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1

Ludwig, Frieder. "Tambaram: the West African Experience." Journal of Religion in Africa 31, no. 1 (2001): 49–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006601x00031.

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AbstractTambaram 1938, held near Madras in South India, was the first conference of the International Missionary Council in which a significant number of Africans took part. It offered, therefore, a unique opportunity for the fifteen delegates from the continent. For the first time, West Africans exchanged views with South Africans about African Independent Churches, for the first time, they discussed issues such as the tolerance of polygamy in an international setting. The Africans were impressed by the efforts towards church union in India and by Gandhi's national movement. This article describes the experiences of three of the West African delegates, Alexander Babatunde Akinycle (Nigeria), Moses Odutola Dada (Nigeria) and Christian Goncalves Baeta (Gold Coast/Ghana). Baëta subsequently made a very significant contribution to West African Christianity as a church leader, theologian and academic.
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2

Huillery, Elise. "The Black Man's Burden: The Cost of Colonization of French West Africa." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 1 (2014): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050714000011.

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Was colonization costly for France? Did French taxpayers contribute to colonies’ development? This article reveals that French West Africa's colonization took only 0.29 percent of French annual expenditures, including 0.24 percent for military and central administration and 0.05 percent for French West Africa's development. For West Africans, the contribution from French taxpayers was almost negligible: mainland France provided about 2 percent of French West Africa's revenue. In fact, colonization was a considerable burden for African taxpayers since French civil servants’ salaries absorbed a disproportionate share of local expenditures.
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3

Bodomo, Adams, and Enyu Ma. "We Are what We Eat: Food in the Process of Community Formation and Identity Shaping among African Traders in Guangzhou and Yiwu." African Diaspora 5, no. 1 (2012): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254612x646198.

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Abstract In this paper we analyze two African communities in Guangzhou and Yiwu, China, arguing that among Guangzhou Africans on the one hand, Black Africans, particularly West Africans, have a tighter community and interact more with each other than Black Africans in Yiwu. On the other hand, Maghrebian Africans in Yiwu have a tighter community and maintain a more cohesive interaction than their counterparts in Guangzhou. Evidence for this characterization of the communities comes from food and communal food-eating habits. There are hardly any West African restaurants in Yiwu while there is an abundance of West African and other Black African restaurants in Guangzhou where there is more community patronage. In contrast, there are more concentrations of North African restaurants in Yiwu than in Guangzhou. We discuss the crucial role food and food-making and eating places play in providing structures and avenues for community bonding to promote community formation and community identity shaping.
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Gemmeke, Amber. "African Power." African Diaspora 9, no. 1-2 (2016): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725465-00901004.

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This paper explores how West African migrants’ movements impacts their religious imagery and that of those they encounter in the diaspora. It specifically addresses how, through the circulation of objects, rituals, and themselves, West Africans and Black Dutchmen of Surinamese descent link, in a Dutch urban setting, spiritual empowering and protection to the African soil. West African ‘mediums’ offer services such as divination and amulet making since about twenty years in the Netherlands. Dutch-Surinamese clients form a large part of their clientele, soliciting a connection to African, ancestral spiritual power, a power which West African mediums enforce through the use of herbs imported from West Africa and by rituals, such as animal sacrifices and libations, arranged for in West Africa. This paper explores how West Africans and Dutchmen of Surinamese descent, through a remarkable mix of repertoires alluding to notions of Africa, Sufi Islam, Winti, and Western divination, creatively reinvent a shared understanding of ‘African power’.
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5

Klaver, Mark, and Michael Trebilcock. "Chinese Investment in Africa." Law and Development Review 4, no. 1 (2011): 168–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2202/1943-3867.1126.

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Chinese investment in Africa has increased rapidly over the past two decades. This paper asks how, why, whether it is good or bad, and what Africans can do about it. On how, the Chinese government actively promotes liberal investment regulations in Africa. It also keeps close contact with major Chinese enterprises investing on the continent. On why, the motivation behind Chinese investment in Africa is self-interested: China primarily wants Africa’s natural resources. China also seeks to access local markets, and to capitalize on Africa's preferential trade access to the West. On whether Chinese investment is good or bad for Africa, African economies are growing at unprecedented rates, partly due to Chinese investment. This paper highlights seven reasons Chinese investment contributes to African growth. But it also reveals three drawbacks to Chinese investment in Africa. On what Africans can do about Chinese investment, Africa can capitalize on it by proactively promulgating a tax code that promotes African development. The tax code's goal should be to use Chinese investment and natural resource revenues to develop Africa’s manufacturing sector through infrastructure, special economic zones, and education. Thus, this paper maintains that although Chinese investment in Africa is not unambiguously advantageous, it presents major opportunities for African development.
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6

Coates, Oliver. "New Perspectives on West Africa and World War Two." Journal of African Military History 4, no. 1-2 (2020): 5–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24680966-00401007.

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Abstract Focusing on Anglophone West Africa, particularly Nigeria and the Gold Coast (Ghana), this article analyses the historiography of World War Two, examining recruitment, civil defence, intelligence gathering, combat, demobilisation, and the predicament of ex-servicemen. It argues that we must avoid an overly homogeneous notion of African participation in the war, and that we should instead attempt to distinguish between combatants and non-combatants, as well as differentiating in terms of geography and education, all variables that made a significant difference to wartime labour conditions and post-war prospects. It will show how the existing historiography facilitates an appreciation of the role of West Africans in distinct theatres of combat, and examine the role of such sources as African war memoirs, journalism and photography in developing our understanding of Africans in East Africa, South and South-East Asia, and the Middle East. More generally, it will demonstrate how recent scholarship has further complicated our comprehension of the conflict, opening new fields of study such as the interaction of gender and warfare, the role of religion in colonial armed forces, and the transnational experiences of West Africans during the war. The article concludes with a discussion of the historical memory of the war in contemporary West African fiction and documentary film.
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7

Tymowski, Michal. "African perceptions of Europeans in the early period of Portuguese expeditions to West Africa." Itinerario 39, no. 2 (2015): 221–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115315000455.

