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1

Huillery, Elise. "The Black Man's Burden: The Cost of Colonization of French West Africa." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 1 (February 24, 2014): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050714000011.

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Was colonization costly for France? Did French taxpayers contribute to colonies’ development? This article reveals that French West Africa's colonization took only 0.29 percent of French annual expenditures, including 0.24 percent for military and central administration and 0.05 percent for French West Africa's development. For West Africans, the contribution from French taxpayers was almost negligible: mainland France provided about 2 percent of French West Africa's revenue. In fact, colonization was a considerable burden for African taxpayers since French civil servants’ salaries absorbed a disproportionate share of local expenditures.
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2

COQUERY-VIDROVITCH, CATHERINE. "NATIONALITÉ ET CITOYENNETÉ EN AFRIQUE OCCIDENTALE FRANÇAIS: ORIGINAIRES ET CITOYENS DANS LE SÉNÉGAL COLONIAL." Journal of African History 42, no. 2 (July 2001): 285–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701007770.

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The French in West Africa remained deeply ambivalent in regard to applying naturalization policies to their African subjects. Applying a distinction between ‘citizenship’ and ‘nationality’, this article traces the history of French colonial policy from 1789 through decolonization in the 1950s. Apart from the originaires of the four communes of Senegal, who had ill-defined rights of French citizenship without ever being considered French nationals, naturalization policy in West Africa became so restrictive that no more than sixteen individuals were granted French citizenship each year between 1935 and 1949. This article uses dossiers of naturalization cases from French West Africa.
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3

Benjamin, Kehinde Tola. "French Colonial Policies in West Africa: Power Dynamics, Cultural Impositions and Economic Legacies." International Journal of Advances in Social Sciences and Humanities 3, no. 1 (February 29, 2024): 8–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.56225/ijassh.v3i1.248.

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The complex dynamics of French colonial policies in West Africa during European imperialism played a crucial role in streamlining administrative procedures and consolidating control over the indigenous African population. This colonial framework not only imposed a distinct sense of identity on African communities but also created deep stratification within these societies. Implementing the direct rule system, an essential aspect of French colonial administration, facilitated imposing laws and regulations that often marginalized traditional authority structures. As a result, a symbiotic relationship emerged between the African colonies and France, with the former serving as essential suppliers of resources crucial for sustaining France's growing industrial enterprises. This paper delves into the intricate nuances of the French colonial policies and their enduring impact on West Africa. By critically examining the assimilation and association policies, the study elucidates the power dynamics, cultural impositions, and economic implications that characterized the colonial experience of French colonies in West Africa. Unpacking the complexities of the colonial governance framework highlights the systemic disparities and cultural alienation perpetuated by the French colonial apparatus, underscoring the persistent socio-economic challenges and cultural subjugation that continue to shape the contemporary West African landscape. By exploring historical injustices and postcolonial complexities, the study emphasizes the urgent need for a holistic and inclusive approach to postcolonial development, advocating for preserving cultural heritage and promoting equitable socio-economic progress within the region.
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Olukoju, Ayodeji. "‘King of West Africa’? Bernard Bourdillon and the Politics of the West African Governors' Conference, 1940–1942." Itinerario 30, no. 1 (March 2006): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300012511.

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The outbreak of the Second World War in September 1939 and the collapse of French resistance to the German onslaught a year later were momentous events which had far-reaching implications for France, Britain, and their colonies. In West Africa, the war affected existing patterns of inter-state relations within and across the French/British imperial divides, which were further complicated for the British by the emergence of two blocs in the French colonial empire – Vichy and Free French. It was in this context that the West African Governors' Conference was created in 1940 to coordinate the war effort and to manage relations with the French colonies.
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5

Echenberg, Myron. "‘Morts Pour La France’; The African Soldier in France during the Second World War." Journal of African History 26, no. 4 (October 1985): 363–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700028796.

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The involvement of African combatants in France from 1939 to 1945 probably surpassed the large mobilization of an earlier generation during the First World War. Carefully prepared ideologically and well received by the French public, Africans nevertheless paid a heavy price in lives and suffering as soldiers during the Battle of France and as prisoners of the Germans. Liberation brought a new set of tribulations, including discriminatory treatment from French authorities. These hardships culminated in a wave of African soldiers' protests in 1944–5, mainly in France, but including the most serious rising, the so-called mutiny at Thiaroye, outside Dakar, where thirty-five African soldiers were killed.The war's impact was ambiguous. Tragedies like Thiaroye sent shock waves throughout French West Africa, delegitimizing naked force as a political instrument in post-war politics and sweeping away an older form of paternalism. Yet while a militant minority were attracted to more radical forms of political and trade-union organization, most African veterans reaffirmed their loyalties to the French State, which ultimately paid their pensions.
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OSBORN, EMILY LYNN. "‘CIRCLE OF IRON’: AFRICAN COLONIAL EMPLOYEES AND THE INTERPRETATION OF COLONIAL RULE IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 44, no. 1 (March 2003): 29–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853702008307.

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This article investigates the role of African colonial employees in the functioning of the colonial state in French West Africa. Case studies from the 1890s and early 1900s demonstrate that in the transition from conquest to occupation, low-level African colonial intermediaries continually shaped the localized meanings that colonialism acquired in practice. Well-placed African colonial intermediaries in the colonies of Guinée Française and Soudan Français often controlled the dissemination of information and knowledge in the interactions of French colonial officials with local elites and members of the general population. The contributions of these African employees to the daily operations of the French colonial state show that scholars have long overlooked a cadre of men who played a significant role in shaping colonial rule.
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7

Ekwe-Ekwe, Herbert. "Africa and France – historically and in these times. Doi: 10.5020/2317-2150.2015.v20n3p807." Pensar - Revista de Ciências Jurídicas 20, no. 3 (December 29, 2015): 807–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.5020/23172150.2012.807-822.

