Relevant bibliographies by topics / West Germany Foreign public opinion

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'West Germany Foreign public opinion'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "West Germany Foreign public opinion"

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Hoskin, Marilyn. "Public Opinion and the Foreign Worker: Traditional and Nontraditional Bases in West Germany." Comparative Politics 17, no. 2 (January 1985): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421729.

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SCHRAFSTETTER, SUSANNA. "‘Gentlemen, the Cheese Is All Gone!’ British POWs, the ‘Great Escape’ and the Anglo-German Agreement for Compensation to Victims of Nazism." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (February 2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004262.

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AbstractIn 1964 the West German government agreed to provide £1 million in financial compensation to British victims of National Socialism. The distribution of the money, organised by the British foreign office, turned into a major public scandal, as a number of British POWs, among them survivors of the ‘great escape’, had their claims rejected. By examining the refusal of several British POWs to accept their exclusion from the scheme, the article addresses the interplay of political pressure and public opinion that led to a parliamentary inquiry into what became known as ‘the Sachsenhausen affair’ in 1967. Given that provisions of the agreement with West Germany had precluded indemnification to mistreated POWs, the distribution of the money almost inevitably led to bitterness and discontent. From this perspective, the article explores the impact of the Great Escape on British memory of the war, the public reception of the film The Great Escape (1963), and the way in which public memory influenced the debate on compensation.
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Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.

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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to those of them who were “blood brothers” and had relatives abroad. It was found that one of the results of the tragic events of 1932–1933 was the deterioration of the foreign policy positions of the USSR and the complication of its relations with Nazi Germany. The article’s main focus is on the characteristics of the situation and attitudes of the Soviet Germans, who were the largest Diaspora in the territory of the RSFSR. They were a kind of hostage to the complex dynamics of Soviet-German relations in 1933. The study is based on archival materials not previously introduced into scholarly circulation, in particular, letters from German citizens about food and monetary assistance addressed to their compatriots abroad. An important result of the research is the disclosure of the propaganda campaign “Response to fascist slanderers”, which not only created a favourable information background for the Stalinist leadership but also allowed to appeal to the opinion of Soviet Germans in the confrontation with the foreign public. The authors believe that the direct consequence of foreign policy complications caused by the famine of 1932–1933 was the strengthening of the Soviet government's distrust of the Soviet Germans, which affected their fate in the future.
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Próby wznowienia Planu Rapackiego przez dyplomację polską w pierwszej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 17 (April 28, 2009): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2009.17.01.

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The article describes the political context of the revival, in early 60s, of the Rapacki Plan. The tradition in Polish historiography holds its main objective to have been a disarmament. Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents, which are currently available make a much more balanced and differentiated approach to its appraisal possible. The article takes into account both a certain autonomy present in the Polish initiative and its dependence on Soviet policy. At the ministry in Warsaw, they were aware that a disarmament initiative as such had meagre chances of being implemented; nevertheless, it could provide an effective tool for the carrying out of foreign policy. What is particularly interesting is the use of the Rapacki Plan as an instrument aimed at restricting the political influences of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 60s, which can be seen in the documents. Minister Rapacki had elaborated upon an idea for focussing attention on West German opposition to the Polish proposals, for propaganda reasons. These efforts aimed at creating an atmosphere of isolation around the FRG and most of all, at persuading the Polish public opinion that it was the FRG which was most responsible for the rejection of the Polish initiative.
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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.

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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (July 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.
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Perry, Joe. "Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*." German History 38, no. 3 (September 2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.

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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.
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Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.

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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opinion that it was German initiative and German financial contribution which helped to preserve it in its present form when a niggardly Treasury and a disastrously unimaginative Foreign Secretary threatened to abolish it. Its impact on German life and on the political elites of West Germany has been incalculable.
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Andreyenkov, Vladimir. "Analysis and Questionnaire of the Survey "Public Opinion in the Soviet Union and West Germany"." Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910638902200102.

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Hofhansel, Claus. "Explaining Foreign Economic Policy: A Comparison of U.S and West German Export Controls." Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 3 (July 1990): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005845.