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The aim to this article is to analyse the judgments and opinions of Africans about Europeans during the early Portuguese expeditions to West Africa in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. While opinions of Europeans about Africans are for that period certified by numerous and varied sources, the opinions of Africans are difficult to examine. Cultures of the West African coast in the fifteen and early sixteen century were illiterate. Local oral traditions do not go back – within the scope of this field of interest – to such distant centuries. There are two types of sources: Firstly, African statements written down in European texts, which require a particularly critical approach; secondly, some Africans expressed their opinions about Europeans in works of Art. These include the statues of Europeans from the area of present-day Sierra Leone (the Sapi people), and from the state of Benin (the Edo people). In this article the author examines: 1) the circumstances in which the Africans expressed their opinions (ad hoc meetings, political negotiations, trade, court ceremonies); 2) the authors (individuals or social and ethnic groups), which were attributed the judgments; 3) the content of speeches; and 4) the motives which guided the Africans. Then author compares individual cases, analyses the common characteristics and the distinct features of judgments and opinions known to us, and discusses the possibility of identification of general traits of Africans’ opinions about Europeans.
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8

De Caestecker, J., and I. Bates. "DIABETES IN URBAN WEST AFRICANS." Lancet 330, no. 8552 (1987): 220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(87)90803-8.

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9

Sarfo, Fred Stephen, Bruce Ovbiagele, Mulugeta Gebregziabher, et al. "Stroke Among Young West Africans." Stroke 49, no. 5 (2018): 1116–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/strokeaha.118.020783.

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10

Coates, Oliver. "Between Image and Erasure." Radical History Review 2018, no. 132 (2018): 200–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-6942513.

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Abstract Approximately 73,290 West Africans traveled to South Asia during World War II, but relatively little is known about their activities on the subcontinent. The photographs of African soldiers in India published in the British Army’s RWAFF News, a Bombay-printed newspaper specifically designed for West African troops overseas, provide a rare and little-known insight into the lives of African soldiers in India. Existing accounts of African military service in India often outline the soldiers’ experience of India in only very general terms and typically privilege the combat experience of troops in Burma. The images described in this brief article reveal a very different face of African overseas military service: they depict a group of soldiers visiting the Taj Mahal and encountering the Mughal monument. Although published and choreographed by the British, these images reflect a moment of South-South encounter between West Africans and India’s Islamic history.
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11

Salem, Ahmed Ali. "Localizing Islam in the West." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 33, no. 3 (2016): 44–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v33i3.253.

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Ali Mazrui attempted to correct many misunderstandings of Islam in the West and demonstrate its closeness to and impact upon western civilization in several ways. For example, Islam is a fellow monotheistic religion, has preserved and added to the Greco-Roman legacy, preceded mercantilism and capitalism in hailing free trade and hard work, and modeled the western view of a tripartite world in the second half of the twentieth century. Mazrui's interest in studying Islam was originally part of his general exploration of postcolonial Africa. Although trained in mainstream political science, which emphasizes materialism, he quickly realized that culture is a powerful key to understanding politics. From this cultural optic, Mazrui began to interpretatively revive Islam as a powerful factor in African politics and highlight its values as capable of improving African conditions. His most celebrated work, namely, the 1986 television series "Africa: The Triple Heritage," was in part a call to reconsider Islam as a major foundation of African societies. His cultural studies helped him gain new constituencies among the larger Muslim community and then go global. His global studies upheld Islam against both Marxism and racism, which helped him escape the narrowness of Afro-centrism and broaden his concept of pan-Africanism to include not only sub-Saharan Africans and their Arab neighbors to the north, but also the Arab neighbors to the east and diasporic Africans as well. In this paper, I use many of Mazrui's publications that discuss various Islamic issues in Africa, the West, and globally.
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VINSON, ROBERT TRENT. "‘SEA KAFFIRS’: ‘AMERICAN NEGROES’ AND THE GOSPEL OF GARVEYISM IN EARLY TWENTIETH-CENTURY CAPE TOWN." Journal of African History 47, no. 2 (2006): 281–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853706001824.

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This article demonstrates that black British West Indians and black South Africans in post-First World War Cape Town viewed ‘American Negroes’ as divinely ordained liberators from South African white supremacy. These South-African based Garveyites articulated a prophetic Garveyist Christianity that provided common ideological ground for Africans and diasporic blacks through leading black South African organizations like the Universal Negro Improvement Association and African Communities League (UNIA), the African National Congress (ANC) and the Industrial and Commercial Workers Union (ICU). This study utilizes a ‘homeland and diaspora’ model that simultaneously offers an expansive framework for African history, redresses the relative neglect of Africa and Africans in African diaspora studies and demonstrates the impact of Garveyism on the country's interwar black freedom struggle.
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13

Tat Shum, Terence Chun. "Culinary diaspora space: Food culture and the West African diaspora in Hong Kong." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 29, no. 2 (2020): 283–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0117196820938603.

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This article examines how food practices contribute to the lived experience of the West African diaspora in Hong Kong. Drawing on in-depth interviews and participant observations of Africans in different African restaurants, grocery stalls and cultural events, this article proposes the concept of a “culinary diaspora space” to examine how they navigate spaces of solidarity and struggle during their integration process through African food-related practices. It highlights the point at which boundaries of inclusion and exclusion are contested by revealing the practical and symbolic roles played by migrants’ traditional food culture throughout the integration process. This research argues that African food outlets are a space of social frictions but also of possible cultural encounters between the Africans and Hong Kong Chinese. By focusing on food-related practices, this research demonstrates how the West African diaspora is felt, embodied and perceived by the host society.
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14

Balogun, Oluwakemi M. "African and American: West Africans in Post-Civil Rights America." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 46, no. 1 (2017): 80–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306116681813dd.

