Journal articles on the topic 'West African strip weaving'

Opening ParagraphThe subject of weavers has until recently received surprisingly little detailed attention from writers on Africa, given the importance of cloth in local and regional trade, particularly in West Africa. Yet, even here, cloth trading has received scholarly attention in the works of Hodder (1967, 1980) and of Johnson (1973, 1976, 1977, 1978, 1980). In addition crafts and craftsmen have been the subject matter of occasional papers and collected works (for example, d'Azevedo, 1973; Hallpike, 1968; Llovd, 1953; Murray, 1943), but few authors have concentrated on weavers alone. More specifically African cloth and textiles have received greater coverage in the works of Picton and Mack (1979) and of the Lambs (1975, 1980, 1981, 1984), though the actual organisation of production has by and large been overlooked. Before the publication of Esther Goody's collection From Craft to Industry in 1982, which has provided us with two examples of the development of cloth production for market in Nigeria and Ghana, possibly the only article to deal with the organisation of traditional weaving is Bray's (1968) contribution on weaving in Iseyin, Nigeria.

AbstractThis article locates itself at the intersection of the social history of postcolonial migrations and the intellectual history of leftism and Third-Worldism in the aftermath of May ’68. It is the first study of the radical political group Révolution Afrique. From 1972 until its ban by the French government in 1977, this organization forged by African and French activists mobilized against neocolonial ideologies and policies on both sides of the Mediterranean. By tracing the organization's rise and fall through extensive archival research and in-depth interviews, the article explores the changing meanings of transnational activism by weaving together the biographical paths of the activists, the institutional and political constraints they faced, and the ideological framework within which they operated. During this short time frame, the transnational agenda that made sense among African workers and students in the early 1970s became irrelevant. The increasing repression of political dissent in Africa and France, the suspension of migratory flows, and the French government's implementation of return policies in the late 1970s forced the group's African activists to adopt a more national approach to their actions, or simply withdraw from high-risk activism. Despite the dissolution of Révolution Afrique, this collective endeavor appears to have been a unique experience of political education for African activists, transcending distinct social and national boundaries that until now have been left unexamined by social scientists specialized in the complex history of the relationships between France and Africa.

The life cycle of an intense African easterly wave (AEW) over the African continent is examined using European Centre for Medium-Range Weather Forecasts (ECMWF) operational analyses, Meteosat satellite images, and synoptic observations. This system, the strongest AEW of 2000, can be tracked from central North Africa into the eastern Atlantic Ocean, where it is associated with the genesis of Hurricane Alberto. Synoptic analysis of the kinematic and thermodynamic fields is supplemented by analysis of potential vorticity (PV), allowing exploration at the role of multiple scales in the evolution of this AEW. The authors’ analysis promotes the division of the AEW life cycle into three distinctive phases. (i) Initiation: The AEW development is preceded by a large convective event composed of several mesoscale convective systems over elevated terrain in Sudan. This convection provides a forcing on the baroclinically and barotropically unstable state that exists over tropical North Africa. (ii) Baroclinic growth: A low-level warm anomaly, generated close to the initial convection, interacts with a midtropospheric strip of high PV that exists on the cyclonic shear side of the African easterly jet, which is consistent with baroclinic growth. This interaction is reinforced by the generation of subsynoptic-scale PV anomalies by deep convection that is embedded within the baroclinic AEW structure. (iii) West coast development: Near the West African coast, the baroclinic structure weakens, but convection is maintained. The midtropospheric PV anomalies embedded within the AEW merge with one another and with PV anomalies that are generated by convection over topography ahead of the system. These mergers result in the production of a significant PV feature that leaves the West African coast and rapidly undergoes tropical cyclogenesis.