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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes differences between United States and West German export controls. It shows that United States controls are more extensive and stricter than controls in West Germany. Three possible explanations for this variation in policy are considered. First, these two states differ in regard to their positions in the international system and in their choice of economic strategies. Second, the extent of domestic political support for strict export control policies varies between the two countries. Finally, West Germany lacks the institutional framework to adequately control its foreign trade. The evidence presented corroborates the first two alternatives, while institutional explanations receive relatively little support. The article then discusses the historical development of United States and West German export control policies and institutions. The analysis shows evidence of both change and stability. More specifically, the article questions the argument that institutions in foreign economic policy, once established, persist and resist change, instead of adapting to environmental changes. Several hypotheses are considered to explain why in the area of export controls changes in policy, and to some extent institutions, occurred more frequently in West Germany than in the United States.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "West Germany Foreign public opinion"

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Donnelly, Jared. "Public Opinion of Conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2009. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc10994/.

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In 1955, barely ten years after the end of the most devastating war in Modern German history, a new German military was established in the Federal Republic, the Bundeswehr. In order properly fill the ranks of this new military the government, under the leadership of Konrad Adenauer, believed that it would have to draft men from the West German population into military service. For the government in Bonn conscription was a double-edged sword, it would not only ensure that the Bundeswehr would receive the required number of recruits but it was also believed that conscription would guarantee that the Bundeswehr would be more democratic and therefore in tune with the policies of the new West German state. What this study seeks to explore is what the West German population thought of conscription. It will investigate who was for or against the draft and seek to determine the various socioeconomic factors that contributed to these decisions. Furthermore this study will examine the effect that the public opinion had on federal policy.
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Donnelly, Jared Mierzejewski Alfred C. "Public opinion of conscription in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1954-1956." [Denton, Tex.] : University of North Texas, 2009. http://digital.library.unt.edu/permalink/meta-dc-10994.

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Wilkinson, Sarah. "Perceptions of public opinion. British foreign policy decisions about Nazi Germany, 1933-1938." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2000. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e4be72fd-3dd2-44f5-8bf6-19922402e397.

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This thesis examines the historical problem of determining the relationship between a government's perception of public opinion and the decisions it takes. We introduce evidence for the social habits of the Cabinet in order to suggest new formulations of 'élite' and 'mass' public opinion. We argue that parliamentary opinion was generally more important in decision-making for the Cabinet, except at moments of extreme crisis when a conception of 'mass' opinion became equally significant. These characterization of mass opinion were drawn from a set of stereotypes about public opinion which academic and political theorization had produced. It is argued that this theorization was stimulated by ongoing debates about mass communication, the importance of the ordinary man in democracy and the outbreak of the first world war during the inter-war period. The thesis begins with an introduction to the methodological problems involved, followed by one chapter on theorization about public opinion in the inter-war period. Three diplomatic crises are considered in the case study chapters: the withdrawal of Germany from the Disarmament Conference in 1933, the German reoccuption of the Rhineland in 1936 and the threat of invasion of the Sudetenland in 1938. Two further chapters examine the role of public opinion in protests to Germany about the treatment of the Jews in 1933 and in 1938. It is argued that perceptions of public opinion played a much more important role in decision-making than has hiterto been thought. The most significant argument posits that perceptions of public opinion were equally as important as military considerations in the decision to refuse the Godesberg terms in 1938. More generally, the way in which politicians used public opinion rhetorically is described and the limits of the usefulness of the term for historians are suggested.
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Gardner, Jocasta. "The public debate about the formulation of the Basic Law of the Federal Republic of Germany, 1948-1949." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:22eacfe2-571c-4d8a-a4fa-a13061a47ee4.