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15

Afroz, Sultana. "The Role of Islam in the Abolition of Slavery and in the Development of British Capitalism." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 29, no. 1 (2012): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v29i1.326.

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West Indian scholars have overlooked the role played by the Muslim leadership in West Africa in bringing an end to the transatlantic trade in Africans. The jihād movements in West Africa in the late eighteenth century gave political unity to West Africa challenging the collaboration of European trade in Africans with the pagan slave traders. West Indian historiography, while emphasizing European abolitionist movements, ignores the Islamic unity (tawhīd) of humankind, which brought together many ethnically heterogeneous enslaved African Muslims to successfully challenge the West Indian plantation system. The exploitation of the human resources and the immense wealth of the then Moghul India and Imperial China by British colonialism helped develop the British industrial capitalism, which controlled most of the world until the end of World War II. The security of the British industrial capitalist complex could no longer depend on the small-scale West Indian plantation economies but on the large-scale economies of Asia protected by the British imperial forces under the British imperial flag.
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16

Afroz, Sultana. "The Role of Islam in the Abolition of Slavery and in the Development of British Capitalism." American Journal of Islam and Society 29, no. 1 (2012): 1–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v29i1.326.

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West Indian scholars have overlooked the role played by the Muslim leadership in West Africa in bringing an end to the transatlantic trade in Africans. The jihād movements in West Africa in the late eighteenth century gave political unity to West Africa challenging the collaboration of European trade in Africans with the pagan slave traders. West Indian historiography, while emphasizing European abolitionist movements, ignores the Islamic unity (tawhīd) of humankind, which brought together many ethnically heterogeneous enslaved African Muslims to successfully challenge the West Indian plantation system. The exploitation of the human resources and the immense wealth of the then Moghul India and Imperial China by British colonialism helped develop the British industrial capitalism, which controlled most of the world until the end of World War II. The security of the British industrial capitalist complex could no longer depend on the small-scale West Indian plantation economies but on the large-scale economies of Asia protected by the British imperial forces under the British imperial flag.
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17

Edward Montle, Malesela. "Decolonising African Cultural Identity in Es’kia Mphahlele’s Chirundu : A literary Appreciation." Journal of African Languages and Literary Studies 1, no. 3 (2020): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31920/2633-2116/2020/v1n3a2.

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Though Africans are striving to re-define and re-construct themselves through re-asserting their eroded African cultural identity, this appears to be a mammoth, almost insurmountable task. It remains a nuanced terrain because, on the one hand, there is material benefit from being bedfellows with the neocolonial forces while on the other hand, there is hardship which is meted out against the proponents of African decolonisation, particularly the quintessential ones. Sanctions are one of the austerity measures which the neo-colonial powers use to suppress those Africans who genuinely want to advance African renaissance. This is the cause of identity crisis among many Africans, and unsavoury marriages of convenience between the West and African nations today. This paper, therefore, seeks to examine the dilemma faced by the essentialist adherents of African culture today and their supposed role in the advancement of Africa as a continent. It uses Chirundu's character in Es'kia Mphahlele's novel of the same name, as a case in point. The argument, in this paper, is grounded on Afrocentricity as a strand of Post-Colonial Theory (with or without a hyphen) with an implied suggestion that the solution to Africa's postcolonial challenges lies in forging cultural hybridity with the nations of the world.
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West, Gerald O., and Tahir Fuzile Sitoto. "Other Ways of Reading the Qur'an and the Bible in Africa." Postscripts: The Journal of Sacred Texts, Cultural Histories, and Contemporary Contexts 1, no. 1 (2005): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/post.v1i1.47.

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This article explores how religion possesses and is possessed by Africans. It does this by recognising both the power of religion to configure and of Africans as agents who reconfigure what they encounter in their African contexts. The central question of this article is how placing African agency and context in the forefront reconfigures talk of Islam and Christianity in Africa. The question is taken up through an analysis of two African religious leaders, Shaykh Ahmadu Bamba from West Africa and Isaiah Shembe from South Africa.
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Zachernuk, Philip S. "Of Origins and Colonial Order: Southern Nigerian Historians and the ‘Hamitic Hypothesis’ c. 1870–1970." Journal of African History 35, no. 3 (1994): 427–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026785.

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The professional Nigerian nationalist historiography which emerged in reaction against the imperialist Hamitic Hypothesis – the assertion that Africa's history had been made only by foreigners – is rooted in a complex West African tradition of critical dialogue with European ideas. From the mid-nineteenth century, western-educated Africans have re-worked European ideas into distinctive Hamitic Hypotheses suited to their colonial location. This account developed within the constraints set by changing European and African-American ideas about West African origins and the evolving character of the Nigerian intelligentsia. West Africans first identified themselves not as victims of Hamitic invasion but as the degenerate heirs of classical civilizations, to establish their potential to create a modern, Christian society. At the turn of the century various authors argued for past development within West Africa rather than mere degeneration. Edward Blyden appropriated African-American thought to posit a distinct racial history. Samuel Johnson elaborated on Yoruba traditions of a golden age. Inter-war writers such as J. O. Lucas and Ladipo Solanke built on both arguments, but as race science declined they again invoked universal historical patterns. Facing the arrival of Nigeria as a nation-state, later writers such as S. O. Biobaku developed these ideas to argue that Hamitic invasions had created Nigeria's proto-national culture. In the heightened identity politics of the 1950s, local historians adopted Hamites to compete for historical primacy among Nigerian communities. The Hamitic Hypothesis declined in post-colonial conditions, in part because the concern to define ultimate identities along a colonial axis was displaced by the need to understand identity politics within the Nigerian sphere. The Nigerian Hamitic Hypothesis had a complex career, promoting élite ambitions, Christian identities, Nigerian nationalism and communal rivalries. New treatments of African colonial historiography – and intellectual history – must incorporate the complexities illus-trated here.
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Smart, Cherry-Ann. "African oral tradition, cultural retentions and the transmission of knowledge in the West Indies." IFLA Journal 45, no. 1 (2019): 16–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0340035218823219.