In the context of the North African littoral Cyrenaica and Tripolitania appear almost as fertile islands, surrounded by desert on three sides and the Mediterranean to the north (Fig. 1). Between Cyrenaica and Egypt the desert runs to the sea, while between Cyrenaica and Tripolitania lies desert which stretches up to the shores of the Gulf of Sirte. Only to the west of Tripolitania is there a thin coastal strip of cultivable land which runs past the island of Djerba, turning north past Gabes to the productive lands of central Tunisia. As the crow flies only some 350 miles (450 km) separate Berenice (Benghazi), the most westerly of the cities of Cyrenaica from Lepcis Magna, her nearest neighbour among the Tripolitanian cities. While a land-route existed along the north African coast, the destinations it offered were clearly limited. Transport by sea not only offered the opportunity for the most economical long distance movement of bulk commodities such as grain, olive-oil and wine — the staples of the ancient world — but it also presented a greater range of possible destinations.

Urine reagent strip used in detecting microhaematuria has been recommended in pregnancy for diagnosis of urogenital schistosomiasis (UGS) during routine antenatal care (ANC). This study evaluated its sensitivity, specificity, and predictive values in the diagnosis of maternal UGS using filtration method as a reference test. We also assessed the variation in its performance in the diagnosis of UGS using multiple-sample collection. A total of 93 pregnant women reporting for first ANC clinic visit at any of the three functional health care centres (Munyenge Integrated Health Centre, Banga Annex Health Centre, and Trans African Health Centre) were enrolled and followed up for three consecutive monthly visits. Urine samples were observed microscopically for S. haematobium egg using urine filtration and screened for microhaematuria and proteinuria using urine reagent strips. Twenty-two (23.7%) out of the 93 women were diagnosed for UGS, all of whom showed S. haematobium egg excretion during all three visits. There was a significant difference (p<0.001) between the prevalence of S. haematobium infection and the prevalence of microhaematuria. The intensity of infection was significantly higher in microhaematuria-positive women compared with microhaematuria-negative cases. Sensitivity of reagent strip ranged from 54.5 to 59.1%, while specificity was above 98.0% (range: 98.6–100%). The measure of agreement between urine filtration and reagent strip method was substantial (0.61–0.8) irrespective of different sampling periods. Urine reagent strip is a moderately sensitive method in the detection of UGS and will most likely identify women with high egg load burden. Proper diagnosis of schistosomiasis during pregnancy is recommended.

Aeromonas infections are becoming a serious risk issue in commercial aquaculture, and a wide range of fish and shellfish species has been documented as being vulnerable. Five isolates of Aeromonas hydrophila were identified from African catfish (Clarias gariepinus) cultured in Selangor, West Malaysia in this study. A conventional rapid identification approach (API 20E strip) was used for preliminary identification based on the biochemical properties of the isolated bacteria. Polymerase chain reaction (PCR) with the specific primer 16 rDNA, on the other hand, was used as an accurate and confirmed identification. A pathogenicity test via intramuscular (IM) injection was used to investigate the virulence of A. hydrophila. With a high degree of similarity (98%) to the NCBI or Genbank databases, the isolates were identified as A. hydrophila. The LD50 was calculated using pathogenicity test findings and was found to be 2.1 ´ 106.33 CFU mL−1, while 1 ´ 108 CFU mL−1 in the experimentally injected fish, resulted in 100% mortality. Several organs, including the kidney, liver, and spleen, showed histopathological abnormalities. Those changes mainly include increase in the presence of hemosiderin deposits, congested portal vessels, vacuolated hepatocytes, generalised loss of tubular cells, and oedematous degeneration in the infected organs.

The Palestinian state remains an internationally endorsed project, yet an increasingly difficult one to implement. By analyzing the territorial, legal, and demographic developments that took place in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip over the past ten years, this article assesses the extent to which the prospective Palestinian state has become unattainable. A comparison between the South African apartheid experience and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is made to shed light on the ways in which the Palestinian territories are becoming analogous to Bantustans. While historical comparisons are never exact or prescriptive, they raise interesting parallels whose implications need to be considered, if not altered, in any attempt to materialize the project of viable Palestinian independence.

