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1

Sinn, Andrea A. "Returning to Stay? Jews in East and West Germany after the Holocaust." Central European History 53, no. 2 (2020): 393–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000163.

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ABSTRACTTo better understand the position of Jews within Germany after the end of World War II, this article analyzes the rebuilding of Jewish communities in East and West Germany from a Jewish perspective. This approach highlights the peculiarities and sometimes sharply contrasting developments within the Jewish communities in the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, from the immediate postwar months to the official East-West separation of these increasingly politically divided communities in the early 1960s. Central to the study are the policies of the Central Coun
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2

Rauch, A. M. "Die geistig-kulturelle Lage im wieder-vereinigten Deutschland." Literator 18, no. 3 (1997): 119–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/lit.v18i3.560.

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The mental-cultural situation of the re-united GermanyIn 1993 an exhibition presenting phenomena about the past, present and future of both East and West Germany took place in Berlin. It became clear that West and East Germans differ in inter alia the way in which life and existence have been experienced. East and West Germans also have different perspectives and perceptions of policy and society. Among the former GDR-citizens, nostalgia dominates the reflection on the past. It should, however, not be underestimated how deeply East and West Germans have been alienated from each other and that
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HÄBERLEN, JOACHIM C. "The Contemporary Self in German History." Contemporary European History 27, no. 4 (2018): 674–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000218.

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The history of the subject, or, in a different parlance, genealogies of the self, has received increased attention in recent years. Numerous scholars, historians and cultural sociologists alike have inquired about the practices and discourses that shape the (post-)modern self. And while this is by no means an exclusively German debate – indeed, major influences come from French, British and Israeli scholarship –, it is a debate that is particularly thriving within German-speaking scholarship on recent (West) German history, perhaps in part due to how graduate training and networking function i
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4

Molnar, Christopher A. "Imagining Yugoslavs: Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany." Central European History 47, no. 1 (2014): 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891400065x.

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In recent years historians have argued that after the collapse of the Nazi regime in May 1945, the concept of race became a taboo topic in postwar Germany but that Germans nonetheless continued to perceive resident foreign populations in racialized terms. Important studies of Jewish displaced persons, the black children of American occupation soldiers and German women, and Turkish guest workers have highlighted continuities and transformations in German racial thought from the Nazi era into the postwar world, particularly in West Germany. In a programmatic essay, Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach
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Dimić, Natalija. "CONNECTING TRADE AND POLITICS: NEGOTIATIONS ON THE RELEASE OF THE GERMAN PRISONERS OF WAR IN YUGOSLAVIA AND THE FIRST WEST GERMAN-YUGOSLAV TRADE AGREEMENT OF 1949/1950." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (2021): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.dim.333-352.

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After repatriations were officially over in January of 1949, around 1,400 German prisoners remained in Yugoslavia on charges of war crimes. Yugoslavia’s foreign political shift westward following the Cominform Resolution of 1948, paved the way for establishing productive economic, as well as political and cultural cooperation with West Germany. The first trade agreement between the two states was signed in December of 1949. In the next four months, the West German Government attempted to pressure the Yugoslav side to release the remaining German prisoners by not ratifying the agreement. Eventu
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6

Layne, Priscilla. "Halbstarke and Rowdys: Consumerism, Youth Rebellion, and Gender in the Postwar Cinema of the Two Germanys." Central European History 53, no. 2 (2020): 432–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938920000187.

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ABSTRACTIn the second half of the 1950s, American films about “delinquent youth” took West Germany by storm. Although these films were not screened in East Germany, the still open border between the FRG and GDR allowed young people in both states to see these films. Many adopted American clothing styles and music in both Germanys. Two films, the West German production Die Halbstarken (1956) and the East German production Berlin–Ecke Schönhauser (1957) addressed “delinquent youth” in the German context and became quite popular. The article compares the competing images of femininity in both fil
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7

Maulucci, Thomas W. "Herbert Blankenhorn in the Third Reich." Central European History 42, no. 2 (2009): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000302.