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For three centuries Africans were trafficked to slave for Europeans in the West Indies. Forcibly uprooted from their homes, they carried only recollections of a way of life as they faced an uncertain future while enduring gruelling conditions. Unversed in the enslavers’ language and custom, their past was mentally retained and transmitted through oral expressions and cultural products. Yet, the history of libraries as repositories of knowledge gives credit to all newcomers except these Africans. This paper proposes the modern concept of a library supports African slaves’ cultural retention and transmission of knowledge as important in the development of life in the West Indies.
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DIAKHATÉ, Babacar. "Africa and the West: Between Tradition and Modernity in Shimmer Chinodya’s Dew in the Morning (1982) and Ngugi WA Thiongo’s weep Not, Child (1964)." Budapest International Research and Critics Institute (BIRCI-Journal): Humanities and Social Sciences 3, no. 2 (2020): 1459–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33258/birci.v3i2.1009.

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European colonizers have impoverished Africans for spoiling their natural resources. African Anglophone writers such as Shimmer Chinodya and Ngugi WA Thiongo respectively in Dew in the Morning and Weep Not, Child devote most of their writings to land issues and cultural alienation. The aim of this article is to display the strategies of the White man to achieve his objective, and the contribution of his black collaborators to take Africans’ lands. It also reveals the importance of African traditional practices in the resistance against colonialism. Finally, it shows the perpetual quest of western education by Africans to “beat the white in his own game”.
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Pfaff, Françoise. "Five West African Filmmakers on their Films." Issue: A Journal of Opinion 20, no. 2 (1992): 31–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047160700501528.

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Prior to 1960, such countries as England and Belgium trained a number of Africans in the technical areas of “movie-making” through their colonial film units which produced health and educational documentaries as well as propagandist shorts praising the colonial order and/or disseminating the Christian faith. Nevertheless, little had been done to encourage native “movie-thinking.” The late Paulin Soumanou Vieyra (Benin/Senegal), one of the pioneers and early historians of African cinema, often pointed out how the French colonial authorities would refuse scholarships to aspiring African film students, arguing that priority was to be given to the training of African doctors and teachers. One could very well suspect that there also might have been some concern as to the kind of politically detrimental anti-colonialist images these film students would have later produced.
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23

Meatyard, Abigail, Bill Roberts, and Ousman Bojang. "Tourism and Conservation: Kachikally Sacred Crocodile Pool in the Gambia, West Africa." Practicing Anthropology 27, no. 4 (2005): 35–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.27.4.l51691110688g7up.

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Africa. The word invokes powerful images about a continent that is the ancestral home for us all. Storytelling is an ancient tradition among Africans. Stories entertain, educate and encapsulate part of the African spirit. In that same spirit, three distinct voices and perspectives (two American and one African) collaborate here to tell a story about a sacred place that has slowly transformed into a tourist attraction.
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Faheem, Muhammad Afzal, and Nausheen Ishaque. "Demonizing Africa: A Bend in the River and Naipaul’s Comprador Intellectuality." Review of Applied Management and Social Sciences 4, no. 2 (2021): 595–604. http://dx.doi.org/10.47067/ramss.v4i2.161.

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This paper establishes V.S. Naipaul’s position as a comprador intellectual for his essentialist representation of Africa in A Bend in the River. The position (of comprador intellectual) has been ascribed by Hamid Dabashi to the array of highly feted non-Western writers who justify the Western orientalist (mis)appropriation of the East. The unrelenting orientalist bashing of the imperialized world (Africa in this case) legitimizes the civilizational responsibility of the West to mend the situation of the supposedly inferior Africans. The violent colonial intervention to provide order and stability to the place shows Naipaul’s orientalist world view regarding the colonized Africans. The alleged, all-pervading darkness of Africans can thus be illuminated by the White colonizer’s masterful exercise of power. Naipaul, as an author, functions as a comprador intellectual who appears serving the colonial commercial interest. The West needs to destroy all the cultures that may be potential sites of resistance, so, Naipaul offers a systematic denigration of African culture to sabotage the potential culture of resistance. The narrative of African demonization justifies the colonial machinery and its exercise of violence against the natives. The paper, therefore, calls into question Naipaul’s role as a cultural intermediary, since his 'point of enunciation' (a concept given by Stuart Hall) seems to be resting on an overtly colonial trajectory of the West.
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wa Muiu, Mueni. "African Countries’ Political Independence at Fifty: In Search of Democracy, Peace and Social Justice." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (2013): 331–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341271.

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Abstract What lessons can we draw from the past fifty years of political independence in African countries? Which mistakes can we avoid in the future? Can there be peace without social justice? Four mistakes must be avoided if democracy, peace and social justice are to be achieved in African countries. Drawing on lessons from Central, East, North, West and Southern Africa, I use Fundi wa Africa – a multidisciplinary approach based on a long term historical perspective to argue that individual nationhood (the first mistake) has not resulted in democracy and peace. Only Pan-Africanism (based on the needs and interests of Africans as they define them) will lead to democracy and peace. The second mistake is that leading international financial institutions (IFI) and some Africans assume that democracy has to be introduced to Africa. This assumption is based on the belief that Africans and their culture have nothing to contribute to their own development. As a result liberal democracy is promoted by these agencies as the only option available for African countries. The third mistake is the belief that a colonial state which was developed to fulfill the market and labor needs of colonial powers can lead to democracy and peace for Africans. The fourth mistake is African leaders’ and their supporters’ conviction that neither African intellectuals nor women have any place in African development and may only be given symbolic positions. Without economic independence, the political gains of the past fifty years will be lost. The founding fathers and mothers of Africa’s freedom fought and achieved political independence, but it is up to the next generation to strive for economic empowerment. Only then will African countries cease to be homes for bankrupt ideas as they are freed from conflict and hunger.
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Noll, Roger G. "The Wines of West Africa: History, Technology and Tasting Notes." Journal of Wine Economics 3, no. 1 (2008): 85–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1931436100000572.

