1.4. Ангиотензиноген.</strong> &nbsp; Ангиотензиноген (<strong>Agt</strong>) является универсальным предшественником А-II и А-1-7. В норме Agt, главным образом, синтезируется в печени. При онкологических заболеваниях, как правило, печень сохраняет роль основного источника Agt (Vinson G.P. et al., 2012). Однако, представляют интерес данные о диагностической ценности локальной продукции Agt, как маркера канцерогенеза. Также привлекают внимание особенности метаболизма Agt раковыми клетками. С одной стороны, локальная продукция Agt рассматривается в качестве одного из наиболее информативных маркеров активности опухолевого неоангиогенеза (Choi J.-H. et al., 2014). С другой стороны, согласно данным цитируемой публикации, доминирующим продуктом конверсии Agt в опухолевых тканях является А-II. При этом, комбинированное влияние HIF-1-альфа и А-II, на фоне более высокой продукции Agt, рассматривается в качестве базового патогенетического механизма стимуляции ростовых факторов (в частности, VEGFа), активирующих опухолевый неоангиогенез. Действительно, результаты клинических исследований показали, что, во-первых, повышенная экспрессия гена Agt у пациентов с глиобластомой, может расцениваться, как маркер резистентности опухоли к противораковой терапии, направленной на угнетение опухолевого неоангиогенеза (Urup T. et al., 2016). Во-вторых, более высокая экспрессия гена Agt опухолевой тканью сопровождается усилением локальной продукции А-II. Тем не менее, в литературе приводятся данные о том, что также Agt обладает способностью угнетать неоангиогенез (Wegman-Ostrosky T. et al., 2015). Обсуждая локальную продукцию Agt, необходимо уточнить, что, по мнению некоторых авторов, стимуляция локальной экспрессии компонентов РАС, включая Agt, рассматривается в качестве центрального индуктора внутриклеточного каскада регуляторных белков, определяющих процессы малигнизации клеток и метастазирования (Sugimoto M. et al., 2012). Более того, опубликованные результаты не исключают возможности активации и перестройки внутриклеточного метаболизма компонентов РАС в раковых клетках (Blanco L.. et al., 2014). Что не противоречит мнению об универсальной патогенетической роли активации внутриклеточной РАС, причастной также и к процессам модуляции экспрессии генов (Ellis B. et al., 2012; De Mello W.C., 2015). Вместе с тем, указывается на тканеспецифические особенности экспрессии Agt, как маркера риска онкологических заболеваний. Например, риск возникновения рака легких ассоциируется со снижением продукции Agt белка (Wang H. et., 2015). По мнению авторов, эпигенетические механизмы снижения экспрессии гена <em>Agt</em> и точечные мутации гена <em>Agt</em> могут рассматриваться в качестве факторов, усиливающих риск онкологических заболеваний легких. Возможно, динамика локальной продукции Agt протеина и его уровни в плазме крови могут по-разному формировать прогноз течения метастазов колоректального рака (Martin P. et al., 2014). Авторами установлено, что повышение уровня Agt протеина в сыворотке крови достоверно ассоциировалось с худшей общей выживаемостью, а эпителиальная экспрессия Agt достоверно ассоциировалась с улучшенной выживаемостью без прогрессирования заболевания. Еще один аспект диагностической ценности локальной продукции Agt протеина опухолевыми тканями может быть обусловлен закономерным изменением экспрессии гена <em>Agt</em> по мере течения заболевания (Vinson G.P. et al., 2012). &nbsp; <strong>4.1.5. (Про)Ренин.</strong> &nbsp; В последнее время молекула (про)ренина и ее рецепторы привлекает все большее внимание не только, в качестве регуляторного фермента РАС, но и как важный элемент механизмов контроля онтогенеза, заживления ран и патогенеза ряда заболеваний (Gomez R.A., Sequeira-Lopez M.L.S., 2016). В некоторых обзорах, посвященных анализу патогенетической роли РАС в онкологических заболеваниях, встречаются сведения о важном влиянии ренина на процессы малигнизации клеток и прогрессирования опухоли (Vinson G.P. et al., 2012; Sugimoto M. et al., 2012). В исследованиях in vitro установлено, что ренин может оказывать стимулирующее влияние на рост культуры клеток почечно-клеточного рака (Hu J. et al., 2015). Экспрессия ренина может рассматриваться, как маркер нормального созревания предшественников клеток крови или их малигнизации (Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016). Авторы цитируемого обзора подчеркивают, что экспрессия ренина была обнаружена в клетках острого миелоидного лейкоза, в клетках хронического миелоидного лейкоза и острого лимфолейкоза. Высказывается мнение о том, что стволовые клетки костного мозга, которые экспрессируют ренин являться источником лимфобластного лейкоза (Belyea B.C. et al., 2014). По данным литературы, экспрессия гена ренина в процессе нормального и малигнизированного емопоэза может регулироваться эпигенетическими механизмами (Belyea B.C. t al., 2014; Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016). В контексте обсуждаемой емы уместно напомнить, что сложно функционирующая, относительно мало зученная, система рецепторов к (про)ренину имеет отношение не только к АС, но и к регуляции экспрессии генов белков-индукторов процессов оспаления и фиброза тканей (Nguyen G., 2011). Дальнейшие исследования одтвердили РАС-независимые эффекты системы рецепторов к (про)ренину, родемонстрировав их роль в регуляции фундаментальных механизмов онтроля гомеостаза клетки (M&uuml;ller D.N. et al., 2012). Также было установлено, то уровни в плазме крови рецепторов к (про)ренину ((P)RR) в группе нкологических пациентов были резко повышены (Shibayama Y. et al., 2015). На сновании анализа динамики экспрессии (P)RR в клетках на различной стадии алигнизации авторами цитируемой публикации делается вывод о том, что P)RR могут быть тесно вовлечены в процессы онкогенез в поджелудочной елезе. Результаты изучения in vitro экспрессии PRR в культивируемых клетках лиомы человека позволяютс сделать вывод о том, что этот рецептор может ыть как прогностическим маркером, так и мишенью в лечении заболевания Kouchi M. et al., 2017). Приводятся данные о том, что изменение экспрессии P)RR в процессе гемопоэза может рассматриваться в качестве перспективного аркера диагностики в онкогематологии (Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016). <strong>4.2. ЭПИГЕНЕТИЧЕСКИЕ МЕХАНИЗМЫ, КАК ВОЗМОЖНЫЕ РЕГУЛЯТОРЫ ЭКСПРЕССИИ ПРОТЕИНОВ-КОМПОНЕНТОВ РАС ПРИ ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИХ ЗАБОЛЕВАНИЯХ </strong> &nbsp; Представленная выше краткая информация о динамике экспрессии протеинов-компонентов РАС в опухолевых тканях свидетельствует о том, что, во-первых, этот показатель может существенно повышаться в тканях, для которых в норме не характерны высокие уровни экспрессии данной группы протеинов (Sugimoto M. et al., 2012; Shibayama Y. et al., 2015; Han C., Ge W., 2016; Itinteang T. et al., 2016; Yue Z. et al., 2016). И напротив, при некоторых онкологических заболеваниях клетки постепенно утрачивают присущую им в норме способность экспрессировать белки РАС (Errarte P. et al., 2017; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). Во-вторых, отмечается закономерное изменение экспрессии и топологии белков РАС в опухолевых тканях в зависимости от стадии течения и степени тяжести заболевания (Vinson G.P. et al., 2012; Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016; Kouchi M. et al., 2017). В ряде публикаций приводятся доказательства ведущей роли эпигенетических механизмов в изменении синтеза белков, способных стимулировать процессы малигнизации, воспаления, фиброза и метастазирования (TsaiY.-P., Wu K.-J., 2012; Tan W. et al., 2014; Harb-De la Rosa A.et al., 2015; Cheng Y. et al., 2016; Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016; Semenza G.L., 2016). При этом, уделяется внимание эпигенетической перестройке экспрессии генов протеинов-компонентов РАС в процессах малигнизации и роста раковых клеток (TsaiY.-P., Wu K.-J., 2012; Han C.-D., Ge W.-S., 2016; Haznedaroglu I.C., Malkan U.Y., 2016; ie G. et al., 2017). Эпигенетическая перестройка экспрессии компонентов РАС тносительно новое и мало изученное направление в онкологии. В норме, л ние пигенетических механизмов на динамику экспрессии генов белков АС про еживается на ранних стадиях гисто- и органогенеза, а также в нтенсивно про ферирующих тканях (Belyea B.C. et al., 2014; Haznedaroglu .C., Malkan U.Y , 016). Сообщается, что одним из универсальных индукторов кспрессии ген в елков-компонентов РАС, по мере прогрессирования локачественных нов бразований, может являться <em>HIF</em><em>-1альфа </em>(TsaiY.-P., Wu .-J., 2012; Choi J.-H. et l., 2014; Xie G. et al., 2017). Установлено, что ряд акторов, соп тствующих ечению сахарного диабета, также может оказывть лияние на экс рессию генов елков РАС, усиливая риск онкологических аболеваний (Ya g X. et al., 2012; eddy M.A. et al., 2012; Reddy M.A., Natarajan., 2015; Weg an-Ostrosky T. et al., 015).<em> Возможно, </em><em>HIF</em><em>-1альфа епосредственно при имает участие в егуляции экспрессии нгиотензиногена (</em>Agt) (Choi J.- . et al., 2014). В свою чередь, локальная родукция Agt критически важна для усиления образования -II, тимулирующего опухолевый неоангиогенез и мет стазирование через Т1-рецепторы. Сообщается, что антагонист АТ1-рецепторов олмесартан ожет ерез активацию синтеза микроРНК-205 инг бировать экспрессию VEGF-а аковыми клетками (Yue Z. et al., 2016). В дан ом случае А-II рассматривается ачестве регулятора процессов тра скрипции. Действительно, спериментальные исследования показывают, что А-II может усиливать дукцию провоспалительных цитокинов (IFN&gamma;, TNF ) и матричных ме аллопротеиназ (MMP2, MMP9), стимулируя адгезию раковых клеток к эндотелиальным клеткам, а также активируя их трансэндотелиальную миграцию и миграцию опухолевых клеток через белки внеклеточного матрикса (Rodrigues-Ferreira S., et al. 2012). Наряду с этим, высказывается мнение об универсальности эпигенетической перестройки экспрессии компонентов РАС в патогенезе, в том числе, и онкологических заболеваний (Kemp J.R. et al., 2014; Reddy M.A., NatarajanR., 2015). С другой стороны, приводятся сведения об эпигенетических эффектах А-1-7, направленных на ограничение подвижности раковых клеток и их способности к метастазированию (de Oliveira da Silva B. et al., 2016). С этой точки зрения особое значение приобретают данные о способности АСЕ-1 участвовать в механизмах внутриклеточной передачи сигнала А-II (de Alvarenga E.C. et al., 2016). Не менее актуальной является информация о важности системы (про)ренин &mdash; рецепторы к (про)ренину в управлении экспрессии генов, независимо от состояния активности РАС (Nguyen G., 2011; M&uuml;ller D.N. et al., 2012). Результаты дальнейших исследований подтверждают тезис о том, что система (про)ренин &mdash; рецепторы к (про)ренину могут выполнять важную функцию в патогенезе и течении онкологических заболеваний (Shibayama Y. et al., 2015; Wang C. et al., 2016; Kaneko K. et al., 2017). <strong>4.3. ОНКОЛОГИЧЕСКИЕ АСПЕКТЫ ЭКСПРЕССИИ КОМПОНЕНТОВ РАС И ЛОКАЛЬНАЯ РЕНИН-АНГИОТЕНЗИНОВАЯ СИСТЕМА</strong> &nbsp; Само понятие &laquo;локальная РАС&raquo; формировалось, как представление об элементе внутриорганного гуморального комплекса контроля гомеостатических функций данного органа. На примере локальной РАС почек эту мысль можно проиллюстрировать следующим примером. В норме, адекватным стимулом активации внутриренальной РАС есть два различных механизма, обусловленных внутриорганными изменениями кровяного давления и интенсивности транспорта хлорида натрия в области macula densa. В результате активации системы происходит усиление секреции клетками юкста-гломерулярного аппарата регуляторного фермента РАС &mdash; ренина и повышение продукции А-II. Основные ренотропные физиологические эффекты А-II реализуются, в основном, в отношении параметров внутрипочечной гемодинамики, процессов фильтрации и канальцевого транспорта веществ (г.о. натрия) на уровне проксимального отдела нефрона. В том числе через инициацию эффектов, контролирующих транскрипцию транспортных и регуляторных белков в проксимальных нефроцитах (Li X.C. et al., 2012; Satou R., Gonzalez-Villalobos R.A., 2012). В физиологических условиях, индукция секреции ренина (Sparks M.A. et al., 2014) и А-II-зависимая стимуляция транскрипции транспортных белков канальцевого эпителия (Shao W. et al., 2013) адекватны текущему состоянию водно-солевого баланса организма. Например, вызванная гипонатриевой диетой физиологическая стимуляция РАС не сопряжена с повышением ренальных потерь Agt или с развитием повреждений ренальной паренхимы (Shao W. et al., 2013). Следовательно, конечным результатом деятельности сложного комплекса гуморальных регуляторов внутрипочечной системы контроля гомеостаза является поддержание стабильных параметров кровяного давления, ионного гомеостаза, кислотно-основного равновесия, постоянства объема внеклеточной жидкости организма (Satou R., Gonzalez-Villalobos R.A., 2012; Zhuo J.L. et al., 2013; Sparks M.A. et al., 2014; Ferr&atilde;o F.M. et al., 2014). При этом, топология основной массы ренин-секретирующих клеток почки в области ЮГА, скорее всего, имеет принципиально важное значение. Поскольку данная популяция клеток непосредственно получает информацию о параметрах гемодинамики и о состоянии транспорта ионов хлора и натрия в дистальных извитых сегментах нефрона. Напротив, появление эктопических очагов секреции, например, ренина за пределами ЮГА (в канальцевом эпителии, клетках мезангиума) лишает клетки-продуценты адекватной стимуляции. По нашему мнению, такие события, в совокупности с локализацией продукции всех белков-компонентов РАС в одной клетке может создавать предпосылки для неограниченной активации сформировавшихся эктопических очагов РАС, нацеленных на инициацию и каскадное усиление патологических изменений в ренальной паренхиме. С другой стороны, гипоксия, оксидативный стресс, высокий уровень глюкозы в крови и другие неблагоприятные факторы способны индуцировать эпигенетические механизмы активации фиброза и воспаления ренальной паренхимы, в том числе и изменений топологии компонентов РАС через механизмы контроля экспрессии генов (Macconi D.et al., 2014; Reddy M.A., NatarajanR. , 2015, Nangaku M. et al., 2017). Одним из важных результатов указанных событий есть усиление секреции ренина в паренхиме мозгового слоя почки (ZhuoJ.L., 2011), в гладкомышечных клетках артериол, мезангиальных клетках и в интерстиции через эпигенетические механизмы контроля экспрессии генов (Sparks M.A. et al., 2014; De Mello W.C., 2015). Ренин &mdash; регуляторный фермент РАС, детерминирующий интенсивность дальнейшей продукции А-II. Накопление активных форм кислорода (ROS) в почечной ткани способствует усилению экскреции Agt почками, усиливая цепь обратной связи между активацией ROS и дальнейшей активацией ROS синтеза Agt (Nguyen M.T.X. et al., 2015). Показано, что инфузия животным А-II существенно активирует биосинтез Agt в проксимальных нефроцитах, приводя к дальнейшему росту канальцевой продукции А-II и повышению его патогенетического влияния (Ramkumar N. et al., 2016). В целом, аккумуляция компонентов РАС в проксимальных нефроцитах, усиление внутриклеточной продукции А-II и его эффектов на процессы транскрипции, функции митохондрий, усиление продукции ROS &mdash; один из базовых патогенетических механизмов нарушений гомеостатических функций почек (Navar L.G. et al., 2011; Ellis B. et al., 2012; Li X.C., Zhuo J.L., 2016). В качестве диагностического критерия патологической трансформации внутрипочечной РАС рекомендуется использование ренальной экскреции ангиотензиногена (Kobori H.et al., 2002; Navar L.G. et al., 2011; Alge J.L. et al., 2013). Таким образом, патологическая трансформация внутрипочечной РАС осуществляется: 1.