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For France, the so-called francophonie Africa or the total of 22 countries, mostly in west, northeast, central and southeast Africa (Indian Ocean) that France conquered and occupied in Africa during the course of the pan-European invasion of Africa during the 15th-19th centuries, belong to France in perpetuity. This is in spite of the presumed restoration of independence, since the 1960s, of each of the states concerned. French presidents and top officials of the French republic since the end of World War II, irrespective of ideological or political orientation, attest to this key position in French international politics. Quests for African freedom from this subjugation will be central in charting the salient defining transformative features of African-French relations of this new millennium.
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8

Miles, William F. S. "Postcolonial Borderland Legacies of Anglo–French Partition in West Africa." African Studies Review 58, no. 3 (November 23, 2015): 191–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2015.71.

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Abstract:More than five decades after independence, Africa still struggles with the legacies of colonial partition. On the territorial frontiers between the postcolonial inheritors of the two major colonial powers, Great Britain and France, the continuing impact of European colonialism remains most acute. On the one hand, the splitting of erstwhile homogeneous ethnic groups into British and French camps gave rise to new national identities; on the other hand, it circumvented any possibility of sovereignty via ethnic solidarity. To date, however, there has been no comprehensive assessment of the ethnic groups that were divided between English- and French-speaking states in West Africa, let alone the African continent writ large. This article joins postcolonial ethnography to the emerging field of comparative borderland studies. It argues that, although norms of state-based identity have been internalized in the Anglophone–Francophone borderlands, indigenous bases of association and behavior continue to define life along the West African frontier in ways that undermine state sovereignty. Although social scientists tend to focus on national- and sub-national-level analyses, and increasingly on the effects of globalization on institutional change, study of the African borderlands highlights the continuing importance of colonial legacies and grassroots-derived research.
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9

Filippov, Vasily. "The African Policy of Emmanuel Macron." Uchenie zapiski Instituta Afriki RAN 58, no. 1 (March 15, 2022): 31–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.31132/2412-5717-2022-58-1-31-48.

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The subject of consideration is the African policy of France during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron (2017-2022). The proclaimed slogans, the official rhetoric of the tenth president of the Fifth Republic, the political practices of the Elysee Palace during this period are reviewed in the context of the geopolitical changes taking place in West Africa. The purpose of the study is to find out the factors that in one way or another have influenced the African policy of Paris in recent years, to determine the obvious motives and latent aspirations of French diplomacy on the African continent. The article deals with very recent events that took place in Tropical Africa, and are therefore relatively little studied both in Russian African studies and in French political science and anthropology. The author comes to the conclusion that the Fifth Republic is rapidly losing its economic, political and military-strategic positions in African countries, which were quite recently a zone of its undeniable influence. He connects this process with the emergence here of new actors in international relations, which allowed Africans to diversify their foreign economic and political orientations.
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D'AVIGNON, ROBYN. "PRIMITIVE TECHNIQUES: FROM ‘CUSTOMARY’ TO ‘ARTISANAL’ MINING IN FRENCH WEST AFRICA." Journal of African History 59, no. 2 (July 2018): 179–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718000361.

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AbstractSince the commodity boom of the early 2000s, the visibility of ‘artisanal’ or ‘small-scale’ mining has grown in media coverage and development policies focused on Africa. This article argues that the regulatory category of ‘artisanal’ mining in Africa originated during the colonial period as ‘customary mining’. I build this case through a regional case study of mining policies in the colonial federation of French West Africa, where a single decree accorded African subjects ‘customary rights’ to seasonally mine gold and rock salt in restricted areas. By contrast, colonial citizens, mostly Europeans, accessed stable mining titles. Customary mining rights never codified actual African mining ‘customs’, as colonial officials argued. Rather, this law marked the boundary between the technological status of French subjects and citizens. Core elements of this colonial legal framework have been incorporated into postcolonial policies governing the rights of citizens to mineral resources in Africa.
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11

Kovács, Csaba M. "Senegal: A Typically African Country?" Studia Universitatis Babeș-Bolyai Geographia 68, no. 2 (December 30, 2023): 165–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.24193/subbgeogr.2023.2.09.

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Senegal: A Typically African Country? The young nation of West Africa, part of the former French colonial system, has a long history showing a clear integration within the context of the Sahel region. After independence, it followed a particular evolution: though its economic and social development was not free of the contradictions and the failures so characteristic for former colonies, compared to other African states, Senegal showed a considerable political stability, successfully avoiding civil wars, military coups and dictatorships and maintaining a multiparty system. However, recent evolutions show a certain tendency towards constitutional instability, a weakening of the rule of law and certain signs of drift towards authoritarian governing. The present international situation of the Sahel and of West Africa represent a further challenge for Senegal, because it can play a crucial role there showing a positive example, on the condition of preserving its stability and democracy. Keywords: colonialism, slavery, négritude, independence, French Community, Françafrique, elite, president, crisis, coup d’État, corruption.
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12

Leonard, Douglas W. "Amadou Hampâté Bâ and the Power of Time in the Social Reconstruction of West Africa." Journal of West African History 9, no. 1 (March 1, 2023): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jwestafrihist.9.1.0001.

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Abstract Engaged for much of his life with the swell and ultimate ebb of the French colonial state in West Africa, Amadou Hampâté Bâ sought to reconstitute African societies apart from the destruction of the preceding century. Trained in ethnology by the colonial state, Hampâté Bâ collected oral histories of the area to gain a greater grasp on the power of local conceptions of social and political forms. He appreciated the power of “tradition,” a controversial view that caused many critics to brand him as reactionary. In contrast, Hampâté Bâ positioned his work as an escape from colonial domination. His work fought against European depictions of static, unchanging African societies by employing what he saw as a more African understanding of time. Embracing nonlinear conceptions of the fluidity of human experience across eras, Hampâté Bâ instead proposed that West Africans look to the past to escape the present and reimagine the future. He extolled the virtues of continuity across the rupture of European modernism, pushing Africans away from European norms while widening the applicability of African sociopolitical ideas across West Africa in a fraught effort founded on the mythic histories of the Sahel. Hampâté Bâ sought universality in the particularity of these myths, a contested process that carried the potential of social innovation, growth, and change without the destruction of foreign domination.
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13

Pfaff, Françoise. "Five West African Filmmakers on their Films." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 2 (1992): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501528.