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The early career of Herbert Blankenhorn (1904–1991) illustrates important trends in the transition from Nazi Germany to the Federal Republic. During the 1930s and 1940s he served as a diplomat in the German Foreign Office and also joined the Nazi Party in 1938. After 1945 he would play a very public role in the creation of a new political culture in West Germany. Konrad Adenauer thought that the exceptional political sense of his young personal assistant, who also served as Secretary General of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in the British Zone, helped him become chancellor of the Federa
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8

MENG, MICHAEL L. "After the Holocaust: The History of Jewish Life in West Germany." Contemporary European History 14, no. 3 (2005): 403–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777305002523.

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In July 1945, Rabbi Leo Baeck remarked that the Third Reich had destroyed the historical basis of German Jewry. ‘The history of Jews in Germany has found its end. It is impossible for it to come back. The chasm is too great’. Heinz Galinski, a survivor of Auschwitz who led West Berlin’s Jewish community until his death in 1992, could not have disagreed more strongly. ‘I have always held the view’, he observed, ‘that the Wannsee Conference cannot be the last word in the life of the Jewish community in Germany’. As these diverging views suggest, opting to live in the ‘land of the perpetrators’ r
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9

Hanshew, Karrin. "Daring More Democracy? Internal Security and the Social Democratic Fight against West German Terrorism." Central European History 43, no. 1 (2010): 117–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890999135x.

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Over the course of the 1970s, West Germans fought one another in an attempt to defend democracy. Frustrated with the seemingly ineffectual speeches and demonstrations of the 1960s protest movements, militant groups such as the Red Army Faction (RAF), June 2ndMovement, and the Red Cells took up arms. They declared war on the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) for its failure to rid itself of the vestiges of fascism, for its hierarchical-authoritarian structure, and for the abuses of western consumer society. Inspired by national liberation movements in the formerly colonized world, the groups ai
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10

Bailey, Christian. "The Continuities of West German History." Geschichte und Gesellschaft 36, no. 4 (2010): 567–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/gege.2010.36.4.567.

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11

Wildt, Michael. "SECOND WEST GERMAN HISTORY WORKSHOP FESTIVAL." History Workshop Journal 21, no. 1 (1986): 204–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/21.1.204.

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12

LAMMERS, KARL CHRISTIAN. "Living Next Door to Germany: Denmark and the German Problem." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (2006): 453–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003493.

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This article analyses Danish relations with the two German states. After 1949 Denmark found itself in a special position as the only West European country that was neighbour to both Germanys, having a land border with the Federal Republic and a sea border and important communications links with the German Democratic Republic. But Denmark recognised only the Federal Republic as the legitimate representative of Germany. Germany had historically constituted a serious problem for Denmark, and even in the after-war period Danish relations with its big neighbour were beset with problems. After 1955,
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Eckert, Astrid M. "The Transnational Beginnings of West German Zeitgeschichte in the 1950s." Central European History 40, no. 1 (2007): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938907000283.

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The study of Zeitgeschichte, or contemporary history, was not an invention of the postwar era. But it was in the wake of the Second World War that it carved out a space in the historical professions of the United States, Great Britain and, most pronouncedly, West Germany. In each country, it came with similar definitions: in West Germany as “the era of those living, and its scholarly treatment by academics”; in the United States as “the period of the last generation or two”; and in Britain as “Europe in the twentieth century” or “the histories of yesterday which are being written today.” Such
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Schüring, Michael. "West German Protestants and the Campaign against Nuclear Technology." Central European History 45, no. 4 (2012): 744–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938912000672.

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By the early 1970s, the West German Protestant churches became involved in the increasingly bitter conflict surrounding the production and use of nuclear energy. While the nuclear issue remains as controversial and divisive as ever in Germany today, no historical analysis has yet been offered to explain the reasons that the churches especially in West Germany have become avid participants in this debate for decades.
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15

Petzina, Dietmar. "The Economic Dimension of the East–West Conflict and the Role of Germany." Contemporary European History 3, no. 2 (1994): 203–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300000771.