The World Health Organisation has targeted the elimination of human African trypanosomiasis (HAT) as zero transmission by 2030. Continued surveillance needs to be in place for early detection of re-emergent cases. In this context, the performance of diagnostic tests and testing algorithms for detection of the re-emergence of Trypanosoma brucei gambiense HAT remains to be assessed. We carried out a door-to-door active medical survey for HAT in the historical focus of Batié, South–West Burkina Faso. Screening was done using three rapid diagnostic tests (RDTs). Two laboratory tests (ELISA/T. b. gambiense and immune trypanolysis) and parasitological examination were performed on RDT positives only. In total, 5883 participants were screened, among which 842 (14%) tested positive in at least one RDT. Blood from 519 RDT positives was examined microscopically but no trypanosomes were observed. The HAT Sero-K-Set test showed the lowest specificity of 89%, while the specificities of SD Bioline HAT and rHAT Sero-Strip were 92% and 99%, respectively. The specificity of ELISA/T. b. gambiense and trypanolysis was 99% (98–99%) and 100% (99–100%), respectively. Our results suggest that T. b. gambiense is no longer circulating in the study area and that zero transmission has probably been attained. While a least cost analysis is still required, our study showed that RDT preselection followed by trypanolysis may be a useful strategy for post-elimination surveillance in Burkina Faso.

Estimates of the number of Muslims in EU Member States vary widely, depending on the methodology and definitions used and the geographical limits imposed. Excluding Turkey and the Balkan-regions, researchers estimate that as many as 13 to 20 million Muslims live in the EU: That is about 3.5 - 4% of the total EU population. Muslims are the largest religious minority in Europe, and Islam is the continent's fastest growing religion. Substantial Muslim populations exist especially in Western European countries, including France, Germany, the United Kingdom, Spain, Italy, the Netherlands, Belgium and the Scandinavian Countries. Europe's Muslim populations are ethnically diverse and Muslim immigrants in Europe hail from a variety of Middle Eastern, African, and Asian countries, as well as Turkey. Most Muslim communities have their roots in Western Europe's colonial heritage and immigration policies of the 1950s and 1960s used to counter labor shortages during the period of reconstruction after World War II. These policies attracted large numbers of North Africans, Turks, and Pakistanis. Furthermore, in recent years, there have been influxes of Muslim migrants and political refugees from other regions and countries, including the Balkans, Afghanistan, Iraq, Somalia, and the West Bank and Gaza Strip.

During February of 1987 the National Museum of Mali in Bamako and the Fowler Museum of Cultural History at UCLA began a collaborative project to study and document social institutions that support weaving and associated technologies in Mali, and to collect examples of locally-produced textiles for each of the two museums. Claude Daniel Ardouin, Director of the National Museum of Mali until 1987, defined a textiles collection project as part of what he conceived to be the National Museum's mandate to protect Mali's cultural heritage, a heritage in which the production of textiles plays a significant role. Ardouin quite literally reinvented Mali's National Museum as an actively archival institution, believing it to be essential and instrumental in conserving the country's rich artistic traditions. Toward this end, in 1986 Ardouin and Philip L. Ravenhill, then Director of the West African Museums Project, began discussions with Doran H. Ross, Deputy Director of the Fowler Museum of Cultural History, about collaborative, long-term research. Resources and expenses would be shared, resulting in a mutually enriching collaboration.Early 1987 marked the first field season of the partnership that developed out of that early meeting. By 1991, under the joint auspices of Ross and Samuel Sidibe, present Director of the National Museum of Mali, the collaboration had completed the projected five field seasons of textiles documentation and collection covering five regions of Mali. This paper addresses some practical aspects of this extended, institutionally sponsored, collaborative fieldwork. It also discusses the collaborative project under the sometimes harsh light of postcolonial self-examination.