Под контролем эпигенетических механизмов, изменяющих процессы транскрипции, в том числе белков-компонентов РАС. 2.В результате формирования эктопических очагов биосинтеза ключевых белков-компонентов РАС. 3.В результате усиления внутриклеточной продукции А-II и усиления влияния октапептида на транскрипцию белков. 4.Ослаблением экспрессии АСЕ-2, снижением продукции А-1-7, эффекты которого носят оппозиционный характер по отношению к А-II. В результате, в отличии от физиологических условий, патологическое изменение топологии и уровня экспрессии компонентов РАС приводит: 1.К появлению эктопических очагов РАС, в т.ч. усилению внутриклеточной РАС канальцевого эпителия.2.К образованию эктопических очагов РАС (ренин, ангиотензиноген) способствующих ускользанию пусковых механизмов активации РАС от базовых егуляторных стимулов параметров водно-солевого баланса организма и гемодинамики. 3.К изменению вектора регуляторных эффектов эктопических очагов РАС, которые больше не направлены на поддержание гомеостаза. Сформировавшиеся эктопические очаги экспрессии компонентов РАС обеспечивает дальнейшую неограниченную индукцию фиброза, воспаления и гипертрофии клеток ренальной паренхимы. 4.К изменению внутриклеточных систем передачи сигнала (Satou R., Gonzalez-Villalobos R.A., 2012) и баланса регуляторного влияния А-II и А-1-7, в сторону усиления активности АСЕ-1 и альфа-химазы на фоне снижения экспрессии АСЕ-2 (Sparks M.A. et al., 2014).Отметим, что подобные изменения происходят и в результате перестройки экспрессии компонентов РАС в клетках злокачественных опухолей, индуцирующих малигнизацию клеток, фиброз и воспаление ткани, неоангиогенез, метастазирование и иммуносупрессию (Regulska K. et al., 2013; Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017; Sobczuk P. et al., 2017). Также, как в патогенезе и прогрессировании почечной недостаточности, компоненты РАС раковых клеток не причастны к выполнению гомеостатических функций. Следовательно, по нашему мнению, локальной РАС не являются. С точки зрения интересов практической медицины речь идет о целесообразности использования блокаторов РАС в лечении онкологических заболеваний. По нашему мнению, в этом вопросе можно выделить несколько аспектов. С одной стороны, усиление экспрессии эктопических очагов РАС клетками злокачественной опухоли, на первый взгляд, дает основание ожидать результативности использования ингибиторов АСЕ и антагонистов рецепторов А-II в лечении онкологических заболеваний. В действительности, монотерапия блокаторами РАС онкологических заболеваний может демонстрировать достаточно умеренный терапевтический результат. Сообщается о путях усиления противораковых эффектов ингибиторов РАС в комплексе с мероприятиями иммунотерапии и химиотерапии (Pinter M., Jain R.K., 2017). Наряду с этим, указывается на потенциальные риски, связанные с использованием определенных блокаторов РАС в лечении конкретных онкологических заболеваний (Sobczuk P. et al., 2017), вплоть до полной нецелесообразности их применения (S&oslash;rensen G.V. et al., 2013; Chae Y.K. et al., 2014; Nakai Y. et. al., 2016). С другой стороны, на основе анализа природы экспрессии эктопических очагов РАС, предполагаются качественно иные способы их фармакологической коррекции, основанные на модулировании эпигенетических механизмов подавления активности эктопической РАС (Zhong Y. et al., 2013; Reddy M.A. et al., 2014). Высказывается мнение об универсальной роли эпигенетических механизмов в патогенезе формирования эктопической РАС при онкологических и неонкологических заболеваниях (Kemp J.R. et al., 2014; Tang J., Zhuang S., 2015; Reddy M.A., NatarajanR., 2015). Анализируются перспективные способы лечения онкологических заболеваний, полностью базирующиеся на управлении эпигенетическими механизмами при помощи синтетических microRNA (Tan W. et al., 2014; Felipe A.V. et al., 2014). Новые перспективы использования селективных модуляторов эпигенетических процессов в практической медицине, представляющих интерес и для онкологии, подтверждаются сведениями о готовности применения данной группы фармакологических препаратов (ингибиторы деацетилаз) в доклинических испытаниях (Van Beneden K. et al., 2013). Таким образом, проведенный обзор литературы показал, что изменение экспрессии компонентов РАС тесно связано с патогенезом малигнизации клеток, прогрессированием раковых опухолей, а также стимуляцией процессов метастазирования. Сведения о состоянии экспрессии белков компонентов РАС способствуют пониманию механизмов канцерогенеза и диссеминации клеток опухоли. Эти данные позволяют использовать качественные и количественные параметры экспрессии компонентов РАС в качестве маркеров тяжести течения онкологического заболевания. Тесная вовлеченность компонентов РАС вканцерогенез послужила основой для использования ингибиторов РАС (ингибиторов АСЕ-1 и антагонистов рецепторов А-II) в терапии онкологических заболеваний. Вместе с тем, анализ причин изменения экспрессии белков РАС в клетках опухоли позволил выявить, что весьма значимая функция в этих процессах принадлежит эпигенетическим механизмам регуляции экспрессии генов. Благодаря исследованиям состояния эпигенетических механизмов при онкологических заболеваниях были разработаны принципиально новые методы их коррекции, основанные на применении селективных регуляторов систем ковалентной модификации белков-гистонов (например, ингибитор деацетилаз) и технология синтеза микро РНК. 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Angiotensin Peptides and Lung Cancer. Curr Cancer Drug Targets. 2011; 11(4): 394&ndash;404 &nbsp; 26.Vinson G.P., Barker S., Puddefoot J.R. The renin&ndash;angiotensin system in the breast and breast cancer. Endocr Relat Cancer. 2012;19 (1): R1-R19 doi: 10.1530/ERC-11-0335 &nbsp; 27.Li S.-H., Lu H.-I., Chang A.Y.W. et al. Angiotensin II type I receptor (AT1R) is an independent prognosticator of esophageal squamous cell carcinoma and promotes cells proliferation via mTOR activation. Oncotarget. 2016; 7(41): 67150&ndash;67165 doi: 10.18632/oncotarget.11567 &nbsp; 28.Dolley-Hitze T., Jouan F., Martin B. et al. Angiotensin-2 receptors (AT1-R and AT2-R), new prognostic factors for renal clear-cell carcinoma? Br J Cancer. 2010; 103(11): 1698&ndash;1705 doi: 10.1038/sj.bjc.6605866 &nbsp; 29.Rhodes D.R., Ateeq B., Cao Q. et al. AGTR1 overexpression defines a subset of breast cancer and confers sensitivity to losartan, an AGTR1 antagonist. 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Recent Developments in Epigenetics of Acute and Chronic Kidney Diseases. Kidney Int. 2015; 88(2): 250&ndash;261 doi:10.1038/ki.2015.148 &nbsp; 70.Rodrigues-Ferreira S., Abdelkarim M., Dillenburg-Pilla P. et al. Angiotensin II Facilitates Breast Cancer Cell Migration and Metastasis. PLoS One. 2012; 7(4): e35667 doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0035667 &nbsp; 71.Kemp J.R., Unal H., Desnoyer R. et al. Angiotensin II-regulated microRNA 483-3p directly targets multiple components of the Renin-Angiotensin System. J Mol Cell Cardiol. 2014; 75: 25&ndash;39 doi: 10.1016/j.yjmcc.2014.06.008 &nbsp; 72.de Oliveira da Silva B., Furtado Lima K., Gon&ccedil;alves L. et al. MicroRNA Profiling of the Effect of the Heptapeptide Angiotensin-(1-7) in A549 Lung Tumor Cells Reveals a Role for miRNA149-3p in Cellular Migration Processes. PLoSOne. 2016; 11(9): e0162094 doi: 10.1371/journal.pone.0162094 &nbsp; 73.Wang C., Guo D., Wang Q. et al. Aliskiren targets multiple systems to alleviate cancer cachexia. 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Losartan reverses permissive epigenetic changes in renal glomeruli of diabetic db/db mice. Kidney Int. 2014; 85(2): 362&ndash;373 doi:10.1038/ki.2013.387 &nbsp; Felipe A.V., de Oliveira J., Chang P.Y. et al. RNA Interference: a Promising Therapy for Gastric Cancer. Asian Pac J Cancer Prev. 2014; 15(14):5509-5515 doi.org/10.7314/APJCP.2014.15.14.5509 &nbsp; Tang J., Zhuang S. Epigenetics in acute kidney injury. Curr Opin Nephrol Hypertens. 2015;24(4):351&ndash;358 doi:10.1097/MNH.0000000000000140 &nbsp; Van Beneden K., Mannaerts I., Pauwels M. et al. HDAC inhibitors in experimental liver and kidney fibrosis. Fibrogenesis Tissue Repair. 2013; 6: 1 doi:10.1186/1755-1536-6-1 &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; <strong>Dolomatov S.I., Zukow W. </strong><strong>Эпигенетика почек</strong><strong> = Kidneys epigenetics</strong><strong>. </strong><strong>RSW. Radom,</strong><strong> 144 </strong><strong>p. 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Introduction: From Trifle to Tiramisu Tiramisu is an Italian dessert cake, usually comprising sponge finger biscuits soaked in coffee and liquor, layered with a mixture of egg yolk, mascarpone and cream, and topped with sifted cocoa. Once a gourmet dish, tiramisu, which means “pick me up” in Italian (Volpi), is today very popular in Australia where it is available for purchase not only in restaurants and cafés, but also from fast food chains and supermarkets. Recipes abound in cookery books and magazines and online. It is certainly more widely available and written about in Australia than the once ubiquitous English trifle which, comprising variations on the theme of sherry soaked sponge cake, custard and cream, it closely resembles. It could be asserted that its strong coffee taste has enabled the tiramisu to triumph over the trifle in contemporary Australia, yet coffee is also a recurrent ingredient in cakes and icings in nineteenth and early twentieth century Australian cookbooks. Acknowledging that coffee consumption in Australia doubled during the years of the Second World War and maintained high rates of growth afterwards (Khamis; Adams), this article draws on examples of culinary writing during this period of increasing popularity to investigate the use of coffee in cookery as well as a beverage in these mid-twentieth century decades. In doing so, it engages with a lively scholarly discussion on what has driven this change—whether the American glamour and sophistication associated with coffee, post-war immigration from the Mediterranean and other parts of Europe, or the influence of the media and developments in technology (see, for discussion, Adams; Collins et al.; Khamis; Symons). Coffee in Australian Mid-century Epicurean Writing In Australian epicurean writing in the 1950s and 1960s, freshly brewed coffee is clearly identified as the beverage of choice for those with gourmet tastes. In 1952, The West Australian reported that Johnnie Walker, then president of the Sydney Gourmet Society had “sweated over an ordinary kitchen stove to give 12 Melbourne women a perfect meal” (“A Gourmet” 8). Walker prepared a menu comprising: savoury biscuits; pumpkin soup made with a beef, ham, and veal stock; duck braised with “26 ounces of dry red wine, a bottle and a half of curacao and orange juice;” Spanish fried rice; a “French lettuce salad with the Italian influence of garlic;” and, strawberries with strawberry brandy and whipped cream. He served sherry with the biscuits, red wine with the duck, champagne with the sweet, and coffee to finish. It is, however, the adjectives that matter here—that the sherry and wine were dry, not sweet, and the coffee was percolated and black, not instant and milky. Other examples of epicurean writing suggested that fresh coffee should also be unadulterated. In 1951, American food writer William Wallace Irwin who travelled to, and published in, Australia as “The Garrulous Gourmet,” wrote scathingly of the practice of adding chicory to coffee in France and elsewhere (104). This castigation of the French for their coffee was unusual, with most articles at this time praising Gallic gastronomy. Indicative of this is Nancy Cashmore’s travel article for Adelaide’s Advertiser in 1954. Titled “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise,” Cashmore details the purchasing, preparation, presentation, and, of course, consumption of excellent food and wine. Good coffee is an integral part of every meal and every day: “from these parts come exquisite pate de fois, truffles, delicious little cakes, conserved meats, wild mushrooms, walnuts and plums. … The day begins with new bread and coffee … nothing is imported, nothing is stale” (6). Memorable luncheons of “hors-d’oeuvre … a meat