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Prior to 1960, such countries as England and Belgium trained a number of Africans in the technical areas of “movie-making” through their colonial film units which produced health and educational documentaries as well as propagandist shorts praising the colonial order and/or disseminating the Christian faith. Nevertheless, little had been done to encourage native “movie-thinking.” The late Paulin Soumanou Vieyra (Benin/Senegal), one of the pioneers and early historians of African cinema, often pointed out how the French colonial authorities would refuse scholarships to aspiring African film students, arguing that priority was to be given to the training of African doctors and teachers. One could very well suspect that there also might have been some concern as to the kind of politically detrimental anti-colonialist images these film students would have later produced.
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14

de Haas, Michiel. "The Failure of Cotton Imperialism in Africa: Seasonal Constraints and Contrasting Outcomes in French West Africa and British Uganda." Journal of Economic History 81, no. 4 (October 22, 2021): 1098–136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050721000462.

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Cash-crop diffusion in colonial Africa was uneven and defied colonizers’ expectations and efforts, especially for cotton. This study investigates how agricultural seasonality affected African farmers’ cotton adoption, circa 1900–1960. A contrast between British Uganda and the interior of French West Africa demonstrates that a short rainy season and the resulting short farming cycles generated seasonal labor bottlenecks and food security concerns, limiting cotton output. Agricultural seasonality also had wider repercussions, for colonial coercion, investment, and African income-earning strategies. A labor productivity breakthrough in post-colonial Francophone West Africa mitigated the seasonality constraint, facilitating impressive cotton output growth post-1960.
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15

DEMBELE, Moussa, and Masao Furuyama. "French colonization impact to West African city forms." Journal of the City Planning Institute of Japan 37 (2002): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.11361/cpij1.37.0.463.0.

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16

Dembele, Moussa, and Masao Furuyama. "French colonization impacts to West African city forms." Journal of the City Planning Institute of Japan 37 (2002): 463–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.11361/journalcpij.37.463.

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17

Kelly, Kenneth G. "African Diaspora archaeology in Guadeloupe, French West Indies." Antiquity 76, no. 292 (June 2002): 333–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00090384.

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18

Alemna, David. "Monetary Convergence Across the Economic Community of West African States: Lessons for the Envisioned West African Monetary Union." Complexity, Governance & Networks 7, no. 1 (May 2, 2022): 50. http://dx.doi.org/10.20377/cgn-108.

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Since its inauguration, the Economic Community of West African States has stressed its desire to advance regional integration through the establishment of a common single currency (the Eco). This policy has been considered advantageous given the economic benefits derived from the existence of one of the oldest sub-regional monetary unions across French-speaking West African Economies. For this reason, the West African Monetary Zone was created as a suggested second monetary zone consisting of English-speaking countries in the region in anticipation that in the long run, the two would converge. While empirical studies into the feasibility of achieving monetary integration in West Africa have provided some understanding of causal notions and possible effects, very few studies embrace complexity theory or attempt to use complexity-related conceptual notions in the identification and interpretation of patterns produced in longitudinal applications. Using both empirical and theoretical methods, this paper provides a unique longitudinal application of Dynamic Patterns Synthesis as an exploratory tool for observing the potential complexities that the proposed single currency arrangement across West Africa is likely to pose. The findings highlight multiple conjunctural causation in observing convergence and unpredictability across the Monetary Zone. These observations suggest more time is needed to achieve an established single currency.
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19

Scheck, Raffael. "Les prémices de Thiaroye: L’influence de la captivité allemande sur les soldats noirs français à la fin de la Seconde Guerre mondiale." French Colonial History 13 (May 1, 2012): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/41938223.

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Abstract After repressing the mutiny of West African ex-prisoners in Thiaroye near Dakar on 1 December 1944, the French military authorities concluded that the German treatment of these prisoners had made them prone to revolting. Allegedly, the Germans had planned to destabilize French colonialism by treating the prisoners well (despite the German army massacres of black French soldiers in June 1940) and by allowing black prisoners to enter into intimate relationships with white French women. The article critically analyzes the explanations of the French authorities for the revolt of Thiaroye, tracing the motivations of the ex-prisoners to the way they interpreted Free French policies after liberation in the context of their captivity experience. It argues that the relatively correct German treatment of the African POWs after the summer of 1940 and the contacts of prisoners with French civilians were circumstantial and not part of a deliberate German policy to incite revolts in the French colonies. Ultimately, the unruliness of African ex-prisoners resulted much less from German measures than from the disillusioning experience of the soldiers with the Vichy and Free French authorities during and after captivity, which formed a powerful contrast to the mostly friendly and respectful treatment of the Africans by the French civilian population.
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20

Darity, William. "British Industry and the West Indies Plantations." Social Science History 14, no. 1 (1990): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002068x.