Introduction: Hepatitis B virus (HBV) infection continues to be a significant public health challenge globally, with higher disease burden in developing countries. HBV genotypes are associated with different geographical regions and clinical outcomes. Limited information exists on epidemiology of HBV in the Niger-Delta region (South-South) of Nigeria. Consequently, this study was designed to characterise hepatitis B virus infection among outpatients in selected tertiary hospitals in the region. Methodology: Between June and August 2017, consenting nine hundred asymptomatic out-patients were enrolled and initially screened for HBV infection using one step Hepatitis B surface antigen (HBsAg) strip and subsequently re-tested using HBsAg and Hepatitis B core total antibody (anti-HBc) specific Enzyme-Linked Immunosorbent Assay (ELISA). Blood serum with detectable HBsAg were subsequently subjected to DNA extraction, S-gene amplification using a nested polymerase chain reaction (PCR) protocol, gel electrophoresis, sequencing and phylogenetic analysis. Results: Seroprevalence of HBsAg was 4.6% (95% CI 2.5-7.1) and anti-HBc was 10.1% (95% confidence interval (CI) 6.1-15.3). Of the 41 HBsAg positive samples subjected to DNA extraction and HBV S-gene specific PCR, only 6 (14.6%) yielded the expected~408bp band. Phylogenetic analysis based on HBV pre-S/S sequences identified all six typable samples as genotype E, subtype ayw4 of the West African clade. Conclusion: Results of the study confirm the presence and circulation of HBV genotype-E in the Niger-Delta region of Nigeria, thus corroborating the inclusion of the country in the Genotype E crescent. The authors advocate value-added HBV intervention in the region and the country at large. Keywords: HBsAg; HBV; Niger-Delta; Nigeria; South-South.