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A survey of the economic problems in East–West relations during the era of the Cold War is of particular interest from the German perspective. First, no other Western industrial country played a comparable role in the economic relations with East European countries; and secondly, East–West trade, especially the economic contacts with the German Democratic Republic (GDR), became an outstanding feature of German Ostpolitik under the conditions of the divided country. It appears to be an acceptable proposition to say that this form of West Germany economic and trade policy was the equivalent of t
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16

Cook, Roger F. "Recharting the Skies above Berlin: Nostalgia East and West." German Politics and Society 23, no. 1 (2005): 39–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503005780889165.

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In the now almost fifteen years since the rush to German unity, East Germany's remembering of its lost cultural objects and social practices has already established a rich history of its own. The first product to become a prominent symbol of the German Democratic Republic (GDR) was the Trabant (Trabi). An unattractive, inefficient, obnoxiously loud car manufactured in the GDR, it went overnight from being an object for which many East Germans waited expectantly for several years to be able to purchase to an antiquated, undesired relic. The brunt of some of the first Ossie jokes, it also quickl
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17

Perry, Joe. "Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*." German History 38, no. 3 (2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivi
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18

Braun, Sebastian, and Toman Omar Mahmoud. "The Employment Effects of Immigration: Evidence from the Mass Arrival of German Expellees in Postwar Germany." Journal of Economic History 74, no. 1 (2014): 69–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050714000035.

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This article studies the employment effects of one of the largest forced population movements in history, the influx of millions of German expellees to West Germany after World War II. This episode of forced mass migration provides a unique setting to study the causal effects of immigration. Expellees were not selected on the basis of skills or labor market prospects and, as ethnic Germans, were close substitutes to native West Germans. Expellee inflows substantially reduced native employment. The displacement effect was, however, highly nonlinear and limited to labor market segments with very
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19

Cooper, Belinda. "The Western Connection: Western Support for the East German Opposition." German Politics and Society 21, no. 4 (2003): 74–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503003782353367.

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Without help from the west, the small East German opposition,such as it was, never would have achieved as much as it did. Themoney, moral support, media attention, and protection provided bywestern supporters may have made as much of a difference to theopposition as West German financial support made to the East Germanstate. Yet this help was often resented and rarely acknowledgedby eastern activists. Between 1988 and 1990, I worked withArche, an environmental network created in 1988 by East Germandissidents. During that time, the assistance provided by West Germans,émigré East Germans, and fo
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20

Silver, Hilary. "The Social Integration of Germany since Unification." German Politics and Society 28, no. 1 (2010): 165–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2010.280109.

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Germans are inordinately preoccupied with the question of national integration. From the Kulturkampf to the Weimar Republic to the separation of East and West, social fractiousness is deeply ingrained in German history, giving rise to a desire to unify the "incomplete nation." Yet, the impulse to integrate German society has long been ambivalent. Between Bismarck and the Nazi interregnum, top-down efforts to force Germans to integrate threatened to erase valued differences. The twentieth anniversary of German reunification is the occasion to assess the reality of and ambivalence towards social
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21

Albisetti, James C. "Introduction." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 593–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00055.x.

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All historians must grapple with the complexities of continuity and change. Yet those who study twentieth-century German history face greater difficulties than most, given the variety of political regimes Germany experienced in that era and their major differences in ideology, degree of stability, and relations with their neighbors. Some Germans, such as former West German Chancellor Willy Brandt, born in 1913, and former East German leader Erich Honecker, born in 1912, experienced all the changes, from childhood under the Kaiser through World War I, the Weimar Republic, the Nazis' “Twelve-Yea
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22

Hagemann, Karen. "Occupation, Mobilization, and Politics: The Anti-Napoleonic Wars in Prussian Experience, Memory, and Historiography." Central European History 39, no. 4 (2006): 580–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000197.