course, followed by a salad, cheese and possibly a sweet” (6) always ended with black coffee and sometimes a sugar lump soaked in liqueur. In Australian Wines and Food (AW&amp;F), a quarterly epicurean magazine that was published from 1956 to 1960, coffee was regularly featured as a gourmet kitchen staple alongside wine and cheese. Articles on the history, growing, marketing, blending, roasting, purchase, and brewing of coffee during these years were accompanied with full-page advertisements for Bushell’s vacuum packed pure “roaster fresh” coffee, Robert Timms’s “Royal Special” blend for “coffee connoisseurs,” and the Masterfoods range of “superior” imported and locally produced foodstuffs, which included vacuum packed coffee alongside such items as paprika, bay leaves and canned asparagus. AW&amp;F believed Australia’s growing coffee consumption the result of increased participation in quality dining experiences whether in restaurants, the “scores of colourful coffee shops opening their doors to a new generation” (“Coffee” 39) or at home. With regard to domestic coffee drinking, AW&amp;F reported a revived interest in “the long neglected art of brewing good coffee in the home” (“Coffee” 39). Instructions given range from boiling in a pot to percolating and “expresso” (Bancroft 10; “Coffee” 37-9). Coffee was also mentioned in every issue as the only fitting ending to a fine meal, when port, other fortified wines or liqueurs usually accompanied a small demi-tasse of (strong) black coffee. Coffee was also identified as one of the locally produced speciality foods that were flown into the USA for a consulate dinner: “more than a ton of carefully selected foodstuffs was flown to New York by Qantas in three separate airlifts … beef fillet steaks, kangaroo tails, Sydney rock oysters, King prawns, crayfish tails, tropical fruits and passion fruit, New Guinea coffee, chocolates, muscatels and almonds” (“Australian” 16). It is noteworthy that tea is not profiled in the entire run of the magazine. A decade later, in the second half of the 1960s, the new Australian gourmet magazine Epicurean included a number of similar articles on coffee. In 1966 and 1969, celebrity chef and regular Epicurean columnist Graham Kerr also included an illustrated guide to making coffee in two of the books produced alongside his television series, The Graham Kerr Cookbook (125) and The Graham Kerr Cookbook by the Galloping Gourmet (266-67). These included advice to buy freshly roasted beans at least once a week and to invest in an electric coffee grinder. Kerr uses a glass percolator in each and makes an iced (milk) coffee based on double strength cooled brewed coffee. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton (1971) is the first Margaret Fulton cookery book to include detailed information on making coffee from ground beans at home. In this volume, which was clearly aimed at the gourmet-inclined end of the domestic market, Fulton, then cookery editor for popular magazine Woman’s Day, provides a morning coffee menu and proclaims that “Good hot coffee will never taste so good as it does at this time of the day” (90). With the stress on the “good,” Fulton, like Kerr, advises that beans be purchased and ground as they are needed or that only a small amounts of freshly ground coffee be obtained at one time. For Fulton, quality is clearly linked to price—“buy the best you can afford” (90)—but while advising that “Mocha coffee, which comes from Aden and Mocha, is generally considered the best” (90), she also concedes that consumers will “find by experience” (90) which blends they prefer. She includes detailed information on storage and preparation, noting that there are also “dozens of pieces of coffee making equipment to choose from” (90). Fulton includes instructions on how to make coffee for guests at a wedding breakfast or other large event, gently heating home sewn muslin bags filled with finely ground coffee in urns of barely boiling water (64). Alongside these instructions, Fulton also provides recipes for a sophisticated selection of coffee-flavoured desserts such as an iced coffee soufflé and coffee biscuits and meringues that would be perfect accompaniments to her brewed coffees. Cooking with Coffee A prominent and popular advocate of Continental and Asian cookery in Melbourne in the 1950s, Maria Kozslik Donovan wrote and illustrated five cookery books and had a successful international career as a food writer in the 1960s and 1970s. Maria Kozslik was Hungarian by birth and education and was also educated in the USA before marrying Patrick Donovan, an Australian, and migrating to Sydney with him in 1950. After a brief stay there and in Adelaide, they relocated to Melbourne in 1953 where she ran a cookery school and wrote for prominent daily newspaper The Age, penning hundreds of her weekly “Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik” column from 1954 to 1961. Her groundbreaking Continental Cookery in Australia (1955) collects some 140 recipes, many of which would appear in her column—predominantly featuring French, Italian, Viennese, and Hungarian dishes, as well as some from the Middle East and the Balkans—each with an informative paragraph or two regarding European cooking and dining practices that set the recipes in context. Continental Cookery in Australia includes one recipe for Mocha Torte (162), which she translates as Coffee Cream Cake and identifies as “the favourite of the gay and party-loving Viennese … [in] the many cafés and sweet shops of Salzburg and Vienna” (162). In this recipe, a plain sponge is cut into four thin layers and filled and covered with a rich mocha cream custard made from egg yolks, sugar and a good measure of coffee, which, when cooled, is beaten into creamed butter. In her recipe for Mocha Cream, Donovan identifies the type of coffee to be used and its strength, specifying that “strong Mocha” be used, and pleading, “please, no essence!” She also suggests that the cake’s top can be decorated with shavings of the then quite exotic “coffee bean chocolate,” which she notes can be found at “most continental confectioners” (162), but which would have been difficult to obtain outside the main urban centres. Coffee also appears in her Café Frappe, where cooled strong black coffee is poured into iced-filled glasses, and dressed with a touch of sugar and whipped cream (165). For this recipe the only other direction that Donovan gives regarding coffee is to “prepare and cool” strong black coffee (165) but it is obvious—from her eschewing of other convenience foods throughout the volume—that she means freshly brewed ground coffee. In contrast, less adventurous cookery books paint a different picture of coffee use in the home at this time. Thus, the more concise Selected Continental Recipes for the Australian Home (1955) by the Australian-born Zelmear M. Deutsch—who, stating that upon marrying a Viennese husband, she became aware of “the fascinating ways of Continental Cuisine” (back cover)—includes three recipes that include coffee. Deutsch’s Mocha Creams (chocolate truffles with a hint of coffee) (76-77), almond meringues filled with coffee whipped cream (89-90), and Mocha Cream Filling comprising butter beaten with chocolate, vanilla, sugar, and coffee (95), all use “powdered” instant coffee, which is, moreover, used extremely sparingly. Her Almond Coffee Torte, for example, requires only half a teaspoon of powdered coffee to a quarter of a pint (300 mls) of cream, which is also sweetened with vanilla sugar (89-90). In contrast to the examples from Fulton and Donovan above (but in common with many cookbooks before and after) Deutsch uses the term “mocha” to describe a mix of coffee and chocolate, rather than to refer to a fine-quality coffee. The term itself is also used to describe a soft, rich brown color and, therefore, at times, the resulting hue of these dishes. The word itself is of late eighteenth century origin, and comes from the eponymous name of a Red Sea port from where coffee was shipped. While Selected Continental Recipes appears to be Deutsch’s first and only book, Anne Mason was a prolific food, wine and travel writer. Before migrating to England in 1958, she was well known in Australia as the presenter of a live weekly television program, Anne Mason’s Home-Tested Recipes, which aired from 1957. She also wrote a number of popular cookery books and had a long-standing weekly column in The Age. Her ‘Home-Tested Recipes’ feature published recipes contributed by readers, which she selected and tested. A number of these were collected in her Treasury of Australian Cookery, published in London in 1962, and included those influenced by “the country cooking of England […] Continental influence […] and oriental ideas” (11). Mason includes numerous recipes featuring coffee, but (as in Deutsch above) almost all are described as mocha-flavoured and listed as such in the detailed index. In Mason’s book, this mocha taste is, in fact, featured more frequently in sweet dishes than any of the other popular flavours (vanilla, honey, lemon, apple, banana, coconut, or passionfruit) except for chocolate. These mocha recipes include cakes: Chocolate-Mocha Refrigerator cake—plain sponge layered with a coffee-chocolate mousse (134), Mocha Gateau Ring—plain sponge and choux pastry puffs filled with cream or ice cream and thickly iced with mocha icing (136) and Mocha Nut Cake—a coffee and cocoa butter cake filled and iced with mocha icing and almonds (166). There are also recipes for Mocha Meringues—small coffee/cocoa-flavoured meringue rosettes joined together in pairs with whipped cream (168), a dessert Mocha Omelette featuring the addition of instant coffee and sugar to the eggs and which is filled with grated chocolate (181) and Mocha-Crunch Ice Cream—a coffee essence-scented ice cream with chocolate biscuit crumbs (144) that was also featured in an ice cream bombe layered with chocolate-rum and vanilla ice creams (152). Mason’s coffee recipes are also given prominence in the accompanying illustrations. Although the book contains only nine pages in full colour, the Mocha Gateau Ring is featured on both the cover and opposite the title page of the book and the Mocha Nut Cake is given an entire coloured page. The coffee component of Mason’s recipes is almost always sourced from either instant coffee (granules or powdered) or liquid coffee essence, however, while the cake for the Mocha Nut Cake uses instant coffee, its mocha icing and filling calls for “3 dessertspoons [of] hot black coffee” (167). The recipe does not, however, describe if this is made from instant, essence, or ground beans. The two other mocha icings both use instant coffee mixed with cocoa, icing sugar and hot water, while one also includes margarine for softness. The recipe for Mocha Cup (202) in the chapter for Children’s Party Fare (198-203), listed alongside clown-shaped biscuits and directions to decorate cakes with sweets, plastic spaceships and dolls, surprisingly comprises a sophisticated mix of grated dark chocolate melted in a pint of “hot black coffee” lightened with milk, sugar and vanilla essence, and topped with cream. There are no instructions for brewing or otherwise making fresh coffee in the volume. The Australian culinary masterwork of the 1960s, The Margaret Fulton Cookbook, which was published in 1968 and sold out its first (record) print run of 100,000 copies in record time, is still in print, with a revised 2004 edition bringing the number of copies sold to over 1.5 million (Brien). The first edition’s cake section of the book includes a Coffee Sponge sandwich using coffee essence in both the cake and its creamy filling and topping (166) and Iced Coffee Cakes that also use coffee essence in the cupcakes and instant coffee powder in the glacé icing (166). A Hazelnut Swiss Roll is filled with a coffee butter cream called Coffee Creme au Beurre, with instant coffee flavouring an egg custard which is beaten into creamed butter (167)—similar to Koszlik’s Mocha Cream but a little lighter, using milk instead of cream and fewer eggs. Fulton also includes an Austrian Chocolate Cake in her Continental Cakes section that uses “black coffee” in a mocha ganache that is used as a frosting (175), and her sweet hot coffee soufflé calls for “1/2 cup strong coffee” (36). Fulton also features a recipe for Irish Coffee—sweetened hot black coffee with (Irish) whiskey added, and cream floated on top (205). Nowhere is fresh or brewed coffee specified, and on the page dedicated to weights, measures, and oven temperatures, instant coffee powder appears on the list of commonly used ingredients alongside flour, sugar, icing sugar, golden syrup, and butter (242). American Influence While the influence of American habits such as supermarket shopping and fast food on Australian foodways is reported in many venues, recognition of its influence on Australian coffee culture is more muted (see, for exceptions, Khamis; Adams). Yet American modes of making and utilising coffee also influenced the Australian use of coffee, whether drunk as beverage or employed as a flavouring agent. In 1956, the Australian Women’s Weekly published a full colour Wade’s Cornflour advertorial of biscuit recipes under the banner, “Dione Lucas’s Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here” (56). The use of the American “cookie” instead of the Australian “biscuit” is telling here, the popularity of all things American sure to ensure, the advert suggested, that the Mochas (coffee biscuits topped with chocolate icing) would be so popular as to be “More than a recipe—a craze” (56). This American influence can also been seen in cakes and other baked goods made specifically to serve with coffee, but not necessarily containing it. The recipe for Zulu Boys published in The Argus in 1945, a small chocolate and cinnamon cake with peanuts and cornflakes added, is a good example. Reported to “keep moist for some time,” these were “not too sweet, and are especially useful to serve with a glass of wine or a cup of black coffee” (Vesta Junior 9), the recipe a precursor to many in the 1950s and 1960s. Margaret Fulton includes a Spicy Coffee Cake in The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. This is similar to her Cinnamon Tea Cake in being an easy to mix cake topped with cinnamon sugar, but is more robust in flavour and texture with the addition of whole bran cereal, raisins and spices (163). Her “Morning Coffee” section in Entertaining with Margaret Fulton similarly includes a selection of quite strongly flavoured and substantially textured cakes and biscuits (90-92), while her recipes for Afternoon Tea are lighter and more delicate in taste and appearance (85-89). Concluding Remarks: Integration and Evolution, Not Revolution Trusted Tasmanian writer on all matters domestic, Marjorie Bligh, published six books on cookery, craft, home economics, and gardening, and produced four editions of her much-loved household manual under all three of her married names: Blackwell, Cooper and Bligh (Wood). The second edition of At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual (published c.1965-71) provides more evidence of how, rather than jettisoning one form in favour of another, Australian housewives were adept at integrating both ground and other more instant forms of coffee into their culinary repertoires. She thus includes instructions on both how to efficiently clean a coffee percolator (percolating with a detergent and borax solution) (312) as well as how to make coffee essence at home by simmering one cup of ground coffee with three cups of water and one cup of sugar for one hour, straining and bottling (281). She also includes recipes for cakes, icings, and drinks that use both brewed and instant coffee as well as coffee essence. In Entertaining with Margaret Fulton, Fulton similarly allows consumer choice, urging that “If you like your coffee with a strong flavour, choose one to which a little chicory has been added” (90). Bligh’s volume similarly reveals how the path from trifle to tiramisu was meandering and one which added recipes to Australian foodways, rather than deleted them. Her recipe for Coffee Trifle has strong similarities to tiramisu, with sponge cake soaked in strong milk coffee and sherry layered with a rich custard made from butter, sugar, egg yolks, and black coffee, and then decorated with whipped cream, glace cherries, and walnuts (169). This recipe precedes published references to tiramisu as, although the origins of tiramisu are debated (Black), references to the dessert only began to appear in the 1980s, and there is no mention of the dish in such authoritative sources as Elizabeth David’s 1954 Italian Food, which features a number of traditional Italian coffee-based desserts including granita, ice cream and those made with cream cheese and rice. By the 1990s, however, respected Australian chef and food researcher, the late Mietta O’Donnell, wrote that if pizza was “the most travelled of Italian dishes, then tiramisu is the country’s most famous dessert” and, today, Australian home cooks are using the dish as a basis for a series of variations that even include replacing the coffee with fruit juices and other flavouring agents. Long-lived Australian coffee recipes are similarly being re-made in line with current taste and habits, with celebrated chef Neil Perry’s recent Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake comprising a classic cream-filled vanilla sponge topped with an icing made with “strong espresso”. To “glam up” the cake, Perry suggests sprinkling the top with chocolate-covered roasted coffee beans—cycling back to Maria Koszlik’s “coffee bean chocolate” (162) and showing just how resilient good taste can be. Acknowledgements The research for this article was completed while I was the recipient of a Research Fellowship in the Special Collections at the William Angliss Institute (WAI) of TAFE in Melbourne, where I utilised their culinary collections. Thank you to the staff of the WAI Special Collections for their generous assistance, as well as to the Faculty of Arts, Business, Informatics and Education at Central Queensland University for supporting this research. Thank you to Jill Adams for her assistance with this article and for sharing her “Manhattan Mocha” file with me, and also to the peer reviewers for their generous and helpful feedback. All errors are, of course, my own.References “A Gourmet Makes a Perfect Meal.” The West Australian 4 Jul. 1952: 8.Adams, Jill. “Australia’s American Coffee Culture.” Australasian Journal of Popular Culture (2012): forthcoming. “Australian Wines Served at New York Dinner.” Australian Wines and Food 1.5 (1958): 16. Bancroft, P. A. “Let’s Make Some Coffee.” Australian Wines &amp; Food Quarterly 4.1 (1960): 10. Black, Jane. “The Trail of Tiramisu.” Washington Post 11 Jul. 2007. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-dyn/content/article/2007/07/10/AR2007071000327.html›. Bligh, Marjorie. At Home with Marjorie Bligh: A Household Manual. Devonport: M. Bligh, c.1965-71. 2nd ed. Brien, Donna Lee. “Australian Celebrity Chefs 1950-1980: A Preliminary Study.” Australian Folklore 21 (2006): 201-18. Cashmore, Nancy. “In Dordogne and Burgundy the Gourmet Will Find … A Gastronomic Paradise.” The Advertiser 23 Jan. (1954): 6. “Coffee Beginnings.” Australian Wines &amp; Food Quarterly 1.4 (1957/1958): 37-39. Collins, Jock, Katherine Gibson, Caroline Alcorso, Stephen Castles, and David Tait. A Shop Full of Dreams: Ethnic Small Business in Australia. Sydney: Pluto Press, 1995. David, Elizabeth. Italian Food. New York: Penguin Books, 1999. 1st pub. UK: Macdonald, 1954, and New York: Knoft, 1954. Donovan, Maria Kozslik. Continental Cookery in Australia. Melbourne: William Heinemann, 1955. Reprint ed. 1956. -----.“Epicure’s Corner: Continental Recipes with Maria Kozslik.” The Age 4 Jun. (1954): 7. Fulton, Margaret. The Margaret Fulton Cookbook. Dee Why West: Paul Hamlyn, 1968. -----. Entertaining with Margaret Fulton. Dee Why West: Paul Hamlyn, 1971. Irwin, William Wallace. The Garrulous Gourmet. Sydney: The Shepherd P, 1951. Khamis, Susie. “It Only Takes a Jiffy to Make: Nestlé, Australia and the Convenience of Instant Coffee.” Food, Culture &amp; Society 12.2 (2009): 217-33. Kerr, Graham. The Graham Kerr Cookbook. Wellington, Auckland, and Sydney: AH &amp; AW Reed, 1966. -----. The Graham Kerr Cookbook by The Galloping Gourmet. New York: Doubleday, 1969. Mason, Anne. A Treasury of Australian Cookery. London: Andre Deutsch, 1962. Mason, Peter. “Anne Mason.” The Guardian 20 Octo.2006. 15 Feb. 2012 Masterfoods. “Masterfoods” [advertising insert]. Australian Wines and Food 2.10 (1959): btwn. 8 &amp; 9.“Masters of Food.” Australian Wines &amp; Food Quarterly 2.11 (1959/1960): 23. O’Donnell, Mietta. “Tiramisu.” Mietta’s Italian Family Recipe, 14 Aug. 2004. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.miettas.com/food_wine_recipes/recipes/italianrecipes/dessert/tiramisu.html›. Perry, Neil. “Simple Coffee and Cream Sponge Cake.” The Age 12 Mar. 2012. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.theage.com.au/lifestyle/cuisine/baking/recipe/simple-coffee-and-cream-sponge-cake-20120312-1utlm.html›. Symons, Michael. One Continuous Picnic: A History of Eating in Australia. Adelaide: Duck Press, 2007. 1st. Pub. Melbourne: Melbourne UP, 1982. ‘Vesta Junior’. “The Beautiful Fuss of Old Time Baking Days.” The Argus 20 Mar. 1945: 9. Volpi, Anna Maria. “All About Tiramisu.” Anna Maria’s Open Kitchen 20 Aug. 2004. 15 Feb. 2012 ‹http://www.annamariavolpi.com/tiramisu.html›. Wade’s Cornflour. “Dione Lucas’ Manhattan Mochas: The New Coffee Cookie All America Loves, and Now It’s Here.” The Australian Women’s Weekly 1 Aug. (1956): 56. Wood, Danielle. Housewife Superstar: The Very Best of Marjorie Bligh. Melbourne: Text Publishing, 2011.

Drawing upon popular magazines, newspapers, blogs, Web sites, and videos, this essay compares the media framing of six, “fat” political figures from around the world. Framing refers to the suggested interpretations that are imbedded in media reports (Entman; McCombs and Ghanem; Seo, Dillard and Shen). As Robert Entman explains, framing is the process of culling a few elements of perceived reality and assembling a narrative that highlights connections among them to promote a particular interpretation. Frames introduce or raise the salience of certain ideas. Fully developed frames typically perform several functions, such as problem definition and moral judgment. Framing is connected to the [covert] wielding of power as, for example, when a particular frame is intentionally applied to obscure other frames. This comparative international study is an inquiry into “what people and societies make of the reality of [human weight]” (Marilyn Wann as quoted in Rothblum 3), especially in the political arena. The cultural and historical dimensions of human weight are illustrated by the practice of force-feeding girls and young women in Mauritania, because “fat” women have higher status and are more sought after as brides (Frenkiel). The current study, however, focuses on “fat” politics. The research questions that guide the study are: [RQ1] which terms do commentators utilize to describe political figures as “fat”? [RQ2] Why is the term “fat” utilized in the political arena? [RQ3] To what extent can one detect gender, national, or other differences in the manner in which the term “fat” is used in the political arena? After a brief introduction to the current media obsession with fat, the analysis begins in 1908 with William Howard Taft, the 330 pound, twenty-seventh President of the United States. The other political figures are: Chris Christie (Governor of New Jersey), Bill Clinton (forty-second President of the United States), Michelle Obama (current First Lady of the United States), Carla Bruni (former First Lady of France), and Julia Gillard (former Prime Minister of Australia). The final section presents some conclusions that may help readers and viewers to take a more critical perspective on “fat politics.” All of the individuals selected for this study are powerful, rich, and privileged. What may be notable is that their experiences of fat shaming by the media are different. This study explores those differences, while suggesting that, in some cases, their weight and appearance are being attacked to undercut their legitimate and referent power (Gaski). Media Obsession with Fat “Fat,” or “obesity,” the more scientific term that reflects the medicalisation of “fat” (Sobal) and which seems to hold sway today, is a topic with which the media currently is obsessed, both in Asia and in the United States. A quick Google search using the word “obesity” reports over 73 million hits. Ambady Ramachandran and Chamukuttan Snehalatha report on “The Rising Burden of Obesity in Asia” in a journal article that emphasizes the term “burden.” The word “epidemic” is featured prominently in a 2013 medical news report. According to the latter, obesity among men was at 13.8 per cent in Mongolia and 19.3 per cent in Australia, while the overall obesity rate has increased 46 per cent in Japan and has quadrupled in China (“Rising Epidemic”). Both articles use the word “rising” in their titles, a fear-laden term that suggests a worsening condition. In the United States, obesity also is portrayed as an “epidemic.” While some progress is being made, the obesity rate nonetheless increased in sixteen states in 2013, with Louisiana at 34.7 per cent as the highest. “Extreme obesity” in the United States has grown dramatically over thirty years to 6.3 per cent. The framing of obesity as a health/medical issue has made obesity more likely to reinforce social stereotypes (Saguy and Riley). In addition, the “thematic framing” (Shugart) of obesity as a moral failure means that “obesity” is a useful tool for undermining political figures who are fat. While the media pay considerable attention to the psychological impact of obesity, such as in “fat shaming,” the media, ironically, participate in fat shaming. Shame is defined as an emotional “consequence of the evaluation of failure” and often is induced by critics who attack the person and not the behavior (Boudewyns, Turner and Paquin). However, in a backlash against fat shaming, “Who you callin' fat?” is now a popular byline in articles and in YouTube videos (Reagan). Nevertheless, the dynamics of fat are even more complicated than an attack-and-response model can capture. For example, in an odd instance of how women cannot win, Rachel Frederickson, the recent winner of the TV competition The Biggest Loser, was attacked for being “too thin” (Ceja and Valine). Framing fat, therefore, is a complex process. Fat shaming is only one way that the media frame fat. However, fat shaming does not appear to be a major factor in media coverage of William Howard Taft, the first person in this study. William Howard Taft William Howard Taft was elected the 27th President of the United States in 1908 and served 1909-1913. Whitehouse.com describes Taft as “Large, jovial, conscientious…” Indeed, comments on the happy way that he carried his “large” size (330 pounds) are the main focus here. This ‹happy fat› framing is much different than the media framing associated with ‹fat shaming›. His happy personality was often mentioned, as can be seen in his 1930 obituary in The New York Times: “Mr. Taft was often called the most human President who ever sat in the White House. The mantle of office did not hide his winning personality in any way” (“Taft Gained Peaks”). Notice how “large” and “jovial” are combined in the framing of Taft. Despite his size, Taft was known to be a good dancer (Bromley 129). Two other words associated with Taft are “rotund” (round, plump, chubby) and “pudgy.” These terms seem a bit old-fashioned