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AbstractFor centuries West Africans have made wines from palm sap, and hard liquor (“gin”) from palm wine. This essay describes the role of palm wine in West African society, attempts to regulate its production and consumption since colonial times, the basics of the production process, and the appearance, bouquet and flavor of unpasteurized palm wine as it ages through its useful life of a day or two. (JEL Classification: L66, L51,118)
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MARK, PETER. "THE EVOLUTION OF ‘PORTUGUESE’ IDENTITY: LUSO-AFRICANS ON THE UPPER GUINEA COAST FROM THE SIXTEENTH TO THE EARLY NINETEENTH CENTURY." Journal of African History 40, no. 2 (1999): 173–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853799007422.

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During the late fifteenth and early sixteenth century, Portugal established a trading presence along the Upper Guinea Coast from Senegal to Sierra Leone. Emigrants from Portugal known as lançados – some of them Jews seeking to escape religious persecution – settled along the coast, where many of them married women from local communities. By the early sixteenth century, Luso-Africans, or ‘Portuguese’ as they called themselves, were established at trading centers from the Petite Côte in Senegal, south to Sierra Leone. Descendants of Portuguese immigrants, of Cape Verde islanders, and of West Africans, the Luso-Africans developed a culture that was itself a synthesis of African and European elements. Rich historical documentation allows a case study of the changing ways Luso-Africans identified themselves over the course of three centuries.The earliest lançados established themselves along the coast as commercial middlemen between African and European traders and as coastal traders between Sierra Leone and Senegambia. Their position was formally discouraged by the Portuguese Crown until the second decade of the sixteenth century, but they nevertheless played an important role in trade with Portugal and the Cape Verde islands. Lançado communities were permanently settled on the Petite Côte, while in Sierra Leone and Rio Nunez much early commerce was in the hands of lançados who sailed there regularly from S. Domingos, north of present day Bissau. The offspring of these lançados and African women were called filhos de terra and were generally considered to be ‘Portuguese’.Throughout the sixteenth century, the descendants of the lançados maintained close commercial ties with the Cape Verde islands. Cape Verdeans were themselves the offspring of mixed Portuguese and West African marriages. Sharing elements of a common culture and united by marriage and economic ties, mainland Luso-Africans and Cape Verdeans represented a socially complex and geographically dispersed community. Cape Verdeans, like mainland Luso-Africans, resolutely maintained that they were ‘Portuguese’, and both sub-groups employed the same essentially cultural criteria of group identification.
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Kalu Obasi, Dr Kalu,. "The Irony of a Handshake of Friendship with the West: A Reflection on Oyono’s HouseBoy and The Oldman and the Medal." English Linguistics Research 7, no. 1 (2018): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/elr.v7n1p52.

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The African proverb that ‘a set of white teeth does not indicate a pure heart’ aptly illustrates the relationship that exists between the Africa and the West. Colonization which is the image of friendship with the White man turns out to be a curse rather than a blessing. The Africans in their brotherhood temperament happily offers a handshake with the White man with the hope fostering a good relationship only to discover that the kind gesture is tampered with bad omen by his guest. The advancement of the White man was a happy thing to the Africans who assumed it to usher in good relationship between the West and the Africans. But it rather turned out to be a curse. Though belaboured in literary criticism, this paper attempts to look at the irony of the handshake as a symbolic image, exposing the White man’s wicked impressions as against the good intentions of the Africans. To do this Oyono’s Houseboy and The Old Man and the Medal are used for this study. The paper examines the degree of acceptance by the Africans and the humane acceptance of the White man and his eventual exploitative attitude toward the same people who happily accepted them. The White man’s use of violence to oppress, subjugate and assault his hosts. The paper explores the ridiculing nature of colonialism and providing the insight to view the psychology of both the White man and his African host. Allusion is also made of other texts that express the same themes.
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Joppich, Jasmin. "African Rice Cultivation. Wissens- und Technologietransfer von westafrikanischem Reisanbau nach South Carolina." historia.scribere, no. 11 (June 17, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.11.809.

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The following paper is about the knowledge and technologies of rice cultivation that enslaved Africans brought from West Africa to colonial South Carolina. The paper examines why and in what ways West African technologies of rice cultivation were used and adapted in South Carolina to maximise production and profits, how rice production evolved after the Civil War in 1865, and whether there were any further developments in US rice cultivation.
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30

Darity, William. "British Industry and the West Indies Plantations." Social Science History 14, no. 1 (1990): 117–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014555320002068x.

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Is it not notorious to the whole World, that the Business of Planting in our British Colonies, as well as in the French, is carried on by the Labour of Negroes, imported thither from Africa? Are we not indebted to those valuable People, the Africans for our Sugars, Tobaccoes, Rice, Rum, and all other Plantation Produce? And the greater the Number of Negroes imported into our Colonies, from Africa, will not the Exportation of British Manufactures among the Africans be in Proportion, they being paid for in such Commodities only? The more likewise our Plantations abound in Negroes, will not more Land become cultivated, and both better and greater Variety of Plantation Commodities be produced? As those Trades are subservient to the Well Being and Prosperity of each other; so the more either flourishes or declines, the other must be necessarily affected; and the general Trade and Navigation of their Mother Country, will be proportionably benefited or injured. May we not therefore say, with equal Truth, as the French do in their before cited Memorial, that the general Navigation of Great Britain owes all its Encrease and Splendor to the Commerce of its American and African Colonies; and that it cannot be maintained and enlarged otherwise than from the constant Prosperity of both those branches, whose Interests are mutual and inseparable?[Postlethwayt 1968c: 6]The atlantic slave trade remains oddly invisible in the commentaries of historians who have specialized in the sources and causes of British industrialization in the late eighteenth century. This curiosity contrasts sharply with the perspective of eighteenth-century strategists who, on the eve of the industrial revolution, placed great stock in both the trade and the colonial plantations as vital instruments for British economic progress. Specifically, Joshua Gee and Malachy Postlethwayt, once described by the imperial historian Charles Ryle Fay (1934: 2–3) as Britain’s major “spokesmen” for the eighteenth century, both placed the importation of African slaves into the Americas at the core of their visions of the requirements for national expansion. Fay (ibid.: 3) also described both of them as “mercantilists hardening into a manufacturers’ imperialism.” For such a “manufacturers’ imperialism” to be a success, both Gee and Postlethwayt saw the need for extensive British participation in the trade in Africans and in the maintenance and development of the West Indies.
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Ludwig, Bernadette, and Holly Reed. "“When you are here, you have high blood pressure”: Liberian refugees’ health and access to healthcare in Staten Island, NY." International Journal of Migration, Health and Social Care 12, no. 1 (2016): 26–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijmhsc-12-2014-0051.