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In the “Year of Prussia” 2001, celebrated in Germany because of the three-hundredth anniversary of Prussia's becoming a kingdom in 1701, the editor of the culture section of Die Welt, Eckhart Fuhr, remarked in a review of recent publications, “The discourse (on Prussia) has long since lost all of its (former) severity, obstinacy, and passion. The Germans today,” he declared, “are perfectly comfortable with the ambiguity of the Prussian legacy.” His colleague, the historian and Die Zeit journalist Volker Ulrich, agreed. He observed that the discussion about Prussia lacked a critical edge and re
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Schweiger, Christian. "Deutschland einig Vaterland?" German Politics and Society 37, no. 3 (2019): 18–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2019.370303.

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Thirty years on from the peaceful revolution in the former communist German Democratic Republic (GDR) Germany remains profoundly divided between the perspectives of Germans living in the eastern and the western parts of the country, which is becoming ever more obvious by the polarization of domestic politics. Hence, Germany today resembles a nation which is formally unified but deeply divided internally in cultural and political terms. This article examines the background to the growing cleavages between eastern and western regions, which have their roots in the mistakes that were made as part
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Busch, Peter. "The “Vietnam Legion”: West German Psychological Warfare against East German Propaganda in the 1960s." Journal of Cold War Studies 16, no. 3 (2014): 164–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00472.

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Studies in the wake of the “cultural turn” in diplomatic history have shown that propaganda and public diplomacy were key aspects of Western Cold War strategy. This article expands recent literature by focusing on propaganda practices at the grassroots level, making use of West and East German archival records to trace information campaigns in relation to the Vietnam War. In addition to explaining the organization of East German propaganda campaigns, the article explores the methods used by the psychological warfare section of West Germany’s Ministry of Defense. This section maintained an unof
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Wegge, Simone A. "Eighteenth-century German emigrants from Hanau-Hesse: who went east and who went west." Continuity and Change 33, no. 2 (2018): 225–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0268416018000152.

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AbstractDuring the eighteenth century, Germans from the Hessian county of Hanau-Münzenberg emigrated westward to the American colonies, and east to Hungary, Russia, and other parts of Europe. Using new emigrant data, I examine their age, occupation, and emigration strategies. Those who settled in Pennsylvania were the richest of these emigrants, more likely to travel as intact families and the most networked. The poorest were the Hessians who went to Russia, mostly in 1766. A large percentage of the Hanau-Hessians settled in Pennsylvania, suggesting that eighteenth-century German emigration to
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Margalit, Gilad. "The Foreign Policy of the German Sudeten Council and Hans-Christoph Seebohm, 1956–1964." Central European History 43, no. 3 (2010): 464–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000373.

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Recent historical studies on the organizations of German expellees and their influence on West German political culture highlight the insincere attitude and deception by the whole West German political establishment toward the expellee politicians and activists and their cause. One study in this field is Matthias Stickler's important book “Ostdeutsch heißt Gesamtdeutsch,” and a more recent one by Manfred Kittel, Vertreibung der Vertriebenen?, takes Stickler's thesis even further. It creates the impression that the expellee organizations, highly dependent on the government for financial and pol
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Szobi, Pavel. "Lizenz- und Gestattungsproduktion westdeutscher Unternehmen in der ČSSR und der DDR." Jahrbuch für Wirtschaftsgeschichte / Economic History Yearbook 58, no. 2 (2017): 467–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbwg-2017-0017.

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Abstract The article deals with economic relations between the Federal Republic of Germany, German Democratic Republic and Czechoslovakia during the Cold War. Using the example of licensed production, its aim is to illustrate that in spite of ideological boundaries, business relations between West and East flourished in the period of the 1970s and 1980s. The author characterizes institutional conditions for this cooperation, names individual cooperation attempts, and uses the example of the well-known German brand Nivea as a symbol of the West and an example of a successful cooperation. The ar
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Milward, A. S. "The West German Economy, 1945-1955." German History 10, no. 2 (1992): 262–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/10.2.262.

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Cary, Noel D. "From Yalta to Berlin: The Cold War Struggle over Germany." Central European History 39, no. 1 (2006): 163–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906350066.