in 2015. “Rotund” comes from the Latin for “round,” “circular,” “spherical.” “Pudgy,” a somewhat newer term, comes from the colloquial for “short and thick” (Etymology Online). Taft was comfortable with being called “pudgy.” A story about Taft’s portrait in the Smithsonian’s National Portrait Gallery in Washington, D.C. illustrates the point: Artist William Schevill was a longtime acquaintance of Taft and painted him several times between 1905 and 1910. Friendship did not keep Taft from criticizing the artist, and on one occasion he asked Schevill to rework a portrait. On one point, however, the rotund Taft never interfered. When someone said that he should not tolerate Schevill's making him look so pudgy in his likenesses, he simply answered, "But I am pudgy." (Kain) Taft’s self-acceptance, as seen in the portrait by Schevill (circa 1910), stands in contrast to the discomfort caused by media framing of other fat political figures in the era of more intense media scrutiny. Chris Christie Governor Christie has tried to be comfortable with his size (300+ pounds), but may have succumbed to the medicalisation of fat and the less than positive framing of his appearance. As Christie took the national stage in the aftermath of Hurricane Sandy (2012), and subsequently explored running for President, he may have felt pressure to look more “healthy” and “attractive.” Even while scoring political points for his leadership in the aftermath of Superstorm Sandy, Christie’s large size was apparent. Filmed in his blue Governor jacket during an ABC TV News report that can be accessed as a YouTube video, Christie obviously was much larger than the four other persons on the speakers’ platform (“Jersey Shore Devastated”). In the current media climate, being known for your weight may be a political liability. A 2015 Rutgers’ Eagleton Poll found that 53 percent of respondents said that Governor Christie did not have “the right look” to be President (Capehart). While fat traditionally has been associated with laziness, it now is associated with health issues, too. The media framing of fat as ‹morbidly obese› may have been one factor that led Christie to undergo weight loss surgery in 2013. After the surgery, he reportedly lost a significant amount of weight. Yet his new look was partially tarnished by media reports on the specifics of lap-band-surgery. One report in The New York Daily News stressed that the surgery is not for everyone, and that it still requires much work on the part of the patient before any long-term weight loss can be achieved (Engel). Bill Clinton Never as heavy as Governor Christie, Bill Clinton nonetheless received considerable media fat-attention of two sorts. First, he could be portrayed as a kind of ‹happy fat “Bubba”› who enjoyed eating high cholesterol fast food. Because of his charm and rhetorical ability (linked to the political necessity of appearing to understand the “average person”), Clinton could make political headway by emphasizing his Arkansas roots and eating a hamburger. This vision of Bill Clinton as a redneck, fast-food devouring “Bubba” was spoofed in a popular 1992 Saturday Night Live skit (“President-Elect Bill Clinton Stops by a McDonald's”). In 2004, after his quadruple bypass surgery, the media adopted another way to frame Bill Clinton. Clinton became the poster-child for coronary heart disease. Soon he would be framed as the ‹transformed Bubba›, who now consumed a healthier diet. ‹Bill Clinton-as-vegan› framing fit nicely with the national emphasis on nutrition, including the widespread advocacy for a largely plant-based diet (see film Forks over Knives). Michelle Obama Another political figure in the United States, whom the media has connected both to fast food and healthy nutrition, is Michelle Obama. Now in her second term as First Lady, Michelle Obama is associated with the national campaign for healthier school lunches. At the same time, critics call her “fat” and a “hypocrite.” A harsh diatribe against Obama was revealed by Media Matters for America in the personal attacks on Michelle Obama as “too fat” to be a credible source on nutrition. Dr. Keith Ablow, a FOX News medical adviser said, Michelle Obama needs to “drop a few” [pounds]. “Who is she to be giving nutrition advice?” Another biting attack on Obama can be seen in a mocking 2011 Breitbart cartoon that portrayed Michelle Obama devouring hamburgers while saying, “Please pass the bacon” (Hahn). Even though these attacks come from conservative media utterly opposed to the presidency of Barack Obama, they nonetheless reflect a more widespread political use of media framing. In the case of Michelle Obama, the media sometimes cannot decide if she is “statuesque” or “fat.” She is reported to be 5’11 tall, but her overall appearance has been described as “toned” (in her trademark sleeveless dresses) yet never as “thin.” The media’s ambivalence toward tall/large women is evident in the recent online arguments over whether Robyn Lawley, named one of the “rookies of the year” by the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit issue, has a “normal” body or a “plus-size” body (Blair). Therefore, we have two forms of media framing in the case of Michelle Obama. First, there is the ‹fat hypocrite› frame, an ad hominem framing that she should not be a spokesperson for nutrition. This first form of framing, perhaps, is linked to the traditional tendency to tear down political figures, to take them off their pedestals. The second form of media framing is a ‹large woman ambiguity› frame. If you are big and tall, are you “fat”? Carla Bruni Carla Bruni, a model and singer/songwriter, was married in 2008 to French President Nicolas Sarkozy (who served 2007 to 2012). In 2011, Bruni gave birth to a daughter, Giulia. After 2011, Bruni reports many attacks on her as being too “fat” (Kim; Strang). Her case is quite interesting, because it goes beyond ‹fat shaming› to illustrate two themes not previously discussed. First, the attacks on Bruni seem to connect age and fat. Specifically, Bruni’s narrative introduces the frame: ‹weight loss is difficult after giving birth›. Motherhood is taxing enough, but it becomes even more difficulty when the media are watching your waist line. It is implied that older mothers should receive more sympathy. The second frame represents an odd form of reverse fat shaming: ‹I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat›. As Bruni explains: “I’m kind of tall, with good-size shoulders, and when I am 40 pounds overweight, I don’t even look fat—I just look ugly” (Orth). Critics charge that celebs like Bruni not only do not look fat, they are not fat. Moreover, celebs are misguided in trying to cultivate sympathy that is needed by people who actually are fat. Several blogs echo this sentiment. The site Whisper displays a poster that states: “I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat.” According to Anarie in another blog, the comment, “I’m fat, too,” is misplaced but may be offered as a form of “sisterhood.” One of the best examples of the strong reaction to celebs’ fat claims is the case of actress Jennifer Lawrence. According The Gloss, Lawrence isn’t chubby. She isn’t ugly. She fits the very narrow parameters for what we consider beautiful, and has been rewarded significantly for it. There’s something a bit tone deaf in pretending not to have thin or attractive privilege when you’re one of the most successful actresses in Hollywood, consistently lauded for your looks. (Sonenshein) In sum, the attempt to make political gain out of “I’m fat” comments, may backfire and lead to a loss in political capital. Julia Gillard The final political figure in this study is Julia Eileen Gillard. She is described on Wikipedia as“…a former Australian politician who served as the 27th Prime Minister of Australia, and the Australian Labor Party leader from 2010 to 2013. She was the first woman to hold either position” (“Julia Gillard”). Gillard’s case provides a useful example of how the media can frame feminism and fat in almost opposite manners. The first version of framing, ‹woman inappropriately attacks fat men›, is set forth in a flashback video on YouTube. Political enemies of Gillard posted the video of Gillard attacking fat male politicians. The video clip includes the technique of having Gillard mouth and repeat over and over again the phrase, “fat men”…”fat men”…”fat men” (“Gillard Attacks”). The effect is to make Gillard look arrogant, insensitive, and shrill. The not-so-subtle message is that a woman should not call men fat, because a woman would not want men to call her fat. The second version of framing in the Gillard case, ironically, has a feminist leader calling Gillard “fat” on a popular Australian TV show. Australian-born Germaine Greer, iconic feminist activist and author of The Female Eunuch (1970 international best seller), commented that Gillard wore ill-fitting jackets and that “You’ve got a big arse, Julia” (“You’ve Got”). Greer’s remarks surprised and disappointed many commentators. The Melbourne Herald Sun offered the opinion that Greer has “big mouth” (“Germaine Greer’s”). The Gillard case seems to support the theory that female politicians may have a more difficult time navigating weight and appearance than male politicians. An experimental study by Beth Miller and Jennifer Lundgren suggests “weight bias exists for obese female political candidates, but that large body size may be an asset for male candidates” (p. 712). Conclusion This study has at least partially answered the original research questions. [RQ1] Which terms do commentators utilize to describe political figures as “fat”? The terms include: fat, fat arse, fat f***, large, heavy, obese, plus size, pudgy, and rotund. The media frames include: ‹happy fat›, ‹fat shaming›, ‹morbidly obese›, ‹happy fat “Bubba›, ‹transformed “Bubba›, ‹fat hypocrite›, ‹large woman ambiguity›, ‹weight gain women may experience after giving birth›, ‹I am so sick and tired of skinny people saying they are fat›, ‹woman inappropriately attacks fat men›, and ‹feminist inappropriately attacks fat woman›. [RQ2] Why is the term “fat” utilized in the political arena? Opponents in attack mode, to discredit a political figure, often use the term “fat”. It can imply that the person is “unhealthy” or has a character flaw. In the attack mode, critics can use “fat” as a tool to minimize a political figure’s legitimate and referent power. [RQ3] To what extent can one detect gender, national, or other differences in the manner in which the term “fat” is used in the political arena? In the United States, “obesity” is the dominant term, and is associated with the medicalisation of fat. Obesity is linked to health concerns, such as coronary heart disease. Weight bias and fat shaming seem to have a disproportionate impact on women. This study also has left many unanswered questions. Future research might fruitfully explore more of the international and intercultural differences in fat framing, as well as the differences between the fat shaming of elites and the fat shaming of so-called ordinary citizens.References Anarie. “Sick and Tired.” 7 July 2013. 17 May 2015 ‹http://www.sparkpeople.com/ma/sick-of--thin-people-saying-they-are-fat!/1/1/31404459›. Blair, Kevin. “Rookie Robyn Lawley Is the First Plus-Size Model to Be Featured in the Sports Illustrated Swimsuit Issue.” 6 Feb. 2015. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.starpulse.com/news/Kevin_Blair/2015/02/06/rookie-robin-lawley-is-the-first-pluss›. Boudewyns, Vanessa, Monique Turner, and Ryan Paquin. “Shame-Free Guilt Appeals.” Psychology &amp; Marketing 23 July 2013. doi: 10.1002/mar.20647. Bromley, Michael L. William Howard Taft and the First Motoring Presidency. Jefferson, NC: McFarland &amp; Company, 2007. Capehart, Jonathan. “Chris Christie’s Dirty Image Problem.” 18 Feb. 2015. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/post-partisan/wp/2015/02/18/chris-christies-dirty-image-problem/›.“Carla Bruni.” n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.biography.com/people/carla-bruni-17183782›. Ceja, Berenice, and Karissa Valine. “Women Can’t Win: Gender Irony and the E-Politics of Food in The Biggest Loser.” Unpublished manuscript. Humboldt State University, 2015. “Chris Christie to Consider.” 17 April 2012. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.seeyounexttuesday.com-468›. Conason, Joe. “Bill Clinton Explains Why He Became a Vegan.” AARP The Magazine, Aug./Sep. 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.aarp.org/health/healthy-living/info-08-2013/bill-clinton-vegan.html›. Engel, Meredith. “Lap Band Surgery.” New York Daily News. 24 Sep. 2014. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.nydailynews.com/life-style/health/lap-band-surgery-helped-chris-christie-article-1.1951266›. Entman, Robert M. “Framing Bias: Media in the Distribution of Power.” Journal of Communication 57 (2007): 163-173. Etymology Online. n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://etymonline.com/›. Frenkiel, Olenka. “Forced to Be Fat.” The Sunday Mail (Queensland, Australia). 13 Nov. 2005: 64. Gaski, John. “Interrelations among a Channel Entity's Power Sources: Impact of the Expert, Referent, and Legitimate Power Sources.” Journal of Marketing Research 23 (Feb. 1986): 62-77. Hahn, Laura. “Irony and Food Politics.” Communication and Critical/Cultural Studies 12 Feb. 2015. doi: 10.1080/14791420.2015.1014185.“Julia Gillard.” n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Julia_Gillard›. Kain, Erik. “A History of Fat Presidents.” Forbes.com 28 Sep. 2011. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.forbes.com/sites/erikkain/2011/09/28/a-history-of-fat-presidents/›.Kim, Eun Kyung. “Carla Bruni on Media: They Get Really Nasty.” 