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Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine health issues among Liberian refugees living in Staten Island and access potential barriers to accessing healthcare. Design/methodology/approach – Qualitative methods including interviews (n=68) with West African immigrants, predominantly Liberian refugees, and long-term ethnography were employed to elicit West Africans’ views on health, acculturation, and access to service providers. Framework analysis was employed to analyze the data thematically. Findings – Chronic health diseases, depression, isolation, and inadequate access to healthcare were the main concerns of the population studied. The findings are in contrast to the public health experts’ concentration on infectious diseases. Practical implications – The barriers to access proper healthcare have implications for healthcare providers and government institutions and information about these barriers can help them to refocus their health efforts to better address the needs of West African refugees. Originality/value – Africans are among the newest immigrants in the USA and are considerably understudied compared to other groups such as Latin Americans and Asians. Additionally, there is an abundance research about refugees’ health status when they first arrive in the USA, but there is little data on their health after their resettlement.
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Lokken, Paul. "From the “Kingdoms of Angola” to Santiago de Guatemala: The Portuguese Asientos and Spanish Central America, 1595–1640." Hispanic American Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2013): 171–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2077126.

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Abstract The evidence presented in this article establishes the era of the major Portuguese asientos (1595–1640) as a key moment in the history of African migration to Spanish Central America. Between 1607 and 1628 alone, Portuguese slave traders made at least 15 voyages from Angola to the Caribbean coast of Central America, landing in most cases “by accident” at the Honduran port of Trujillo while allegedly en route to Veracruz. Many of the West Central Africans carried on these voyages were subsequently marched inland by the same Portuguese merchants to be sold in Santiago de Guatemala, capital of the Audiencia of Guatemala. Their final destinations were often rural properties located in or near the Pacific lowlands of modern-day Guatemala and El Salvador, where the largest sugar and indigo plantations counted dozens of Angolans among their enslaved workers. A decided majority of these involuntary migrants were young men, most no doubt having departed from Luanda following misfortune in the wars that, with a good deal of Portuguese encouragement, wracked their homelands after 1575. Their migration experiences testify to a significant shift in the point of origin of Africans brought to Central America away from Senegambia and neighboring regions of West Africa, birthplace of the majority of Africans transported to Central America prior to 1595. The later-arriving and larger West Central African workforce played a more important role than heretofore understood in satisfying the demands for labor that arose in the early seventeenth century as commercial agriculture briefly boomed amid persistent indigenous population decline.
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Rana Bhat, Shuv Raj. "Rhetorical Construction of West Africain Travels In West Africa." Tribhuvan University Journal 29, no. 1 (2016): 203–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/tuj.v29i1.25984.

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Viewed from David Spurr’s lenses developed in “The Rhetoric of Empire,” Mary Kingsley produces knowledge of West Africa and establishes a claim over her in her travelogue Travels in West Africa. Through the deployment of surveillance, appropriation, debasement and negation, she draws an ambivalent picture of Africa: one associated with filth, defilement, danger, darkness and death and the other endowed with natural vegetation and resources. Both sides of the picture call for the arrival of the British to improve the lifestyle of the Africans and to utilize the natural resources.
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Hopkins, Daniel. "A poisonous plant of the genus Datura (Solanaceae) in an eighteenth-century Danish garden in West Africa." Archives of Natural History 30, no. 1 (2003): 157–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2003.30.1.157.

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There was disagreement among colonialists about whether the Africans around the Danish West African forts made use of native poisons in the early nineteenth century, but it appears that the Danes themselves may have introduced a poisonous ornamental plant of the genus Datura in one of their own gardens on the Guinea Coast.
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35

RENNE, ELISHA P. "Mass Producing Food Traditions for West Africans Abroad." American Anthropologist 109, no. 4 (2007): 616–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.2007.109.4.616.

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36

BIRRELL, F. N., A. O. ADEBAJO, B. L. HAZLEMAN, and A. J. SILMAN. "HIGH PREVALENCE OF JOINT LAXITY IN WEST AFRICANS." Rheumatology 33, no. 1 (1994): 56–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/rheumatology/33.1.56.

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37

Law, Robin. "Ethnicity and the Slave Trade: “Lucumi” and “Nago” as Ethnonyms in West Africa." History in Africa 24 (January 1997): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3172026.