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Is it not notorious to the whole World, that the Business of Planting in our British Colonies, as well as in the French, is carried on by the Labour of Negroes, imported thither from Africa? Are we not indebted to those valuable People, the Africans for our Sugars, Tobaccoes, Rice, Rum, and all other Plantation Produce? And the greater the Number of Negroes imported into our Colonies, from Africa, will not the Exportation of British Manufactures among the Africans be in Proportion, they being paid for in such Commodities only? The more likewise our Plantations abound in Negroes, will not more Land become cultivated, and both better and greater Variety of Plantation Commodities be produced? As those Trades are subservient to the Well Being and Prosperity of each other; so the more either flourishes or declines, the other must be necessarily affected; and the general Trade and Navigation of their Mother Country, will be proportionably benefited or injured. May we not therefore say, with equal Truth, as the French do in their before cited Memorial, that the general Navigation of Great Britain owes all its Encrease and Splendor to the Commerce of its American and African Colonies; and that it cannot be maintained and enlarged otherwise than from the constant Prosperity of both those branches, whose Interests are mutual and inseparable?[Postlethwayt 1968c: 6]The atlantic slave trade remains oddly invisible in the commentaries of historians who have specialized in the sources and causes of British industrialization in the late eighteenth century. This curiosity contrasts sharply with the perspective of eighteenth-century strategists who, on the eve of the industrial revolution, placed great stock in both the trade and the colonial plantations as vital instruments for British economic progress. Specifically, Joshua Gee and Malachy Postlethwayt, once described by the imperial historian Charles Ryle Fay (1934: 2–3) as Britain’s major “spokesmen” for the eighteenth century, both placed the importation of African slaves into the Americas at the core of their visions of the requirements for national expansion. Fay (ibid.: 3) also described both of them as “mercantilists hardening into a manufacturers’ imperialism.” For such a “manufacturers’ imperialism” to be a success, both Gee and Postlethwayt saw the need for extensive British participation in the trade in Africans and in the maintenance and development of the West Indies.
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Clark, Andrew F. "Environmental Decline and Ecological Response in the Upper Senegal Valley, West Africa, from the Late Nineteenth Century to World War I." Journal of African History 36, no. 2 (July 1995): 197–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700034113.

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The upper Senegal valley of West Africa, like other areas of Africa, experienced a period of acute environmental decline and intense ecological response by residents from the late nineteenth century until World War I. French colonial strategies caused considerable disruption and dislocation, benefitting in many ways the colonial agenda which sought to regulate labor flows. African responses to the widening crisis, including movement within the region, migration to the peanut basin and the coast, and enlistment in the war effort, often served colonial interests while sometimes directly exacerbating the environmental degradation, necessitating constant ecological adaptation. This study of an early period of intense and well-documented physical decline, and the various strategies developed by West Africans to survive and overcome obstacles, can shed light on current environmental policy debates and issues.
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Dedieu, Jean-Philippe, and Aïssatou Mbodj-Pouye. "The Fabric of Transnational Political Activism: “Révolution Afrique” and West African Radical Militants in France in the 1970s." Comparative Studies in Society and History 60, no. 4 (October 2018): 1172–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417518000427.

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AbstractThis article locates itself at the intersection of the social history of postcolonial migrations and the intellectual history of leftism and Third-Worldism in the aftermath of May ’68. It is the first study of the radical political group Révolution Afrique. From 1972 until its ban by the French government in 1977, this organization forged by African and French activists mobilized against neocolonial ideologies and policies on both sides of the Mediterranean. By tracing the organization's rise and fall through extensive archival research and in-depth interviews, the article explores the changing meanings of transnational activism by weaving together the biographical paths of the activists, the institutional and political constraints they faced, and the ideological framework within which they operated. During this short time frame, the transnational agenda that made sense among African workers and students in the early 1970s became irrelevant. The increasing repression of political dissent in Africa and France, the suspension of migratory flows, and the French government's implementation of return policies in the late 1970s forced the group's African activists to adopt a more national approach to their actions, or simply withdraw from high-risk activism. Despite the dissolution of Révolution Afrique, this collective endeavor appears to have been a unique experience of political education for African activists, transcending distinct social and national boundaries that until now have been left unexamined by social scientists specialized in the complex history of the relationships between France and Africa.
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Raifu, Isiaka Akande, Obianuju Ogochukwu Nnadozie, and Olaide Sekinat Opeloyeru. "Differences in Colonial Experience and the Institution-Economic Growth Nexus in West Africa." Jurnal Institutions and Economies 13, no. 2 (March 31, 2020): 27–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.22452/ijie.vol13no2.2.

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Does the quality of institutions affect economic growth in West African countries? Which institutional variable aids or harms economic growth in the region? Is the effect of institutions on economic growth in former French-colonised countries different from that of British-colonised countries? This study addresses these questions. Specifically, we first examined the effect of six institutional variables on economic growth for each of the 13 West African countries. Then, we employed panel data estimation techniques to examine the overall effect of the quality of institutions on the economies of the region. Finally, we grouped the 13 countries into French-colonised and British colonised countries following the argument of Acemoglu, Johnson and Robinson (2001,2005) and then examined the impact of institutional quality on the economic growth of these subgroups. Our findings reveal that the effect of institutional variables on the economy of each country varies. Overall, we find that government stability and democratic accountability have a positive and significant influence on economic growth, while control of corruption and socioeconomic conditions have deleterious effects on economic growth. Finally, institutions contribute positively to economic growth in French-colonised countries compared to British-colonised countries. The results imply that there is a need to strengthen institutions in West Africa, especially in former British colonies.
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Griffiths, Claire H. "Colonial subjects: race and gender in French West Africa." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 26, no. 11/12 (November 1, 2006): 449–594. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/01443330610710278.