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.today.com/news/carla-bruni-media-they-get-really-nasty-6C9733510›. McCombs, Max, and S.I. Ghanem. “The Convergence of Agenda Setting and Framing.” In Stephen D. Reese, Oscar. H. Gandy, Jr., and August Grant (eds.), Framing Public Life: Perspectives on Media and Our Understanding of the Social World. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum, 2001. 67-83. Miller, Beth, and Jennifer Lundgren. “An Experimental Study on the Role of Weight Bias in Candidate Evaluation.” Obesity 18 (Apr. 2010): 712-718. Orth, Maureen. “Carla on a Hot Tin Roof.” Vanity Fair June 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.vanityfair.com/hollywood/2013/06/carla-bruni-musical-career-album›. “President-Elect Bill Clinton Stops by a McDonalds.” n.d. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹https://screen.yahoo.com/clinton-mcdonalds-000000491.html›. Ramachandran, Ambady, and Chamukuttan Snehalatha. “The Rising Burden of Obesity in Asia.” Journal of Obesity (2010). doi: 10.1155/2010868573. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2939400/›.Reagan, Gillian. “Ex-Chubettes Unite! Former Fat Kids Let It All Out.” New York Observer 22 Apr. 2008. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://observer.com/2008/04/exchubettes-unite-former-fat-kids-let-it-all-out/›. “Rising Epidemic of Obesity in Asia.” News Medical 21 Feb. 2013. 23 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.ncbi.nlm.nih.gov/pmc/articles/PMC2939400/›. Rothblum, Esther. “Why a Journal on Fat Studies?” Fat Studies 1 (2012): 3-5. Saguy, Abigail C., and Kevin W. Riley. “Weighing Both Sides: Morality, Mortality, and Framing Contests over Obesity.” Journal of Health Politics, Policy and Law 30.5 (2005): 869-921. Seo, Kiwon, James P. Dillard, and Fuyuan Shen. “The Effects of Message Framing and Visual Image on Persuasion. Communication Quarterly 61 (2013): 564-583. Shugart, Helene A. “Heavy Viewing: Emergent Frames in Contemporary News Coverage of Obesity.” Health Communication 26 (Oct./Nov. 2011): 635-648. Sobal, Jeffery. “The Medicalization and Demedicalization of Obesity.” Eating Agendas: Food and Nutrition as Social Problems. Ed. Jeffery Sobal and Donna Maurer. New York: Aldine de Gruyter, 1995. 67-90. Sonenshein, Julia. “Jennifer Lawrence Does More Harm than Good with Her ‘I’m Chubby’ Comments.” 3 Jan. 2014. 16 May 2015 ‹http://www.thegloss.com/2014/01/03/culture/jennifer-lawrence-fat-comments-body-image/#ixzz3aWTEg35U›. Strang, Fay. ”Carla Bruni Admits Used Therapy.” 3 May 2013. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.dailymail.co.uk/tvshowbiz/article-2318719/Carla-Bruni-admits-used-therapy-deal-comments-fat-giving-birth-forties.html›. “Taft Gained Peaks in Unusual Career.” The New York Times 9 March 1930. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/learning/general/onthisday/bday/0915.html›. Vedantam, Shankar. “Clinton's Heart Bypass Surgery Called a Success.” Washington Post 7 Sep. 2004: A01. “William Howard Taft.” Whitehouse.com. n.d. 12 May 2015. Whisper. n.d. 16 May 2015 ‹https://sh.whisper/o5o8bf3810d45295605bce53f8082Db6ddb29/I-am-so-sick-and-tired-of-skinny-people-saying-that-they-are-fat›. “You’ve Got a Big Arse, Julia. Germaine Greer Advice for Julia Gillard.” Politics and Porn in a Post-Feminist World. 24 Aug. 2012. 22 Apr. 2015 ‹https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=8lFtww!D3ss›. See also: ‹http://www.smh.com.au/federal-politics/political-news/greer-defends-fat-arse-pm-comment-20120827-24x5i.html›.

Introduction Media and gender are intricately linked in our society. Every day we see representations of women and men on the screen, read about politicians in the press, watch influencers on YouTube or go to the cinema where we meet screen heroes. Our images and notions of gender draw on these media narratives and role models. Children and young people are socialised with these views and cultivate their own identity and gender roles accordingly. Ideas of gender are not static. They are produced discursively in an ongoing process. Gender is understood as a social category, and this perspective is interwoven with an observation of people’s social behaviour, their “doing gender” (West and Zimmerman). From a social constructivist, the focus lies on the production processes connected with the construction of gender representations through the media. The question of how masculinity and femininity, concepts of “being a man” or “being a woman”, represented on a platform such as YouTube become relevant. Our research interest lies exactly in this: How gender inclusive is the video platform YouTube? Are male and female representations equally visible—or do we find exclusion mechanisms that hinder this? Literature Review Europe-wide studies show that children and adolescents are online for an average of 2.4 hours a day (Hasebrink et al.). Eighty-seven per cent of young people report watching videos (e.g. on YouTube) at least once a week (ibid., 11). This applies for Germany as well (MPFS). Considering the relevance YouTube has for adolescents, the question arises as to which role models are portrayed through YouTube and how diverse the representations of gender are depicted there. Initial analyses, primarily for the English-language YouTube platform, see its potential to counteract gender stereotypes (Maloney et al.), but generally show an unequal visibility of the genders on YouTube. These studies find that women are underrepresented, receive more hostile feedback and present themselves in stereotypical forms (Wotanis and McMillan; Döring; Molyneaux et al.). Döring and Mohseni showed in their current nine-country comparative analysis that men dominate the popular YouTube across countries and women are more likely to give up after hostility. The existing research usually examined the English-language, mainly US YouTube, it analysed gender performance, stereotypes in selected genres such as advertising or gaming, the stigmatisation of obesity, the representation and experiences of black women on YouTube, and the staging of alternative images of masculinity (see Hussin et al.; Kataria and Pandey; Wotanis and McMillan; Casabianca; Maloney et al.; Sobande). Molyneaux et al. noted in their landmark study gender-specific differences: female YouTubers tend to focus on private matters and interact more frequently with their users. Male YouTubers, on the other hand, share opinions and information and avoid emotions (Pedersen and Macafee). In addition, female vloggers are more often criticised for their appearance than for the content of their videos (Molyneaux et al.). Even though YouTube is an international medium, its use remains limited to language and nation. For example, the most popular YouTube stars among German children and young people are predominantly German-speaking influencers or sportsmen and women. In 2019, girls between the ages of 6 and 13 most often name Bibi, Dagi Bee, Shirin David, Lisa &amp; Lena, and Miley; boys at the same age Julien Bam, Gronkh, Die Lochis, LeFloid and Manuel Neuer (IZI). All these are German YouTube or sports stars. YouTube itself shows in its recommendations under the heading “most popular videos in Germany” exclusively German-language videos, music videos, or sporting events (YouTube). Therefore, YouTube also needs to be examined in national contexts, as well as in cross-national context. Our study will focus on the national German context to examine whether there are similar gender differences in the German-speaking YouTube as have been identified for the English-speaking YouTube. For German-speaking YouTube, few studies are available. Döring and Mohseni examined male and female operators of the top 100 YouTube channels in nine different countries. The results show that women make up 25 per cent of the top 100 German YouTube channel operators, a distribution which is similarly uneven in other countries. Usage data shows that the German-speaking YouTube appears to have a greater relevance among boys than girls. Boys (93%) use YouTube more often on a regular basis, than girls (86%), and rank it higher as their favourite app (MPFS). Other than for traditional media such as television or film, where intensive research has for decades shown a wide gender gap in the visibility of women (Prommer and Linke; Linke and Prommer), research on German-speaking YouTube is rare (Döring and Mohseni). Hypotheses In reflection of the research outlined above on representations of gender in media and the stereotypical portrayals of men and women in film and television, we assume that these gender role depictions are carried over into online videos on social media platforms. The fact that girls use YouTube somewhat less often, consider themselves less competent in the necessary Internet skills, and anticipate greater risks related to communicative aspects suggests that female operators might have been held back and that the female perspective might be marginalised in public (self-)portrayals. The following hypotheses will therefore guide our study: H1: Fewer women are channel operators of Germany’s most popular YouTube channels, and they are more limited in their choice of genres. H2: Women are less visible than men in popular YouTube videos. H3: Women portray themselves more often as connected to stereotypically female topics or are depicted as such in videos. H4: Men stage themselves as professionals. Methods and Sample Following these hypotheses, we conducted a two-step research. The first research step was to analyse to what extent women and men produce popular content. For this, we looked at the ratio of female to male YouTubers among the 1,000 most successful German channels. These YouTubers are called either creators or channel operators by the industry. Both terms are used synonymously here. To identify the most popular YouTube channels, we acquired the viewing and ranking data from the market research company Social Blade, which is one of the very few sources for these data. We measured the popularity of the channels by the number of subscribers to a channel. The success of individual videos was measured by individual views. We coded the 1,000 most successful German YouTube channels, with a standardised quantitative content analysis. This method is frequently applied in existing studies on gender representations in YouTube (Döring; Döring and Mohensi). Different to existing research, we looked at a larger number of channels. This quantified analysis was combined with a more qualitative, but still standardised analysis of visibility of gender and concrete content and presentation forms (Prommer and Linke). For the second step we used the Audio-Visual Character Analysis (ACIS) developed by Prommer and Linke as a method that is able to code any audio-visual content in order to describe visibility and diversity of the depicted people. Here, the analysis considered the individual video as the unit of analysis. For 20 videos from each of the top 100 YouTube creators, we chose the 10 of most recent videos plus the 10 videos with the most views to be analysed. In total, 2,000 videos were analysed. For the qualitative analysis, looking at the visibility of gender, we excluded channels operated by institutions, such as radio and TV broadcasters, music labels, and other commercial entities. These were not considered since there is no individual person responsible. We also excluded “Let’s Play” videos, since these often do not show the operator, but only show game play from video games. Results H1: Fewer women are operators of Germany’s most popular YouTube channels, and they are more limited in their choice of genres. As the analyses show, if the non-individual channel operators are included in the statistics, we see that 27 per cent of the top popular channels in Germany are hosted by institutions (270); this leaves 172 channels operated by women (17%), 525 channels by men (53%), and 25 (3%) by mixed-gender teams. Further on, we will only consider the top 1,000 channels produced by one or more individuals; of these, one quarter (24%) of channel operators are female (fig. 1). This shows that, for every channel in the list produced by a woman, three are produced by men. Only three per cent of the channels are produced by men and women together, constituting a mixed-gender team. The YouTube genres, according to the YouTube classification, also show significant gender differences. Women can be seen first and foremost in tutorial channels (women: 61; men: 9). However, because only 24 per cent of channels in which an individual operator could be identified are contributed by women, all other genres except for tutorial channels are produced disproportionally more often by men. Gaming videos are solid male territory, as almost all "Let’s Play" channels are operated by men (women: 6; men: 150). Here, there are 25 men for every one woman who operates a gaming channel. This is particularly remarkable, as women make up 46 per cent of gamers (ISFE), and their underrepresentation can generally not be explained by lack of interest. Men operate channels in a wide variety of other genres, such as music (women: 9; men: 80) and sports (women: 4; men: 20). The genres of comedy, film, and education show only one female operator each—outnumbered from 10 to 1 to as much as 20 to 1. Examining the statistics for men and women separately reveals that men do not only operate the majority of the top 1,000 channels, but they are also visible in a wider variety of genres. Female YouTubers have primarily limited themselves to entertainment channels (50% of all women) and how-to channels (35% of all women). Male channels are more diverse and include entertainment (38% of all men), games (29% of all men), and music (15% of all men), as well as all other genres. Only in tutorial channels men are rarely seen (2%). The genre definitions of the YouTube channels used here are derived from YouTube itself, and these definitions are not in line with other genre theories and are overly broad. Nevertheless, these