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Ethnicity was evidently critical for the operation of the Atlantic slave trade, on both the African and the European sides of the trade. For Africans, given the general convention against enslaving fellow citizens, ethnic identities served to define a category of “others” who were legitimately enslavable. For African Muslims this function was performed by religion, though here too, it is noteworthy that the classic discussion of this issue, by the Timbuktu scholar Ahmad Baba in 1615, approaches it mainly in terms of ethnicity, through classification of West African peoples as Muslim or pagan. Europeans, for their part, regularly distinguished different ethnicities among the slaves they purchased, and American markets developed preferences for slaves of particular ethnic origins. This raises interesting (but as yet little researched) questions about the ways in which African and European definitions of African ethnicity may have interacted. Both Africans and Europeans, for example, commonly employed, as a means of distinguishing among African ethnicities, the facial and bodily scarifications (“tribal marks”) characteristic of different communities—a topic on which there is detailed information in European sources back at least into the seventeenth century, which might well form the basis for a historical study of ethnic identities.In this context as in others, of course, ethnicity should be seen, not as a constant, but as fluid and subject to constant redefinition. The lately fashionable debate on “the invention of tribes” in Africa concentrated on the impact of European colonialism in the twentieth century, rather than on that of the Atlantic slave trade earlier—no doubt because it was addressed primarily to Southern, Central and Eastern rather than Western Africa.
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38

Nesbitt, F. Njubi. "African Intellectuals in the Belly of the Beast: Migration, Identity, and the Politics of Exile." African Issues 30, no. 1 (2002): 70–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1548450500006351.

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When W.E.B. Du Bois wrote of the “double consciousness” of Africans in America, he was reflecting on the complex identities of the “talented tenth,” the educated minority of a minority like himself who felt alienated because of their awareness that their qualifications meant little in a racist society. Though written in reference to the African American intellectual, this duality, this sense of “two-ness,” is even more acute for African exiles today because they have fewer social and cultural ties to the West than African Europeans and African Americans. The exiles are much closer to the African “soul” Du Bois referred to and are less prepared for the pervasive racism and second-class status that they have to overcome in the West.
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Meilleur, Katherine G., Ayo Doumatey, Hanxia Huang, et al. "Circulating Adiponectin Is Associated with Obesity and Serum Lipids in West Africans." Journal of Clinical Endocrinology & Metabolism 95, no. 7 (2010): 3517–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1210/jc.2009-2765.

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Context: Adiponectin, a hormone secreted by adipose tissue, has both metabolic and antiinflammatory properties. Although multiple studies have described the relationship between adiponectin and obesity in several human populations, no large studies have evaluated this relationship in Africans. Objective: We investigated the relationship between adiponectin and measures of obesity, serum lipids, and insulin resistance in a large African cohort. Design: Participants are from the Africa America Diabetes Mellitus (AADM) Study, a case-control study of genetic and other risk factors associated with development of type 2 diabetes in Africans. Setting: Patients were recruited from five academic medical centers in Nigeria and Ghana (Accra and Kumasi in Ghana and Enugu, Ibadan, and Lagos in Nigeria) over 10 yr. Main Outcome Measures: Circulating adiponectin levels were measured in 690 nondiabetic controls using an ELISA. The correlation between log-transformed circulating adiponectin levels and age, gender, measures of obesity (body mass index, waist circumference, and percent fat mass), and serum lipid levels was assessed. Linear regression was used to explore the association between adiponectin levels and measures of obesity, lipids, and insulin resistance as measured by homeostasis model assessment. Results: Significant negative associations were observed between log-adiponectin levels and measures of obesity after adjusting for age and gender. Similarly, log-adiponectin levels were significantly negatively associated with serum triglycerides and insulin resistance but positively associated with high-density lipoprotein-cholesterol and total cholesterol after adjusting for age, gender, and body mass index. Conclusions: Circulating adiponectin is significantly associated with measures of obesity, serum lipids, and insulin resistance in this study of West African populations.
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40

Sautman, Barry, and Yan Hairong. "Friends and Interests: China's Distinctive Links with Africa." African Studies Review 50, no. 3 (2007): 75–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2008.0014.

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Abstract:China's expanded links to Africa have created a discourse of how to characterize those ties. Western political forces and media have criticized every aspect of China's activities in Africa, while Chinese, with significant support from Africans, have mounted a spirited defense. This article examines several factors that make China's links with Africa distinctive, including China's aid and migration policies, the distinctive “Chinese model” of foreign investment and infrastructure loans, and the development model known as the “Beijing Consensus.” It argues that particular aspects of China's links with Africa make the People's Republic of China (PRC) seem a lesser evil than the West in terms of support for Africa's development and respect for African nations.
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Adeyemo, A., G. Chen, J. Zhou, et al. "FTO Genetic Variation and Association With Obesity in West Africans and African Americans." Diabetes 59, no. 6 (2010): 1549–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2337/db09-1252.

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Doumatey, Ayo P., Kerrie S. Lashley, Hanxia Huang, et al. "Relationships Among Obesity, Inflammation, and Insulin Resistance in African Americans and West Africans." Obesity 18, no. 3 (2010): 598–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/oby.2009.322.

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43

Osei-Poku, Kwame. "Adapting to life in “Strange England”: Interrogating identity and ideology from S.A.T. Taylor’s 1937 Travelogue; “An African In An English School”." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (2020): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.3.

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This article is based on the premise that African authored travel writing about European socio-cultural spaces during the colonial period has the potential to interrogate notions about contemporary African identity while contributing to the collective ideological construction of the wider African society. Recent studies in African thought and ideology have provoked research into African-authored travel writing and the extent to which such travelogues have influenced discussions about the opinions and ideas, as well as a collective self-examination of African identities. These African-authored travelogues do not only represent a critical mass of source materials that highlight the racial discriminatory practices which many Africans encountered and still grapple with as sojourners and travellers to the British (Western) metropolises, but they also serve as a means of reimagining the diverse ways which Africans negotiate the identity quandaries they find themselves in within the context of a hegemonic milieu. The article focuses on the broader issues of identity and thematic ideological categories, using close reading strategies within a multidisciplinary context in analysing an African authored travelogue, “An African in an English School,” which was published in the December, 1937 edition of The West African Review magazine, and written by S.A.T. Taylor. Taylor writes about his impressions of the British educational system and difference, while simultaneously highlighting stereotypical perceptions about Africans by Europeans or the people of England.
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Osei-Poku, Kwame. "Adapting to life in “Strange England”: Interrogating identity and ideology from S.A.T. Taylor’s 1937 Travelogue; “An African In An English School”." Legon Journal of the Humanities 31, no. 1 (2020): 63–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ljh.v31i1.3.