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PurposeThe purpose of this monograph is to present the first English translation of a unique French colonial report on women living under colonial rule in West Africa.Design/methodology/approachThe issue begins with a discussion of the contribution this report makes to the history of social development policy in Africa, and how it serves the on‐going critique of colonisation. This is followed by the English translation of the original report held in the National Archives of Senegal. The translation is accompanied by explanatory notes, translator’s comments, a glossary of African and technical terms, and a bibliography.FindingsThe discussion highlights contemporary social development policies and practices which featured in identical or similar forms in French colonial social policy.Practical implicationsAs the report demonstrates, access to basic education and improving maternal/infant health care have dominated the social development agenda for women in sub‐Saharan Africa for over a century, and will continue to do so in the foreseeable future in the Millennium Development Goals which define the international community’s agenda for social development to 2015. The parallels between colonial and post‐colonial social policies in Africa raise questions about the philosophical and cultural foundations of contemporary social development policy in Africa and the direction policy is following in the 21st century.Originality/valueThough the discussion adopts a consciously postcolonial perspective, the report that follows presents a consciously colonial view of the “Other”. Given the parallels identified here between contemporary and colonial policy‐making, this can only add to the value of the document in exploring the values that underpin contemporary social development practice.
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Dunstan, Sarah Claire. "“Une Nègre de drame”: Jane Vialle and the Politics of Representation in Colonial Reform, 1945–1953." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 3 (February 3, 2020): 645–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419873038.

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The French-Congolese Senator, Jane Vialle, was appointed as a French delegate to the United Nations in 1949. During her term she served on the Ad-Hoc Anti-Slavery committee as an expert on African colonial conditions and the status of African Women. Vialle's work on the international stage was an extension of her efforts towards reforming the political, social and economic rights of women at national and local levels, within the French Fourth Republic and the Oubangui-Chari region she represented in French West Africa. Despite her efforts, Vialle was frustrated with the glacial pace of reform in all three arenas, declaring to her friend and colleague, the African American historian and Pan-Africanist Rayford W. Logan, that she often felt she was being used as ‘une nègre de drame’. Logan believed the expression was the French equivalent of the American phrase ‘a showpiece or token negro’. Through the framework of Jane Vialle’s political career, this articles explores how the notion of representation and what it meant to be ‘une nègre de drame’ or, indeed, to be an authentic representative of one’s nation, race or gender intersected with Vialle’s reformist efforts in Oubangui-Chari, the French Fourth Republic and on the international stage.
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MC LAUGHLIN, FIONA. "On the origins of urban Wolof: Evidence from Louis Descemet's 1864 phrase book." Language in Society 37, no. 5 (October 16, 2008): 713–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404508081001.

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ABSTRACTBased on evidence from a French-Wolof phrase book published in Senegal in 1864, this article makes the case that urban Wolof, a variety of the language characterized by significant lexical borrowing from French, is a much older variety than scholars have generally claimed. Historical evidence suggests that urban Wolof emerged in the 18th and 19th centuries in the coastal island city of Saint-Louis du Sénégal, France's earliest African settlement and future capital of the colonial entity that would be known as French West Africa. The intimate nature of early contact between African and European populations and the later role played by the métis or mixed-race population of the island as linguistic brokers contributed to a unique, urban variety of Wolof that has important links to today's variety of urban Wolof spoken in Dakar and other cities throughout the country.
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Berinzon, Maya, and Ryan C. Briggs. "Measuring and explaining formal institutional persistence in French West Africa." Journal of Modern African Studies 57, no. 2 (June 2019): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x19000077.

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AbstractColonial institutions are thought to be highly persistent, but measuring that persistence is difficult. Using a text analysis method that allows us to measure similarity between bodies of text, we examine the extent to which one formal institution – the penal code – has retained colonial language in seven West African countries. We find that the contemporary penal codes of most countries retain little colonial language. Additionally, we find that it is not meaningful to speak of institutional divergence across the unit of French West Africa, as there is wide variation in the legislative post-coloniality of individual countries. We present preliminary analyses explaining this variation and show that the amount of time that a colony spent under colonisation correlates with more persistent colonial institutions.
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Cruz, Joëlle M. "Akua Ananse Is a “She”." Departures in Critical Qualitative Research 10, no. 4 (2021): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/dcqr.2021.10.4.7.

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In this essay, I channel Kweku Ananse, the trickster in West African tales. Extending upon this figure, I re-gender Kweku Ananse as Akua Ananse and offer “spider stories” to make sense of my transnational identities as a West African and French woman, who is a professor in US academe. I offer a conversation between Akua Ananse, my French-speaking grandmother figure Marie, and my professional self. My spider stories subvert usual categories of knowledge and function as a form of episteme. They borrow from the genre of Indigenous folktales, which have historically been dismissed as appropriate knowledge under Western-centered worldviews.
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Bierwirth, Chris. "French Interests in the Levant and Their Impact on French Immigrant Policy in West Africa." Itinerario 26, no. 1 (March 2002): 9–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300004927.

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Prior to the Second World War, the French government had been highhanded in its administration of the Levantine Mandates and severe in the treatment of Levantine immigrants in its West African colonies. This imperious behaviour would change abruptly in 1944. As part of their effort to rebuild French power, General Charles de Gaulle and the Comité Français de la Liberation Nationak (CFLN) sought to maintain France's longstanding position of diplomatic and cultural influence in the Levant, even after promising Lebanese and Syrian independence. With this in mind, French authorities grew more sensitive to the immigrant connection between Damascus and Dakar. In particular, the CFLN began to understand that complaints by Levantine immigrants in Afrique Occidentale Française (AOF) regarding their treatment by colonial officials had immediate repercussions on the French ‘mission’ in Syria and Lebanon. As a result, in the last year of the war – and at the direct instigation of the CFLN's representative in the Levant – sweeping policy changes were instituted to mitigate the treatment of Levantine immigrants in West Africa in order to restore France's prestige and position in the Middle East.
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Kouega, Jean-Paul. "Camfranglais: A novel slang in Cameroon schools." English Today 19, no. 2 (April 2003): 23–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078403002050.

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Camfranglais is a newly created language, a composite slang used by secondary school pupils in Cameroon, West Africa. It draws its lexicon from French, English, West African Pidgin, various Cameroonian indigenous languages, Latin, and Spanish. Secondary school pupils use it among themselves to exclude outsiders while talking about such matters of adolescent interest as food, drinks, money, sex, and physical looks. There are four sections: language in the Cameroon educational system; Camfranglais defined; an analysis of a sample Camfranglais text; and the semantic domains of Camfranglais. There is a glossary of the terms cited.
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Lyakhovskaya, Nina D. "The fate of African mask in the works of French-speaking writers in West and Central Africa." Vestnik of Kostroma State University 27, no. 3 (October 28, 2021): 202–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.34216/1998-0817-2021-27-3-202-209.