The objective of this paper is to make the case that the United States became an economic super-power in the nineteenth century on the backs of African-American slaves and Native Americans.It was in 1619, when Jamestown colonists bought 20-30 slaves from English pirates. The paper starts with ‘The 1619 Project’ whose objective is to place the consequences of slavery--and the contributions of black Americans--at the very center of the story we tell ourselves about who we are as a nation.Slavery was common in all thirteen colonies, and at-least twelve Presidents owned slaves. The enslaved people were not recognized as human beings, but as property: once a slave always a slave.The U.S. Constitution, adopted in 1788, never mentions slavery, yet slavery is at the very heart of the constitution. The U.S. government used the Declaration of Independence as a license to commit genocide on the Native Americans, and to seize their land.Racist ideas have persisted throughout American history, based on the myth that blacks are intellectually inferior compared to whites. However, in a 2012 article in the Scientific American, the authors reported that 85.5% of genetic variation is within the so-called races, not between them. So, the consensus among Western researchers today is that human races do not represent a scientific theory, but are sociocultural constructs.After end of the Civil War, the 13th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution abolished slavery in America, and the 15th Amendment protected the voting rights of African Americans.However, in the Confederate South, Jim Crow laws legalized racial segregation between 1870-1968. In 1965, thanks to the Civil Rights movement, the Voting Rights Act was passed to overcome barriers created by Jim Crow laws to the legal rights of African Americans under the 15th Amendment.British and American innovations in cotton technology sparked the Industrial Revolution during the latter part of the eighteenth century. The British cotton manufacturing exploded in the 1780s. Eighty years later in 1860, Manchester, England stood at the center of a world-spanning empire—the empire of cotton. There were three pillars of the Industrial Revolution. One was the centuries-earlier conquest by Europeans of a colossal expanse of lands in the New World. It was the control of huge territories in America, that made monoculture farming of cotton possible. Second was that the Europeans drastically—and unilaterally--altered the global competitive landscape of cotton. They did it by using their military might, and the willingness to use it—often violently--to their advantage.The third—and the most important--was slavery: without which there would be no Industrial Revolution. America was tremendously suited for cotton production. The climate and soil of a large part of American South met the conditions under which the cotton plant thrived. More importantly, the plantation owners in America commanded unlimited supplies of the three crucial ingredients that went into the production of cotton: labor, land, and credit. And this was topped by their unbelievable political power.In 1793 Eli Whitney’s revolutionary cotton gin increased ginning productivity fifty times, and thus removed the bottleneck of removing seeds from cotton. Because of relying on monoculture farming, the problem the cotton planters were facing was soil exhaustion. So, they wanted the U.S. government to acquire more land. Surprisingly, in 1803 America was able to strike an unbelievable deal with the French--the Louisiana Purchase--which doubled the territory of the United States. In 1819 America acquired Florida from Spain, and in 1845 annexed Texas from Mexico.Between 1803 and 1838, under President Andrew Jackson, America fought a multi-front war against the Native Americans in the Deep South, and expropriated vast tracts of their land, that culminated in the ethnic cleansing of the Deep South.With an unlimited supply of land—and slave labor--even soil exhaustion did not slow down the cotton barons; they just moved further west and farther south. New cotton fields now sprang up in the sediment-rich lands along the banks of Mississippi. So swift was this move westward that, by the end of the 1830s, Mississippi was producing more cotton than any other southern state. By 1860, there were more millionaires per capita in Mississippi Valley than anywhere else in America.The New Orleans slave market was the largest in America--where 100,000 men, women, and children were packaged, priced, and sold.The entry of the United States in the cotton market quickly began to reshape the global cotton market. By 1802 America was the single-most supplier of cotton to Britain.For eighty years--from the 1780s to 1865--almost a million people were herded down the road from the upper South to the lower South and the West, to toil on cotton plantations. The thirty-odd men walked in coffles, the double line hurrying in lock-step. Each hauled twenty pounds of iron, chains that draped from neck-to-neck, and wrist-to-wrist, binding them all together. They walked for miles, days, and weeks, and many covered over 700 miles.The plantation owners devised a cruel system of controlling their slaves that the enslaved called “the pushing system.” This system constantly increased the number of acres each slave was expected to cultivate. In 1805 each “hand” could tend to five acres of a cotton field. Fifty years later that target had been doubled to ten acres.Overseers closely monitored enslaved workers. Each slave was assigned a daily quota of number of pounds of cotton to pick. If the worker failed to meet it, he received as many lashes on his back as the deficit. However, if he overshot his quota, the master might “reward” him by raising his quota the next day.One of the most brutal weapons the planters used against the slaves, was the whip: ten feet of plaited cowhide. When facing the specter of an overseer’s whip, slaves were so terrified that they could not speak in sentences. They danced, trembled, babbled, and lost control of their bodies.When seeking a loan, the planters used slaves as a collateral. With extraordinarily high returns from their businesses, the planters began to expand their loan portfolio: sometimes using the same slave worker as collateral for multiple mortgages. The American South produced too much cotton. However, consumer demand could not keep up with the excessive supply, that then led to a precipitous fall in prices, which, in turn, set off the Panic of 1837. And that touched off a major depression.The slaveholders were using advanced management and accounting practices long before the techniques that are still in use today.The manufacture of sugar from sugarcane began in Louisiana Territory in 1795. In sugar mills, children, alongside with adults, toiled like factory workers with assembly-like precision and discipline under the constant threat of boiling hot kettles, open furnaces, and grinding rollers. To attain the highest efficiency, sugar factories worked day and night where there is no distinction as to the days of the week. Fatigue might mean losing an arm to the grinding rollers, or being flayed for not being able to keep up. Resistance was often met with sadistic cruelty.The expansion of slavery in the first eight decades after American independence, drove the evolution and modernization of the United States. In the course of a single life time, the South grew from a narrow coastal strip of worn-out tobacco plantations, to a continental cotton empire. As a result, the United States became a modern, industrial, and capitalistic economy. This is the period in which America rose from being a minor European trading partner, to becoming the world’s leading economy. Finally, we hope that we have successfully been able to make the argument that America became an economic powerhouse in the nineteenth century not only on the backs of African-American slaves, but also on the genocide of Native Americans, and their stolen lands.