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The Berlin Republic of the twenty-first century, writes W. R. Smyser, is destined to be unlike all previous German states. A status quo power and a stable democracy, it is neither the battleground of others nor dominant over them, neither reticent like Bonn nor arrogant like the Berlin of the late Hohenzollerns. The Cold War was “the essential incubator” of this “new Germany” (p. 402). It provided Germany with the tools of change—a role through which to overcome its past, and time to overcome old wounds. Aiding the incubation were contradictory Communist policies, astute Western statesmanship,
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Griech-Polelle, Beth A. "The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany, 1945-1965." Central European History 39, no. 1 (2006): 176–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906400066.

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The Wayward Flock: Catholic Youth in Postwar West Germany offers readers an elegantly written analysis of German Catholic subculture, or “milieu.” Ruff examines how it once successfully operated in the mid-nineteenth century and then explores why the same strategies failed to win the continued support of young Catholics in the postwar era of the Federal Republic. Ruff modifies the standard interpretation of the 1950s as a static time in German history, examines the impact of consumer culture on the Catholic subculture, and offers his own contribution to the theories of secularization.
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LAMMERS, KARL CHRISTIAN. "Introduction: The Nordic Countries and the German Question after 1945." Contemporary European History 15, no. 4 (2006): 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003481.

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This article introduces Scandinavia (or the Norden, as the region is sometimes called) and describes the position of the five Nordic countries, Denmark, Finland, Iceland, Norway and Sweden, during the Cold War. The Cold War created a new political situation in the Nordic region, and to some degree divided the Nordic countries between East and West and also on the German question. The introduction analyses how the Nordic countries dealt with Germany – that is with the two German states, the Federal Republic of Germany and the German Democratic Republic, and also describes the role of the Soviet
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Lee, S. "Germans to the Front. West German Rearmament in the Adenauer Era." German History 15, no. 2 (1997): 303–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/15.2.303.

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Rensch, Carola, and Walter Bruchhausen. "Medical Science Meets ‘Development Aid’ Transfer and Adaptation of West German Microbiology to Togo, 1960–1980." Medical History 61, no. 1 (2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2016.98.

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After losing the importance it had held around 1900 both as a colonial power and in the field of tropical medicine, Germany searched for a new place in international health care during decolonisation. Under the aegis of early government ‘development aid’, which started in 1956, medical academics from West German universities became involved in several Asian, African and South American countries. The example selected for closer study is the support for the national hygiene institute in Togo, a former German ‘model colony’ and now a stout ally of the West. Positioned between public health and sc
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Lehman, Brittany. "West German-Moroccan Relations and Politics of Labour Migration, 1958–1972." Journal of Migration History 5, no. 1 (2019): 103–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00501001.

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In 1962, the Federal Republic of Germany (frg) agreed to negotiate a guestworker agreement with Morocco in order to create guidelines for handling 4,000 so-called illegal Moroccan migrants, most of whom lived in North Rhine-Westphalia. Unlike other guestworker agreements, this one was not about recruitment, but rather it was designed to restrict migration from Morocco, legalise the stay of Moroccans already in the country, and establish guidelines for future deportations. Looking at the history of the West German-Moroccan Agreement from its start until its termination in 1973, this article pro
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Schmokel, Wolfe W., and Adam Jones. "German Sources for West African History, 1599-1669." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 3 (1985): 668. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484539.

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LAW, ROBIN. "German Sources for West African History 1599–1669." African Affairs 85, no. 338 (1986): 137–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a097756.

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Bauerkämper, Arnd. "Not Dusk, but Dawn: The Cultural Turn and German Social History After 1990." East Central Europe 34-35, no. 1-2 (2008): 37–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18763308-0340350102003.

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This article focuses on the evolution of social history in pre- 1989 West Germany and the GDR and, on the basis of this overview, identifies new, innovative historiographical trends on (re-)writing social history in unified Germany. It is argued that, for many decades, West German historiography had been characterized by sharp debates between the more established advocates of investigations into social structures and processes, on the one hand, and the grass-roots historians of everyday life, on the other. Since the early 1990s, however, this antagonism has considerably receded in favour of sy
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Pirro, Robert. "Tragedy, Surrogation and the Significance of African-American Culture in Postunification Germany: An Interpretation of 'Schultze Gets the Blues'." German Politics and Society 26, no. 3 (2008): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2008.260304.