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The article examines the attitude of contemporary African writers to the traditional zoomorphic and anthropomorphic masks. In the 1960s–70s, for the supporters of the theory of negritude, the sacred mask embodied the spirit of ancestors and an inextricable connection with tradition. In a transitional era (the 1990s – the early 21st century), the process of desacralisation of the mask has been observed and such works appear in which the idea of the death of tradition is carried out. The article consistently examines the history of the emergence and strengthening of interest in the image of the African mask as the most striking symbol of African traditions on the part of cultural, art and scientific workers and the reflection of this symbol in the works of representatives of Francophone literature in West and Central Africa in different periods of time. The article concludes about the transformation of the views of the studied writers on the future of African traditions from an enthusiastic and romantic (as, for example, in the lyrics of Léopold Sédar Senghor or Samuel-Martin Eno Belinga) attitude to the images of the African past and tradition – masks, ancestor cult – to despair and bitterness from the awareness of the desacralisation of traditional objects and images and the profanation of tradition under the pressure of the realities of the present day (drama by Koffi Kwahulé). The attitude of African writers to the image of the mask, which is directly related to the themes of preserving traditions and the search of their identity by African literary heroes, is gradually changing, demonstrating the pessimistic view of Francophone African writers on the future of African traditions.
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Boumedouha, Saïd. "Adjustment to West African realities: the Lebanese in Senegal." Africa 60, no. 4 (October 1990): 538–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1160207.

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Opening ParagraphThe century-old Lebanese presence in West Africa has been the subject of mixed reaction from the host societies. While many Africans, including political leaders, have defended this presence in the belief that it has been very beneficial for their countries, others have strongly criticised it, arguing that the Lebanese have blocked the way to Africans in trade, repatriated their capital and used many kinds of malpractices in their trading activities. In Senegal, which is the subject of this article, French small and medium traders opposed the presence of the Lebanese during the colonial period because the latter became their main competitors. The groundnut trade was the country's main economic activity and there was a great demand for this product in Europe. The major European companies were keen to increase exports and, in this, they relied on the Lebanese who, in the first decades of this century, acted as middlemen.
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Rovine, Victoria L. "A Wider Loom? French Colonial Preoccupations with West African Weaving." African Arts 52, no. 4 (October 2019): 66–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/afar_a_00503.

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34

Martin, Phyllis M. "Contesting Clothes in Colonial Brazzaville." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (November 1994): 401–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026773.

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The significance of dress in mediating social relations was deeply rooted in the Central African experience. In pre-colonial times, clothing, jewellery and insignia conveyed identity, status, values and a sense of occasion. Those with access to European trade cloth and second-hand clothes integrated them into their dress. Central Africans had a strong sense of the “politics of costume” long before new sources and ideas of clothing arrived with colonialism.Brazzaville, the capital of French Equatorial Africa, then became the scene of opportunity, experimentation and choice. Foreign workers from West Africa, the French Antilles and the Central African coastal regions pioneered new styles which were quickly appropriated and adapted by other townspeople. Europeans, in their attire, also seemed to confirm the importance of dress and were a model for those who considered themselves évolués. In handing out clothing, European employers and missionaries had their own agenda, which was rejected by many townspeople as an autonomous fashion sense developed in Bacongo and Poto-Poto, the African districts of Brazzaville. With an entrenched monetary economy, cloth and clothing became widely available to all with cash. Styles, costs and values became issues of contention. Clothing not only symbolized change but became a vehicle for change.In the late colonial period, the sources allow a deeper understanding of the relationship of dress to controversial social issues. Clothing became an arena for contesting and asserting class, gender and generational roles.
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Martin, Gregory. "German and French perceptions of the French North and West African contingents, 1910-1918." Militaergeschichtliche Zeitschrift 56, no. 1 (June 1, 1997): 31–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1524/mgzs.1997.56.1.31.

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36

Lefebvre, Claire, Anne-Marie Brousseau, and Sandra Filipovich. "Haitian Creole Morphology: French Phonetic Matrices in a West African Mold." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 34, no. 3 (September 1989): 273–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100013463.

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This paper summarizes the findings of an extensive study of Haitian Creole morphology as compared with that of contributing languages: French, the lexifier language, and Fon, the West African language selected as the substratum language. The proposal we want to argue for in this paper is that, although the phonetic matrices of Haitian Creole lexical items are recognizable as being from French, at a more abstract level the productive affixes of Haitian Creole pattern in a significant way with the model of contributing West African languages, in this case Fon. This being the case, the widespread assumption in the creole literature that creole languages have undergone morphological simplification is not borne out by the Haitian data (cf. several discussions on this topic in Hymes 1971).
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Bandia, Paul F. "On Translating Pidgins and Creoles in African Literature." TTR : traduction, terminologie, rédaction 7, no. 2 (March 13, 2007): 93–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037182ar.

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Abstract On Translating Pidgins and Creoles in African Literature — This paper deals with some of the problems of translating pidgins and creoles in African literature. It begins with an overview of the origins and parallel evolution of the French-based and English-based pidgins spoken in West Africa, throwing light on their status, history, and use in African literature. After a brief sociolinguistic analysis of the two hybrid languages, the paper discusses the difficulty of translating them, by carrying out a thorough analysis of translated examples and suggesting more appropriate solutions where necessary. The paper concludes by highlighting the reasons for the translation difficulties which are not only linguistic but also historical and ideological.
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38

Rawlinson, William. "Pregnancy, the placenta and Zika virus (ZIKV) infection." Microbiology Australia 37, no. 4 (2016): 170. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma16057.