-Monika Arnez, Keith Foulcher ,Clearing a space; Postcolonial readings of modern Indonesian literature. Leiden: KITlV Press, 2002, 381 pp. [Verhandelingen 202.], Tony Day (eds) -R.H. Barnes, Thomas Reuter, The house of our ancestors; Precedence and dualism in highland Balinese society. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, viii + 359 pp. [Verhandelingen 198.] -Freek Colombijn, Adriaan Bedner, Administrative courts in Indonesia; A socio-legal study. The Hague: Kluwer law international, 2001, xiv + 300 pp. [The London-Leiden series on law, administration and development 6.] -Manuelle Franck, Peter J.M. Nas, The Indonesian town revisited. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian studies, 2002, vi + 428 pp. [Southeast Asian dynamics.] -Hans Hägerdal, Ernst van Veen, Decay or defeat? An inquiry into the Portuguese decline in Asia 1580-1645. Leiden: Research school of Asian, African and Amerindian studies, 2000, iv + 306 pp. [Studies on overseas history, 1.] -Rens Heringa, Genevieve Duggan, Ikats of Savu; Women weaving history in eastern Indonesia. Bangkok: White Lotus, 2001, xiii + 151 pp. [Studies in the material culture of Southeast Asia 1.] -August den Hollander, Kees Groeneboer, Een vorst onder de taalgeleerden; Herman Nuebronner van der Tuuk; Afgevaardigde voor Indië van het Nederlandsch Bijbelgenootschap 1847-1873; Een bronnenpublicatie. Leiden: KITlV Uitgeverij, 2002, 965 pp. -Edwin Jurriëns, William Atkins, The politics of Southeast Asia's new media. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2002, xii + 235 pp. -Victor T. King, Poline Bala, Changing border and identities in the Kelabit highlands; Anthropological reflections on growing up in a Kelabit village near an international frontier. Kota Samarahan, Sarawak: Unit Penerbitan Universiti Malayasia Sarawak, Institute of East Asian studies, 2002, xiv + 142 pp. [Dayak studies contemporary society series 1.] -Han Knapen, Bernard Sellato, Innermost Borneo; Studies in Dayak cultures. Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2002, 221 pp. -Michael Laffan, Rudolf Mrázek, Engineers of happy land; Technology and nationalism in a colony. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002, xvii + 311 pp. [Princeton studies in culture/power/history 15.] -Johan Meuleman, Michael Francis Laffan, Islamic nationhood and colonial Indonesia; The umma below the winds. London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2003, xvi + 294 pp. [SOAS/RoutledgeCurzon studies on the Middle East 1.] -Rudolf Mrázek, Heidi Dahles, Tourism, heritage and national culture in Java; Dilemmas of a local community. Leiden: International Institute for Asian studies/Curzon, 2001, xvii + 257 pp. -Anke Niehof, Kathleen M. Adams ,Home and hegemony; Domestic service and identity politics in South and Southeast Asia. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2000, 307 pp., Sara Dickey (eds) -Robert van Niel, H.W. van den Doel, Afscheid van Indië; De val van het Nederlandse imperium in Azië. Amsterdam: Prometheus, 2001, 475 pp. -Anton Ploeg, Bruce M. Knauft, Exchanging the past; A rainforest world of before and after. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002, x + 303 pp. -Harry A. Poeze, Nicolaas George Bernhard Gouka, De petitie-Soetardjo; Een Hollandse misser in Indië? (1936-1938). Amsterdam: Rozenberg, 303 pp. -Harry A. Poeze, Jaap Harskamp (compiler), The Indonesian question; The Dutch/Western response to the struggle for independence in Indonesia 1945-1950; an annotated catalogue of primary materials held in the British Library. London; The British Library, 2001, xx + 210 pp. -Elisabeth Schröder-Butterfill, Jan Breman ,Good times and bad times in rural Java; Case study of socio-economic dynamics in two villages towards the end of the twentieth century. Leiden: KITLV Press, 2002, xii + 330 pp. [Verhandelingen 195.], Gunawan Wiradi (eds) -Mariëtte van Selm, L.P. van Putten, Ambitie en onvermogen; Gouverneurs-generaal van Nederlands-Indië 1610-1796. Rotterdam: ILCO-productions, 2002, 192 pp. -Heather Sutherland, William Cummings, Making blood white; Historical transformations in early modern Makassar. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press, 2002, xiii + 257 pp. -Gerard Termorshuizen, Olf Praamstra, Een feministe in de tropen; De Indische jaren van Mina Kruseman. Leiden: KITlV Uitgeverij, 2003, 111 p. [Boekerij 'Oost en West'.] -Jaap Timmer, Dirk A.M. Smidt, Kamoro art; Tradition and innovation in a New Guinea culture; With an essay on Kamoro life and ritual by Jan Pouwer. Amsterdam: KIT Publishers/Rijksmuseum voor Volkenkunde, 2003, 157 pp. -Sikko Visscher, Amy L. Freedman, Political participation and ethnic minorities; Chinese overseas in Malaysia, Indonesia and the United States. London: Routledge, 2000, xvi + 231 pp. -Reed L. Wadley, Mary Somers Heidhues, Golddiggers, farmers, and traders in the 'Chinese districts' of West Kalimantan, Indonesia. Ithaca, NY: Southeast Asia program, Cornell University, 2003, 309 pp. -Edwin Wieringa, Jan Parmentier ,Peper, Plancius en porselein; De reis van het schip Swarte Leeuw naar Atjeh en Bantam, 1601-1603. Zutphen: Walburg Pers, 2003, 237 pp. [Werken van de Linschoten-Vereeniging 101.], Karel Davids, John Everaert (eds) -Edwin Wieringa, Leonard Blussé ,Kennis en Compagnie; De Verenigde Oost-Indische Compagnie en de moderne wetenschap. Amsterdam: Balans, 2002, 191 pp., Ilonka Ooms (eds) -Edwin Wieringa, Femme S. Gaastra, De geschiedenis van de VOC. Zutphen; Wal_burg Pers, 2002, 192 pp.