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This article is based on the premise that African authored travel writing about European socio-cultural spaces during the colonial period has the potential to interrogate notions about contemporary African identity while contributing to the collective ideological construction of the wider African society. Recent studies in African thought and ideology have provoked research into African-authored travel writing and the extent to which such travelogues have influenced discussions about the opinions and ideas, as well as a collective self-examination of African identities. These African-authored travelogues do not only represent a critical mass of source materials that highlight the racial discriminatory practices which many Africans encountered and still grapple with as sojourners and travellers to the British (Western) metropolises, but they also serve as a means of reimagining the diverse ways which Africans negotiate the identity quandaries they find themselves in within the context of a hegemonic milieu. The article focuses on the broader issues of identity and thematic ideological categories, using close reading strategies within a multidisciplinary context in analysing an African authored travelogue, “An African in an English School,” which was published in the December, 1937 edition of The West African Review magazine, and written by S.A.T. Taylor. Taylor writes about his impressions of the British educational system and difference, while simultaneously highlighting stereotypical perceptions about Africans by Europeans or the people of England.
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45

Osuagwu, Chidi. "Forest West African Indigenous Diet and Modernization Diseases." Functional Foods in Health and Disease 9, no. 12 (2019): 772. http://dx.doi.org/10.31989/ffhd.v9i12.673.

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This review paper notes that the nutritional essence of an indigenous people’s diet can, broadly, be outlined in terms of their food-inherent bioactive chemical functions. Two food crops; Yam (Dioscorea spp.) and the Oil-palm (Elaeis guineensis), define Forest West Africa, agriculturally, as Yam or Palm belt. They can also be said to, broadly, define the diet of the region, which staple base they constitute, as the Yampalm Diet type. Some unique, bioactive, chemical functions of yam identified include; dioscorin, lipoic acid, potassium, biotin and, thiocyanate, while those of oil-palm include; tocotrienols, carotenoids, retinoids and lauric acid. These alkalizing food functions are, in theory, complementary to the acidic tropical physiology of Forest West Africans. Fed on other than the Yampalm diet, Forest West Africans have been demonstrated to be highly susceptible to metabolic syndrome due to adopted alien diets. Examples are lactose intolerance from milk and inflammation reaction to wheat gluten. Some food functions of Yampalm diet; dioscorin in yam and tocotrienol from oil-palm, as examples, are efficacious in metabolic syndrome management. They are potential ‘Gene-adapted food-function supplements’ for emigrants from this area who adopt alien diets. Experiments have shown that restoration of the Forest West African diet ameliorates metabolic syndrome among the people, including their Diaspora in America. Restoration of, genetically or epigenetically, adapted indigenous diet among peoples recommends itself as part of management strategy for modernization diseases.Key terms: Yampalm diet, food function, dioscorin, tocotrienol, alien diet, lactose intolerance, metabolic syndrome, epigenetic adaptation.
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Adebajo, Adekeye. "Pax Nigeriana and the Responsibility to Protect." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 414–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519561.

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AbstractThe essay traces the roots of R2P in African political thought—through individuals such as Kenya's Ali Mazrui, Ghana's Kwame Nkrumah, Tanzania's Salim Ahmed Salim, South Africa's Nelson Mandela and abo Mbeki, and Egypt's Boutros Boutros-Ghali— and considers the bid by West Africa's regional hegemon, Nigeria, to play a leadership role on the continent in relation to the norm. It argues that the regional West African giant has exhibited a 'missionary zeal' in assuming the role of a benevolent 'older brother' responsible for protecting younger siblings—whether these are Nigeria's immediate neighbours, fellow Africans, or black people in the African Diaspora. Without Nigeria's military support and economic and political clout, the ECOWAS Ceasefire Monitoring Group (ECOMOG)—which intervened in civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone in the 1990s—would simply not have existed. Despite the lack of a clearly agreed UN or pan-African mandate, Nigeria's interventions - under the auspices of ECOMOG - effectively operationalised R2P in the region and eventually won continental and international support. However, Nigeria's recent foreign adventures have often been launched in the face of strong domestic opposition and a failure by military and civilian regimes to apply R2P domestically. The essay concludes by considering Nigeria's need to build a stable democracy and promote effective regional integration, if it wishes to benefit from its peacekeeping successes in the region and pursue a continued leadership role in relation to R2P.
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Cabral, Wayne A., Aileen M. Barnes, Charles N. Rotimi, et al. "High carrier frequency for recessive OI in West Africans." Matrix Biology 27 (December 2008): 22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.matbio.2008.09.268.

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48

Sall, Dialika. "Selective acculturation among low-income second-generation West Africans." Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 46, no. 11 (2019): 2199–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1369183x.2019.1610367.

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49

Sarfo, Fred Stephen, Michelle Nichols, Suparna Qanungo, et al. "Stroke-related stigma among West Africans: Patterns and predictors." Journal of the Neurological Sciences 375 (April 2017): 270–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jns.2017.02.018.

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50

Howard-Hassmann, Rhoda E., and Anthony P. Lombardo. "Framing Reparations Claims: Differences between the African and Jewish Social Movements for Reparations." African Studies Review 50, no. 1 (2007): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2005.0107.

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Abstract:Africans interested in reparations from the West frequently ask why the Jewish movement for reparations for the Holocaust was successful, whereas Africans have been unable to obtain reparations for the slave trade, colonialism, and post-colonial relations with the West. This article addresses this question using social movement theory and argues that success depends to a large extent on how the claim for reparations is framed. Past treatment of Africans by the West violated key contemporary norms of bodily integrity, equality, and private property. Yet the victims are no longer living, the perpetrators are diffuse, some of the harms were legal when they were committed, and the causal chain of harm is long and complex.
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