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In the aftermath of unification, the loss of job security and other forms of social support under East Germany's comprehensive (if increasingly inefficient and corrupt) system of welfare state paternalism, coupled with a newfound dependence on West German financial largesse, not only disoriented former East Germans, but also led to pressures on them to repress their past experiences of solidarity and distinctiveness. Schultze Gets the Blues, the critically acclaimed box office hit from director Michael Schorr, relates the story of a retired mineworker and accordionist for a town band in the ec
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Buscher, Frank M. "The U.S. High Commission and German Nationalism, 1949–52." Central European History 23, no. 1 (1990): 57–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900021075.

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The recent revolutionary changes in Eastern Europe represent a mixed blessing for the United States and the western alliance as a whole. On the one hand, the West has had good reason to rejoice, witnessing the triumph of democracy and economic liberalism after more than forty years of Cold War tensions. On the other hand, the fall of the Eastern European communist governments in 1989, including that of the German Democratic Republic, once again brought the German question to the forefront. The Bush administration approached the issue of German reunification in a very cautious manner, insisting
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GUETTEL, JENS-UWE. "FROM THE FRONTIER TO GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIALISM, INDIANS, AND AMERICAN WESTWARD EXPANSION." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (2010): 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000223.

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This article argues that positive perceptions of American westward expansion played a major (and so far overlooked) role both for the domestic German debate about the necessity of overseas expansion and for concrete German colonial policies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During and after the uprising against colonial rule (1904–7) of the two main indigenous peoples, the Herero and the Nama, of German South-West Africa (Germany's only settler colony), colonial administrators actively researched the history of the American frontier and American Indian policies in order
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Peterson, Abby. "Wounds That Never Heal: On Anselm Kiefer and the Moral Innocence of the West German Student Movements and the West German New Left." Cultural Sociology 6, no. 3 (2012): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1749975512445427.

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The West German student movements, the student generation of Anselm Kiefer, were a part of the West German awakening as to their collective guilt for the atrocities committed in the Second World War – the Germans-as-perpetrators debate. They entered this debate with a proclamation of innocence, which Anselm Kiefer did not share. In this article I use the empirical lens of biography and the artistic performances of moral self-incrimination in order to understand the collective moral dilemmas posited by the West German students’ proclamation of innocence, their position to maintain a moral high
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Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.

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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opin
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Pepin, Craig K. "Dilettantes and Over-Specialization”: Diagnosing and Treating Nazism at West German Universities after World War II." History of Education Quarterly 45, no. 4 (2005): 604–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2005.tb00057.x.

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After 1945, the words “anti-fascist education” appeared much less frequently in the western zones of occupied Germany than in the Soviet zone, but the concerns expressed by the phrase were shared by all occupying powers: How could education help prevent a resurgence of Nazism? For the American and British occupation authorities, and to a lesser extent, the French, the answer was to “reeducate” for democracy. The leaders of German universities in the western zones answered this question differently. Drawing on the traditional German “idea of the university,” German professors stressed the incul
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LÜTHI, LORENZ M. "How Udo Wanted to Save the World in ‘Erich's Lamp Shop’: Lindenberg's Concert in Honecker's East Berlin, the NATO Double-Track Decision and Communist Economic Woes." Contemporary European History 24, no. 1 (2015): 83–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777314000435.

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AbstractThe concert given by the West German rock star Udo Lindenberg in East Berlin on 25 October 1983 links cultural, political, diplomatic and economic history. The East German regime had banned performances by the anti-nuclear peace activist and musician since the 1970s, but eventually allowed a concert, hoping to prevent the deployment of American nuclear missiles in West Germany. In allowing this event, however, East Germany neither prevented the implementation of the NATO double-track decision of 1979 nor succeeded in controlling the political messages of the impertinent musician. Despe
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Richter, Ida. "Nazi Crimes Before West German Courts." Journal of International Criminal Justice 18, no. 1 (2020): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jicj/mqaa016.