The apartheid system prevailed in South Africa in 1948. The natives of the land were segregated into ethnic groups in certain locations known as the Bantustan. According to apartheid laws, each ethic group, whether white or black in skin, is only liable to inhabit a certain region. However, the white have the right of mobilization while the Black are imprisoned in their selected areas. Such discrimination alludes to the one which is established by Israel to discriminate between the Palestinian Muslims and Christians in the West Bank, Gaza Strip and other occupied lands. Such racial discrimination is deeply rooted in the Jewish rationale. Sephardim and Ashkenazim, i.e. western or eastern Jews serve as a good example on this issue. The Western Jews look down upon their Eastern peers as being inferior by all means. The Zionist movement whose members are originally from the west have instigated this inequality and prejudice against their Eastern peers. Keywords: Apartheid, Sephardim, Ashkenazim, Zionist Movement, Bantustan.

Video Description (on YouTube): "River Run." Revisioned and Reimagined. 2021. Words, music, arrangement by kei slaughter. Originally written in 2019 while participating in the Acoustic Guitar Project - where artists are given one guitar, for one week, to write one song. This intimate performance is a reimagined and revisioned version, weaving deconstructed elements of the original work, with improvised vocalizations, body percussion, and flute loops, and live vocal and flute performance. "River Run" is dedicated to my maternal great great great great grandmother, Nancy Maker Brown. For me, this (re)mix is an exploration and expression of Black aesthetics - imagining and conjuring new sound worlds through my queer, gender expansive Black body while engaging with ancestral memory. The stripped back elements of breath, tone, and voice, were intentionally used to ground me in my musical-cultural origins, back to a kind of roots music. Thus, embodying the West African concept of Sankofa, as I look back to the past, I also look ahead towards futurity, reflected through the use of live looping, layering, and circular storytelling. Closed captions available.