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Zika virus (ZIKV) infections have been recognised in Africa and Asia since 1940. The virus is in the family Flaviviridae and genus Flavivirus, along with Dengue, Japanese encephalitis virus, Tick borne encephalitis, West Nile virus, and Yellow fever virus. These viruses share biological characteristics of an envelope, icosahedral nucleocapsid, and a non-segmented, positive sense, single-strand RNA genome of ~10kb encoding three structural proteins (capsid C pre-membrane/membrane PrM/M, envelope E), and seven non-structural proteins (NS1, NS2A, NS2B, NS3, NS4A, NS4B and NS5). ZIKV has three known genotypes; the West African (Nigerian cluster), East African (MR766 prototype cluster), and Asian strains. Virus sequencing from the most recent South American outbreak suggests this virus is related to the 2013 French Polynesian isolates of Asian lineage.
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39

Keese, Alexander. "Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind: British and French Debates about “Vagrancy”, “African Laziness”, and Forced Labour in West Central and South Central Africa, 1945–1965." International Review of Social History 59, no. 3 (December 2014): 377–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859014000431.

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AbstractAfter World War II, French and British administrations in the African continent were in theory obliged to end forced labour. According to the rhetoric, compulsory labour practices disappeared altogether. However, the scrutiny of processes on the ground, comparing French Equatorial Africa and Northern Rhodesia under British rule, shows that the practicalities of the abolition of such labour practices were far more complex. In the French case, colonial officials actively planned for the reorganization of compulsory labour through the back door, mainly through the battle against “vagrancy” and “African laziness”. British administrators continued with practices organized by “native chiefs”, and attempted to maintain involuntary labour through a generous definition of “emergency situations”. In both cases, more profound analysis of the late colonial mind shows interesting continuities in the commitment of European officials to forced labour, which are likely to have been transferred, in part, into the views of the agents of postcolonial states.
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40

DZEKASHU, WILLIAM. "French Economic and Monetary Policies in Francophone Africa:." Archives of Business Research 9, no. 11 (November 26, 2021): 51–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/abr.911.11280.

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Since granting independence to her former colonies (especially the countries in the West and Central Africa subregions), France has maintained tight economic, political, and to a great extent, social control over their internal and external affairs. These continued ties with France have become the subject of contentious debates (previously considered taboo) among scholars in recent times, evidenced in the development of activism in Africa and continental Europe where the former has been sensitized or radicalized about France’s exploitative approach to economic partnership. The economies of these African nations have suffered stagnation and retrogression in contrast to their non-French-influenced neighbors. This essay employs a literature review to assess the impact of French hegemony over these former colonies, therefore providing a cogent argument for the abolition of the monetary agreement in favor of a local currency, and cessation of political dependencies that also carry a negative stigma. Intellectuals and politicians have argued that the continued use of the CFA franc currency (a relic of colonialism with a different twist) is exploitative; recognized even by French politicians who have appealed to their government to employ moral and ethical considerations to desist from the persistent exploitation of Africa. Social movements have developed today in demanding that African nations still using this currency should withdraw from the agreements due to the severe negative effects on economic development.
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41

Duquet, Michel. "The Timeless African and the Versatile Indian in Seventeenth-Century Travelogues." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 14, no. 1 (February 4, 2005): 23–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/010318ar.

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Abstract The seventeenth century saw the early stages of significant trading on the west coast of Africa as well as the establishment of permanent settlements in North America by Dutch, French and English explorers, merchants, colonists and missionaries in a period marked by the imperial contest that had been set in motion on the heels of the discovery of America in 1492. The travelers who wrote about their voyages overseas described at length the natives they encountered on the two continents. The images of the North American Indian and of the African that emerged from these travel accounts were essentially the same whether they be of Dutch, French or English origin. The main characteristic in the descriptions of African native populations was its permanent condemnation while representations of the Indian were imbued with sentiments ranging from compassion, censure and admiration. The root causes for this dichotomy were the inhospitable and deadly (to Europeans) tropical environment of Africa’s West Coast and the growing knowledge of local societies that Europeans acquired in North America. The analysis of the contrasting images of natives on both sides of the Atlantic and the context within which they were produced are the focus of the paper.
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42

Somnath Vitthal Panade and Sachin Londhe. "Troubled West African Childhood and Child Soldiering in Ahmadou Kourouma’s Allah is not Obliged." Creative Saplings 2, no. 07 (October 25, 2023): 49–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.56062/gtrs.2023.2.07.426.

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Ahmadou Kourouma’s Francophone West African novel Allah n’est pas oblige (2000) may be reckoned as the earliest denouncement of child soldiering practice. The text came on French literary scene in 2000. Its English translation by Frank Wynne appeared in 2006 and the novel became known to the English world. Since its publication, the novel has garnered much attention from the literary scholars. Kourouma’s text describes the disastrous coming-of-age of Birahima who receives uneven development due to unhealthy African conditions. The present analysis of Kourouma’s text seeks to understand the stunted psychological, moral and social growth of Birahima in war conditions. His process of formation (actually deformation) can render the course of the development of the child soldiers in Africa. It can be said that Birahima’s character is affected by unfavourable familial, social and political conditions of West Africa. This leads him towards his moral aberration, and he has to become a child soldier. Being drug addicted, he kills many innocent people.
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43

Ní Loingsigh, Aedín. "Translation and the professional selves of Mercer Cook." Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 81, no. 3 (October 2018): 459–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0041977x18000988.