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Abstract Fritz Bauer was one of the main figures of post-war West Germany who fought to bring Nazi perpetrators to trial before German courts at a time when the prevailing general climate and mentality was one of impunity and a need to make a ‘clean break’. This article investigates whether Bauer’s ideas can be set in relation to today’s notions of international criminal justice. Looking for this connection seems an obvious and necessary endeavour, since Bauer’s work focused on prosecuting Nazi crimes, which were dealt with initially by the International Military Tribunal of Nuremberg, the fir
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Perkins, J. A. "Dualism in German Agrarian Historiography." Comparative Studies in Society and History 28, no. 2 (1986): 287–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500013876.

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The historiography of agrarian Germany before 1914 is fundamentally based upon two moments (in the Weberian sense): one of a structural and the other of an institutional nature. The structural moment comprises an emphasis upon the existence and role of agrarian dualism, that is, upon a sharp contrast, emerging from the later Middle Ages onwards, in the agrarian systems found east and west of the River Elbe and its tributary the Saale, which together formed a line bisecting Germany from Hamburg to the modern Czechoslavakian frontier. The institutional moment consists of the shift from a free-tr
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Lindenberger, Thomas. "From Structuralism to Culturalism: The Protracted German Reception ofThe Making of the English Working Classand its Actuality Reassessed from a Post-Cold War Perspective." International Review of Social History 61, no. 1 (2016): 11–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859016000043.

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AbstractBased on the author’s experience as one of the German translators ofThe Making, this article lays out its protracted and contradictory reception in Germany. When E.P. Thompson’smagnum opuswas published fifty years ago, German scholars on both sides of the Iron Curtain failed to take note of it for several years. The relatively muted reception in West Germany during the 1970s was marked by its dismissal as theory-lacking and “subjectivist”. Examining the contrasting contexts of postwar Britain, with its popular anti-fascist experience, and post-fascist West Germany helps to understand w
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Oltmer, Jochen. "“The Unspoilt Nature of German Ethnicity”: Immigration and Integration of “Ethnic Germans” in the German Empire and the Weimar Republic." Nationalities Papers 34, no. 4 (2006): 429–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990600841959.

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In 1950, in the aftermath of the Second World War and after flight and expulsion had come to an end, there were about four million Germans still living in East, East Central and Southeast Europe. Between 1950 and 1975, a total of about 800,000 Aussiedler (immigrants who are recognised by the German authorities as being of German descent) passed through the West German border transit camps, and 616,000 more arrived between 1976 and 1987. Then, with the opening of the Iron Curtain, mass immigration of Aussiedler began. Against the background of glasnost and perestroika in the USSR, their numbers
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Roos, Julia. "The Race to Forget? Bi-racial Descendants of the First Rhineland Occupation in 1950s West German Debates about the Children of African American GIs*." German History 37, no. 4 (2019): 517–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghz081.

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Abstract After the First World War, the German children of colonial French soldiers stationed in the Rhineland became a focal point of nationalist anxieties over ‘racial pollution’. In 1937, the Nazis subjected hundreds of biracial Rhenish children to compulsory sterilization. After 1945, colonial French soldiers and African American GIs participating in the occupation of West Germany left behind thousands of out-of-wedlock children. In striking contrast to the open vilification of the first (1920s) generation of biracial occupation children, post-1945 commentators emphasized the need for the
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BERNARDINI, GIOVANNI. "Principled Pragmatism: The Eastern Committee of German Economy and West German–Chinese relations during the early Cold War, 1949–1958." Modern Asian Studies 51, no. 1 (2016): 78–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x16000329.

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AbstractThis article focuses on the interplay between the political authorities and economic actors in the Federal Republic of Germany in the process of establishing relations with the People's Republic of China after 1949. Within this framework, the article will assess the role played by the Ost-Ausschuss der Deutschen Wirtschaft (Eastern Committee of German Economy), a semi-official organization recognized by the West German government. Both the ability of German economic actors and China's urgent need for economic contact with the West caused German-Chinese trade relations to circumvent the
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