results confirm the first hypothesis that fewer women are operators of popular YouTube channels, and that women are more limited in their genre diversity. Fig. 1: Gender distribution of the top 1,000 YouTube channel creators—individuals only (n=722) H2: Women are less visible than men in popular YouTube videos. From the list of the top 1,000 channels, the top 100 most successful channels produced by individuals were analysed in more depth. Of these top 100 channels we analysed 20 videos each, for a total of 2,000 videos, for the visibility and appearance of men, women, and non-binary persons. If we count the main protagonists appearing in these 2,000 videos, we see for every woman (979; 29%) more than two men (2,343; 69%). Only two per cent (54) of the people appearing in these videos had a non-binary gender (intersexual, transsexual, or other). Interestingly, this is a similar imbalance as we can detect in television as well (Prommer and Linke). In other categories, there is more diversity than in television: in total, 44 per cent of channel operators have a recognisable “migration background”, which is more commonly seen in men (49%) than in women (32%). “Migration background” is the official German definition of people with a foreign nationality, people not born in Germany, or having parents with these criteria. This confirms the second hypothesis, according to which women are visible in popular Web videos less often than men. H3: Women portray themselves more often in connection to stereotypically female topics or are depicted as such in videos. In the 2,000 videos from the top 100 channels, female YouTubers are primarily visible in service-oriented tutorial channels (on topics like beauty, food, and the household). Female YouTubers are predominantly represented in video blogs (vlogs: 17%), battles/challenges (16%), sketches/parodies (14%), and tutorials (11%). The haul/unboxing format, in which presenters unpack acquired products or gifts, is almost exclusively female. Men are visible in a wide array of formats such as battles/challenges (21%), sketches (17%), and vlogs (14%), including music (9%), opinions/positions (6%), interviews (2%), music parodies (3%), and question-answer formats (2%). The wide range of content produced by male YouTubers, compared to the limited range of female YouTubers, becomes even more obvious when we consider the topics of the individual videos. The results show that men engage with a variety of themes. Women’s topics, on the other hand, are limited: female YouTubers address beauty (30%), food (23%), relationships (23%), fashion and family, as well as household topics (15%). As fig. 2 shows, men present a bigger variety of topics such as music, relationships, family and fashion, and they also address politics (7%), gaming, and much more. The men’s list is significantly more comprehensive (21 topic areas instead of 15). The data thus confirm the third hypothesis, according to which female YouTubers are more often represented in popular videos with stereotypically female themes. It also becomes clear that their spectrum of topics is significantly more limited than that of male actors. Fig. 2: Topic and subject areas of main actors by gender (3,322), statistics for all women and all men; multiple answers possible H4: Men stage themselves as professionals The following results reveal selected characteristics of the staging with which the main female protagonists portray themselves in the 2,000 videos analysed, and which we understand as an expression of professional versus non-professional ability. Female YouTubers appear predominantly in private settings, and their relationships to (almost exclusively male) partners and to their families play a larger role in their appearances than with the male protagonists. Their activities in the videos are described more frequently by the women themselves as personal passions and hobbies, and they rarely discuss their activities as connected to a career. Women talk about their passions, while men thematise their professional abilities. While fewer than a quarter of female YouTubers (22%) address their careers, almost two thirds of men (61%) do so. When looking at hobbies and passions the reverse is true: while only a third of male YouTubers (32%) mention these themes, two thirds of women (64%) create this context in their videos. Also, public spaces and professional contexts are predominantly reserved for male protagonist on YouTube. This means that women shoot their videos in what appears to be their homes or other private environments, while men are also visible in offices or other professional environments (e.g. fitness studios). The settings in which most people are visible on YouTube are private houses and apartments, where most women (71%) and more than half of male actors (57%) are shown. Settings in the public sphere, in contrast, are chosen by male YouTubers twice as often (34%) as by females. This confirms the fourth hypothesis, which states that men communicate and stage themselves as professionals in their videos, measured by the choice of public settings, references to professional activity, and thematisation of emotions. Limitations This study represents a first step toward a quantified analysis of gender portrayals on YouTube. Although a large number of channels and videos were included in the analysis, it is not a comprehensive assessment of all of the most popular videos, nor a random sampling. Limiting the scope to the most popular content necessarily excludes videos that may show alternative content but receive fewer clicks and subscribers. The content analysis does not allow conclusions to be drawn regarding the videos’ actual reception among adolescents. Even though the data prove the platform’s popularity among children and young adults, the audience groups for the individual videos we analysed could not be broken down by sociodemographics. The gender-typical depictions can thus only be understood as an offering; no statements can be made as to their actual acceptance. Discussion The results show that Web videos favourited by children and young adults on the YouTube platform adopt and propagate similar role models to those that previously existed in television and film (Götz et al.). Female channel operators are significantly underrepresented in the most popular videos, they are more limited in their range of topics, and they appear predominantly in and with topics with a stereotypically female connotation. Further, most of women’s (self-)portrayals take place in private settings. Here, the new Web formats have not created a change from classical depictions on television, where women are also predominantly shown in their personal and private lives. Web videos emphasise this aspect, as female actors refer often to their hobbies rather than to their careers, thus characterising their actions as less socially legitimised. This shows that in their favourite new media, too, adolescents encounter traditional gender stereotypes that steer the engagement with gender onto traditional tracks. The actual variety of gender identities and gender roles in real life is not presented in the popular YouTube videos and therefore excluded from the mainstream audience. Clearly, the interplay of the structure of YouTube, the market, and audience demand does not lead to the inclusion and visibility of alternative role models. References Casabianca, Barbara. "YouTube as a Net'Work': A Media Analysis of the YouTube Beauty Community." 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“What's the brief?” is an everyday question within the graphic design process. Moreover, the concept and importance of a design brief is overtly understood well beyond design practice itself—especially among stakeholders who work with designers and clients who commission design services. Indeed, a design brief is often an assumed and expected physical or metaphoric artefact for guiding the creative process. When a brief is lacking, incomplete or unclear, it can render an already ambiguous graphic design process and discipline even more fraught with misinterpretation. Nevertheless, even in wider design discourse, there appears to be little research on design briefs and the briefing process (Jones and Askland; Paton and Dorst). It seems astonishing that, even in Peter Phillips’s 2014 edition of Creating the Perfect Design Brief, he feels compelled to comment that “there are still no books available about design briefs” and that the topic is only “vaguely” covered within design education (21). While Phillips’s assertion is debatable if one draws purely from online vernacular sources or professional guides, it is supported by the lack of scholarly attention paid to the design brief. Graphic design briefs are often mentioned within design books, journals, and online sources. However, this article argues that the format, function and use of such briefs are largely assumed and rarely identified and studied. Even within the broader field of design research, the tendency appears to be to default to “the design brief” as an assumed shorthand, supporting Phillips’s argument about the nebulous nature of the topic. As this article contextualises, this is further problematised by insufficient attention cast on graphic design itself as a specific discipline. This article emerges from a wider, multi-stage creative practice study into graphic design practice, that used experimental performative design research methods to investigate graphic designers’ professional relationships with stakeholders (Meron, Strangely). The article engages with specific outcomes from that study that relate to the design brief. The article also explores existing literature and research and argues for academics, the design industry, and educationalists, to focus closer attention on the design brief. It concludes by suggesting that experimental and collaborative design methods offers potential for future research into the design brief. Contextualising the Design Brief It is critical to differentiate the graphic design brief from the operational briefs of architectural design (Blyth and Worthington; Khan) or those used in technical practices such as software development or IT systems design, which have extensive industry-formalised briefing practices and models such as the waterfall system (Petersen et al.) or more modern processes such as Agile (Martin). Software development and other technical design briefs are necessarily more formulaically structured than graphic design briefs. Their requirements are generally empirically and mechanistically located, and often mission-critical. In contrast, the conceptual nature of creative briefs in graphic design creates the potential for them to be arbitrarily interpreted. Even in wider design discourse, there appears to be little consistency about the form that a brief takes. Some sources indicate that a brief only requires one page (Elebute; Nov and Jones) or even a single line of text (Jones and Askland). At other times briefs are described as complex, high-level documents embedded within processes which designers respond to with the aim of producing end products to satisfy clients’ requirements (Ambrose; Patterson and Saville). Ashby and Johnson (40) refer to the design brief as a “solution neutral” statement, the aim being to avoid preconceptions or the narrowing of the creative possibilities of a project. Others describe a consultative (Walsh), collaborative and stakeholder-inclusive process (Phillips). The Scholarly Brief Within scholarly design research, briefs inevitably manifest as an assumed artefact or process within each project; but the reason for their use or antecedents for chosen formats are rarely addressed. For example, in “Creativity in the Design Process” (Dorst and Cross) some elements of the design brief are described. The authors also describe at what stage of the investigation the brief is introduced and present a partial example of the brief. However, there is no explanation of the form of the brief or the reasons behind it. They simply describe it as being typical for the design medium, adding that its use was considered a critical part of addressing the design problem. In a separate study within advertising (Johar et al.), researchers even admit that the omission of crucial elements from the brief—normally present in professional practice—had a detrimental effect on their results. Such examples indicate the importance of briefs for the design process, yet further illustrating the omission of direct engagement with the brief within the research design, methodology, and methods. One exception comes from a study amongst business students (Sadowska and Laffy) that used the design brief as a pedagogical tool and indicates that interaction with, and changes to, elements of a design brief impact the overall learning process of participants, with the brief functioning as a trigger for that process. Such acknowledgement of the agency of a design brief affirms its importance for professional designers (Koslow et al.; Phillips). This use of a brief as a research device informed my use of it as a reflective and motivational conduit when studying graphic designers’ perceptions of stakeholders, and this will be discussed shortly. The Professional Brief Professionally, the brief is a key method of communication between designers and stakeholders, serving numerous functions including: outlining creative requirements, audience, and project scope; confirming project requirements; and assigning and documenting roles, procedures, methods, and approval processes. The format of design briefs varies from complex multi-page procedural documents (Patterson and Saville; Ambrose) produced by marketing departments and sent to graphic design agencies, to simple statements (Jones and Askland; Elebute) from small to medium-sized businesses. These can be described as the initial proposition