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Four years after the end of the National Socialist dictatorship and a disastrous major war, basic rights and democratic government were enshrined in the Basic Law for the Federal Republic of Germany in May 1949. Thus parliamentary democracy was formally and institutionally reintroduced to Western Germany at the Bund level. Successful implantation of democracy, however, requires not only constitutional arrangements but also, and perhaps more importantly, participation on the part of the people in the democratic process. Through analysis of the public involvement in the Basic Law's formulation and the impact of the public debate on the deliberations of the Parliamentary Council between September 1948 and May 1949, the degree of participation of Germans in the three Western zones of occupation, upon which the new West German state could subsequently build, is explored. Initial answers are suggested in chapter II and then developed in subsequent chapters as various contentious topics debated by the Parliamentary Council are examined. Anti-parliamentarianism, the search for a new symbol, newspaper perceptions as a reflection of the reality of interaction between occupier and occupied in the constitution's formulation, and the public debate about the nature and status of the second chamber, about the relationship between God and the Basic Law, and about full equality for women are analysed. The nature and extent of the public debate 1948-1949 make clear that the German population of the Western zones had already begun to think and function in a democratic fashion on the Bund level. This thesis suggests that the creation of an institutional framework, such as the Basic Law, should not be overemphasized at the expense of the developing democratic culture in post-war Western Germany. Without the gradual democratization of the population already well underway when the provisional constitution came into force on 23 May 1949, it is unlikely that the Federal Republic of Germany could have established itself so successfully so quickly.
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Schneider, Christoph. "Der Warschauer Kniefall : Ritual, Ereignis und Erzählung /." Konstanz : UVK, 2006. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2755735&prov=M&dokv̲ar=1&doke̲xt=htm.

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Elfe, Constantin. "Die deutsch-amerikanischen Beziehungen die Entstehung des Antiamerikanismus durch Aufhebung der eigenen Probleme /." Berlin : [s.n.], 1987. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/37445131.html.

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Emons, Thomas. "Das Amerika-Bild der Deutschen 1948 bis 1992 eine mediengeschichtliche Analyse /." Aachen : Shaker, 2004. http://books.google.com/books?id=3x12AAAAMAAJ.

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Originally presented as the author's Thesis (doctoral--Universität Duisburg-Essen, 2004) under the title: Das Amerika-Bild der Westdeutschen in der Zeit des Ost-West-Konfliktes im Spiegel der Wahlkampfkommentierung ausgewählter Tageszeitungen des Ruhrgebietes in den Jahren 1948 bis 1992.
Includes bibliographical references (p. 273-317).
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Baur, Tobias. "Das ungeliebte Erbe : ein Vergleich der zivilen und militärischen Rezeption des 20. Juli 1944 im Westdeutschland der Nachkriegszeit." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] Lang, 2007. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&docl̲ibrary=BVB01&docn̲umber=015598772&linen̲umber=0002&funcc̲ode=DBR̲ECORDS&servicet̲ype=MEDIA.

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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.
Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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Books on the topic "West Germany Foreign public opinion"

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Heinz, Alexander. "Oh, German! I thought there was something wrong with you.": West Germany in British perceptions, 1969-1975. Augsburg: Wissner, 2013.

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Müller, Christoph Hendrik. West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in media and public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Dernbach, Beatrice. DDR-Berichterstattung in bundesdeutschen Qualitätszeitungen: Eine empirische Untersuchung. Nürnberg: Verlag der Kommunikationswissenschaftlichen Forschungsvereinigung, 1990.

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute, ed. Endgame for the West in Afghanistan?: Explaining the decline in support for the war in Afghanistan in the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, France and Germany. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2010.

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A, Miller Charles. Endgame for the West in Afghanistan?: Explaining the decline in support for the war in Afghanistan in the United States, Great Britain, Canada, Australia, France and Germany. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute, U.S. Army War College, 2010.

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West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in media and public opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany 1949-68. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010.

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Krämer, Martin. Der Volksaufstand vom 17. Juni 1953 und sein politisches Echo in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland. Bochum: Brockmeyer, 1996.

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1968 and the Polish-West German relations. Warszawa: Instytut Studiów Politycznych Polskiej Akademii Nauk, 2013.

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Althaus, Hans-Joachim. Auslandsleute: Westdeutsche Reiseerzählungen über Ostdeutschland. Tübingen: Tübinger Vereinigung für Volkskunde, 1996.

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"Vorne Deutschland, hinten DDR": Wie nordbayerische Schüler die DDR sehen, eine Dokumentation. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1987.