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AbstractThis article explores the ways in which African American Mercer Cook's translation practice reflects complex overlaps between his professional/personal selves and an ideological backdrop that encompasses black internationalism, US race struggles and mid-twentieth-century diplomatic relations with Africa. A first section explores how Cook, a university professor of French, uses what he terms the “close-to-home” value of translation in order to expose his African American students to what has been written about them in French. At the same time, translation is seen by him as essential to building a “shared elsewhere” where his students can reflect on their place within a black world that is neither nation-bound nor monolingual. A second section examines the way in which Cook's translation practice is inflected by his role as US ambassador in francophone West Africa during the 1960s. In this context, the convergence of US civil rights with official US Cold War policy on postcolonial African states is key to understanding Cook's stance as a translator and the way in which he seeks diplomatically to propel his translations of L.S Senghor's texts towards a racially riven US readership.
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44

MANNING, PATRICK. "AFRICA AND THE AFRICAN DIASPORA: NEW DIRECTIONS OF STUDY Rethinking the African Diaspora: The Making of a Black Atlantic World in the Bight of Benin and Brazil. Edited by KRISTIN MANN and EDNA G. BAY. London: Frank Cass, 2001. Pp. 160. $64.50 (ISBN 0-7146-5129-X); $26.50, paperback (ISBN 0-7146-8158-X). The African Diaspora: African Origins and New World Identities. Edited by ISIDORE OKPEWHO, CAROLE BOYCE DAVIES and ALI A. MAZRUI. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2001. Pp. xxviii+566. $59.95 (ISBN 0-253-33425-X); $22.95, paperback (ISBN 0-253-21494-7)." Journal of African History 44, no. 3 (November 2003): 487–506. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853703008569.

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RECENT studies addressing the ‘African diaspora’ have sought to provide global context for the experience of people of African descent. The two books under review – each a major contribution to studies of the African diaspora – provide an opportunity to take stock of the emerging genre of historical and cultural studies of which they are a part. The perspective of the African diaspora has the advantage of locating movements and connections of Africans around the world, and in so doing has the power to inform and sometimes surprise. From such a perspective, for instance, Alberto da Costa e Silva notes that during the 1860s a French bookseller in Rio de Janeiro sold a hundred copies of the Qur'an each year, mainly as clandestine sales to slaves and ex-slaves. This evidence confirms the continuing significance of Islam in Brazil, and raises the possibility that the religious practice was sustained through continuing contacts with West Africa. Over a century later, novelist Alice Walker launched a headline-grabbing campaign against female circumcision in Africa. As Joseph McLaren shows, Walker's campaign reflected not the shock of an African-American's initial encounter with the complex social practices of the African continent, but her considered judgment after decades of visits to East Africa. These examples suggest the range and interest of linkages across wide distances that may be elicited through studies of the African diaspora. They reflect the contributions of an academic enterprise that is apparently settling into a permanent place on the scholarly and curricular scene.
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Frankema, Ewout, Jeffrey Williamson, and Pieter Woltjer. "An Economic Rationale for the West African Scramble? The Commercial Transition and the Commodity Price Boom of 1835–1885." Journal of Economic History 78, no. 1 (March 2018): 231–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050718000128.

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We use a new trade dataset showing that nineteenth century sub-Saharan Africa experienced a terms of trade boom comparable to other parts of the “global periphery.” A sharp rise in export prices in the five decades before the scramble (1835–1885) was followed by an equally impressive decline during the colonial era. This study revises the view that the scramble for West Africa occurred when its major export markets were in decline and argues that the larger weight of West Africa in French imperial trade strengthened the rationale for French instead of British initiative in the conquest of the interior.
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46

Du Plessis, Hester. "Oriental Africa." Tydskrif vir Letterkunde 45, no. 1 (February 16, 2018): 87–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9070/tvl.v.45i1.4465.

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Arab culture and the religion of Islam permeated the traditions and customs of the African sub-Sahara for centuries. When the early colonizers from Europe arrived in Africa they encountered these influences and spontaneously perceived the African cultures to be ideologically hybridized and more compatible with Islam than with the ideologies of the west. This difference progressively endorsed a perception of Africa and the east being “exotic” and was as such depicted in early paintings and writings. This depiction contributed to a cultural misunderstanding of Africa and facilitated colonialism. This article briefly explores some of the facets of these early texts and paintings. In the first place the scripts by early Muslim scholars, who critically analyzed early western perceptions, were discussed against the textual interpretation of east-west perceptions such as the construction of “the other”. Secondly, the travel writers and painters between 1860 and 1930, who created a visual embodiment of the exotic, were discussed against the politics behind the French Realist movement that developed in France during that same period. This included the construction of a perception of exoticness as represented by literature descriptions and visual art depictions of the women of the Orient. These perceptions rendered Africa as oriental with African subjects depicted as “exotic others”.
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47

MacDonald, Kevin C., and David W. Morgan. "African earthen structures in colonial Louisiana: architecture from the Coincoin plantation (1787–1816)." Antiquity 86, no. 331 (February 22, 2012): 161–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003598x00062529.

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Coincoin, probably of Kongo parentage, was born a slave, became the concubine of a French planter, Pierre Metoyer, bore him ten children, and in 1787 was settled by him on a plantation of her own. Locating and excavating her house, the authors discovered it to be a type of clay-wall building known from West Africa. The house, together with an adjacent clay boundary wall, was probably built by slaves of Bight of Biafra origin loaned from the neighbouring plantation of her ex-partner. These structures are witness to emerging initiatives and interactions among people of African descent—but different African origins—in eighteenth-century Louisiana.
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48

Zoppi, Marco. "Militarizing marriage: West African soldiers’ conjugal traditions in modern French empire." Africa Review 13, no. 2 (June 4, 2021): 293–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09744053.2021.1937466.

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49

Park, So Hyun. "A Study on French-speaking West African Religion and Christian Missions." Journal of Korean Evangelical Missiological Society 49 (March 31, 2020): 81–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.20326/kems.49.1.81.

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50

Alozie, Bright. "Militarizing Marriage: West African Soldiers’ Conjugal Traditions in Modern French Empire." Journal of West African History 8, no. 2 (September 1, 2022): 133–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14321/jwestafrihist.8.2.0133.

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