of the design brief, with the following interactions comprising the ongoing briefing process. However, research points to many concerns about the lack of adequate briefing information (Koslow, Sasser and Riordan). It has been noted (Murray) that, despite its centrality to graphic design, the briefing process rarely lives up to designers’ expectations or requirements, with the approach itself often haphazard. This reinforces the necessarily adaptive, flexible, and compromise-requiring nature of professional graphic design practice, referred to by design researchers (Cross; Paton and Dorst). However, rather than lauding these adaptive and flexible designer abilities as design attributes, such traits are often perceived by professional practitioners as unequal (Benson and Dresdow), having evolved by the imposition by stakeholders, rather than being embraced by graphic designers as positive designer skill-sets. The Indeterminate Brief With insufficient attention cast on graphic design as a specific scholarly discipline (Walker; Jacobs; Heller, Education), there is even less research on the briefing process within graphic design practice (Cumming). Literature from professional practice on the creation and function of graphic design briefs is often formulaic (Phillips) and fractured. It spans professional design bodies, to templates from mass-market printers (Kwik Kopy), to marketing-driven and brand-development approaches, in-house style guides, and instructional YouTube videos (David). A particularly clear summary comes from Britain’s Design Council. This example describes the importance of a good design brief, its requirements, and carries a broad checklist that includes the company background, project aims, and target audience. It even includes stylistic tips such as “don’t be afraid to use emotive language in a brief if you think it will generate a shared passion about the project” (Design Council). From a subjective perspective, these sources appear to contain sensible professional advice. However, with little scholarly research on the topic, how can we know that, for example, using emotive language best informs the design process? Why might this be helpful and desirable (or otherwise) for designers? These varied approaches highlight the indeterminate treatment of the design brief. Nevertheless, the very existence of such diverse methods communicates a pattern of acknowledgement of the criticality of the brief, as well as the desire, by professional bodies, commentators, and suppliers, to ensure that both designers and stakeholders engage effectively with the briefing process. Thus, with such a pedagogic gap in graphic design discourse, scholarly research into the design brief has the potential to inform vernacular and formal educational resources. Researching the Design Brief The research study from which this article emerges (Meron, Strangely) yielded outcomes from face-to-face interviews with eleven (deidentified) graphic designers about their perceptions of design practice, with particular regard to their professional relationships with other creative stakeholders. The study also surveyed online discussions from graphic design forums and blog posts. This first stage of research uncovered feelings of lacking organisational gravitas, creative ownership, professional confidence, and design legitimacy among the designers in relation to stakeholders. A significant causal factor pointed to practitioners’ perceptions of lacking direct access to and involvement with key sources of creative inspiration and information; one specific area being the design brief. It was a discovery that was reproduced thematically during the second stage of the research. This stage repurposed performative design research methods to intervene in graphic designers’ resistance to research (Roberts, et al), with the goal of bypassing practitioners’ tendency to portray their everyday practices using formulaic professionalised answers (Dorland, View). In aiming to understand graphic designers’ underlying motivations, this method replaced the graphic designer participants with trained actors, who re-performed narratives from the online discussions and designer interviews during a series of performance workshops. Performative methodologies were used as design thinking methods to defamiliarise the graphic design process, thereby enabling previously unacknowledged aspects of the design process to be unveiled, identified and analysed. Such defamiliarisation repurposes methods used in creative practice, including design thinking (Bell, Blythe, and Sengers), with performative elements drawing on ethnography (Eisner) and experimental design (Seago and Dunne). Binding these two stages of research study together was a Performative Design Brief—a physical document combining narratives from the online discussions and the designer interviews. For the second stage, this brief was given to a professional theatre director to use as material for a “script” to motivate the actors. In addition to identifying unequal access to the creative process as a potential point of friction, this study yielded outcomes suggesting that designers were especially frustrated when the design brief was unclear, insufficiently detailed, or even missing completely. The performative methodology enabled a refractive approach, using performative metaphor and theatre to defamiliarise graphic design practice, portraying the process through a third-party theatrical prism. This intervened in graphic designers’ habitual communication patterns (Dorland, The View). Thus, combining traditional design research methods with experimental interdisciplinary ones, enabled outcomes that might not otherwise have emerged. It is an example of engaging with the fluid, hybrid (Heller, Teaching), and often elusive practices (van der Waarde) of graphic design. Format, Function, and Use A study (Paton and Dorst) among professional graphic designers attempts to dissect practitioners’ perceptions of different aspects of briefing as a process of ‘framing’. Building on the broader theories of design researchers such as Nigel Cross, Bryan Lawson, and Donald Schön, Paton and Dorst suggest that most of the designers preferred a collaborative briefing process where both they and client stakeholders were directly involved, without intermediaries. This concurs with the desire, from many graphic designers that I interviewed, for unobstructed engagement with the brief. Moreover, narratives from the online discussions that I investigated suggest that the lack of clear frameworks for graphic design briefs is a hotly debated topic, as are perceptions of stakeholder belligerence or misunderstanding. For example, in a discussion from Graphic Design Forums designer experiences range from only ever receiving informal verbal instructions—“basically, we’ve been handed design work and they tell us ‘We need this by EOD’” (VFernandes)—to feeling obliged to pressure stakeholders to provide a brief—“put the burden on them to flesh out the details of a real brief and provide comprehensive material input” (HotButton) —to resignation to an apparent futility of gaining adequate design briefs from stakeholders because— “they will most likely never change” (KitchWitch). Such negative assumptions support Koslow et al.’s assertion that the absence of a comprehensive brief is the most “terrifying” thing for practitioners (9). Thus, practitioners’ frustrations with stakeholders can become unproductive when there is an inadequate design brief, or if the creative requirements of a brief are otherwise removed from the direct orbit of graphic designers. This further informs a narrative of graphic designers perceiving some stakeholders as gatekeepers of the design brief. For example, one interviewed designer believed that stakeholders ‘don’t really understand the process’ (Patricia). Another interviewee suggested that disorganised briefs could be avoided by involving designers early in the process, ensuring that practitioners had direct access to the client as a creative source, rather than having to circumnavigate stakeholders (Marcus). Such perceptions appeared to reinforce beliefs among these practitioners that they lack design capital within the creative process. These perceptions of gatekeeping of the design brief support suggestions of designers responding negatively when stakeholders approach the design process from a different perspective (Wall and Callister), if stakeholders assume a managerial position (Jacobs) and, in particular, if stakeholders are inexperienced in working with designers (Banks et al.; Holzmann and Golan). With such little clarity in the design briefing process, future research may consider comparisons with industries with more formalised briefing processes, established professional statuses, or more linear histories. Indeed, the uneven historical development of graphic design (Frascara; Julier and Narotzky) may influence the inconsistency of its briefing process. Inconsistency as Research Opportunity The inconsistent state of the graphic design brief is reflective of the broader profession that it resides within. Graphic design as a profession remains fluid and inconsistent (Dorland, Tell Me; Jacobs), with even its own practitioners unable to agree on its parameters or even what to call the practice (Meron, Terminology). Pedagogically, graphic design is still emerging as an independent discipline (Cabianca; Davis), struggling to gain capital outside of existing and broader creative practices (Poynor; Triggs). The inherent interdisciplinarity (Harland) and intangibility of graphic design also impact the difficulty of engaging with the briefing process. Indeed, graphic design’s practices have been described as “somewhere between science and superstition (or fact and anecdote)” (Heller, Teaching par. 3). With such obstacles rendering the discipline fractured (Ambrose et al.), it is understandable that stakeholders might find engaging productively with graphic design briefs challenging. This can become problematic, with inadequate stakeholder affinity or understanding of design issues potentially leading to creative discord (Banks et al.; Holzmann and Golan). Identifying potentially problematic and haphazard aspects of the design brief and process also presents opportunities to add value to research into broader relationships between graphic designers and stakeholders. It suggests a practical area of study with which scholarly research on collaborative design approaches might intersect with professional graphic design practice. Indeed, recent research suggests that collaborative approaches offer both process and educational advantages, particularly in the area of persona development, having the ability to discover the “real” brief (Taffe 394). Thus, framing the brief as a collaborative, educative, and negotiative process may allow creative professionals to elucidate and manage the disparate parts of a design process, such as timeframes, stakeholders, and task responsibilities, as well as the cost implications of stakeholder actions such as unscheduled amendments. It can encourage the formalisation of incomplete vernacular briefs, as well as allow for the influence of diverse briefing methods, such as the one-page creative brief of advertising agencies, or more formal project management practices while allowing for some of the fluidity of more agile approaches: acknowledging that changes may be required while keeping all parties informed and involved. In turn, collaborative approaches may contribute towards enabling the value of contributions from both graphic designers and stakeholders and it seems beneficial to look towards design research methodologies that promote collaborative pathways. Mark Steen, for example, argues for co-design as a form of design thinking for enabling stakeholders to combine knowledge with negotiation to implement change (27). Collaborative design methods have also been advocated for use between designers and users, with stakeholders on shared projects, and with external collaborators (Binder and Brandt). Others have argued that co-design methods facilitate stakeholder collaboration “across and within institutional structures” while challenging existing power relations, albeit leaving structural changes largely unaffected (Farr 637). The challenge for collaborative design research is to seek opportunities and methodologies to conduct design brief research within a graphic design process that often appears amorphous, while also manifesting complex designer–stakeholder dynamics. Doubly so, when the research focus—the graphic design brief—often appears as nebulous an entity as the practice it emerges from. Conclusion The research discussed in this article suggests that graphic designers distrust a creative process that itself symbolises an inconsistent, reactive, and often accidental historical development of their profession and pedagogy. Reflecting this, the graphic design brief emerges almost as a metaphor for this process. The lack of overt discussion about the format, scope, and process of the brief feeds into the wider framework of graphic design’s struggle to become an independent scholarly discipline. This, in turn, potentially undermines the professional authority of graphic design practice that some of its practitioners believe is deficient. Ultimately, the brief and its processes must become research-informed parts of graphic design pedagogy. Embracing the brief as a pedagogical, generative, and inseparable part of the design process can inform the discourse within education, adding scholarly value to practice and potentially resulting in increased agency for practitioners. The chameleon-like nature of graphic design’s constant adaptation to ever-changing industry requirements makes research into the role and influences of its briefing process challenging. 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