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Book chapters on the topic "West Germany Foreign public opinion"

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Nathans, Eli. "American Public Opinion: Optimistic but Often Ignorant." In Peter von Zahn's Cold War Broadcasts to West Germany, 197–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-50615-9_8.

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Merkl, Peter H. "The Role of Public Opinion in West German Foreign Policy." In West German Foreign Policy: 1949-1979, 157–80. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429267451-11.

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Clemens, Clay. "COLD WAR WEST GERMANY: PUBLIC OPINION AND THE POLITICS OF FOREIGN POLICY IN A PENETRATED SYSTEM." In National Security, Public Opinion and Regime Asymmetry, 175–209. WORLD SCIENTIFIC, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/9789813206953_0007.

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"The INF agreement and public opinion in West Germany." In East-West Arms Control, 183–208. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203192078-15.

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"CHAPTER 3. Public Opinion and High Politics in Semisovereign West Germany." In America and the Intellectual Cold Wars in Europe, 52–76. Princeton University Press, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780691186184-005.

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Schwarz, Hans Peter. "The West Germans, Western Democracy, and Western Ties in the Light of Public Opinion Research." In The Federal Republic of Germany and the United States, 56–97. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429310874-4.

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Morris, David B. "The Maturation of a Relationship: The Image of America in West German Public Opinion." In The United States and Germany in the Era of the Cold War, 1945–1990, 510–18. Cambridge University Press, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139052443.064.

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Hooper, Beverley. "Identities and roles." In Foreigners under Mao. Hong Kong University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5790/hongkong/9789888208746.003.0003.

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As representatives of the West in China, to use Isabel Crook’s words, the long-term residents were active participants in the PRC’s ‘people-to-people diplomacy’ (or ‘friendship diplomacy’) which, like its Soviet counterpart, was directed towards influencing foreign public opinion, especially in the West. In her book A History of China’s Foreign Propaganda 1949–1966, PRC journalist and author Xi Shaoying saw the long-term residents, along with short-term invited ‘friends of China’, as playing an integral role in the government’s ‘foreign propaganda work’. In the West, the long-termers’ most contentious activity was their support for the PRC against their own governments.
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Ingram, Norman. "Bridge over the Abyss?" In The War Guilt Problem and the Ligue des droits de l'homme, 1914-1944, 108–36. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827993.003.0005.

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The Ligue des droits de l’homme had several German interlocutors in the 1920s, ranging from the Deutsche Liga für Menschenrechte (DLfM) to the German Foreign Office to German public opinion. The leadership of the DLfM cosseted French republican opinion in the belief that all of Germany wanted to pay reparations for the destruction of northern France during the Great War, but there was hardly unanimity even within the German republican left on the issue of war guilt and reparations. The tangible political ramifications of the war guilt debate are to be seen, above all, in the fallout from the Ruhr Occupation of 1923 which could have destroyed the burgeoning relationship of the LDH and DLfM, but did not. It did, however, change the way France and the Ligue were viewed in Germany.
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Biess, Frank. "Moral Angst." In German Angst, 66–94. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198714187.003.0003.

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This chapter analyzes a little-known episode of moral panic during the 1950s: the alleged abduction of young German men into the French Foreign Legion. Fears and fantasies of the Foreign Legion reflected a widespread sense of popular humiliation and limited sovereignty vis-à-vis the Western allies during that decade. Fears of the abduction of young Germans into the Legion reflected deep-seated concerns regarding the safety and integrity of male youth, which formed the core constituency of postwar reconstruction. The alleged “recruiter” as “folk devil” represented the absolute opposite of normative male citizenship. Cultural representations cast the recruiter as effeminate, foreign, and potentially homosexual, as well as displaying some of the stereotypical antisemitic features of the Jewish “other.” By the late 1950s, the growing recognition that young men entered the Legion out of their own volition shifted public attention from fear of recruiters to concerns about the fragility of male youth in postwar society. West German anxieties regarding the Legion began to focus on the inner resilience and resistance of young German men rather than the external threat of seduction by French-paid recruiters. This shift from externally to internally generated fears and anxieties anticipated a general shift in the history of fear and anxiety in West Germany from the late 1950s onward.
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