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Journal articles on the topic 'West Germany Foreign public opinion'
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1
Hoskin, Marilyn. "Public Opinion and the Foreign Worker: Traditional and Nontraditional Bases in West Germany." Comparative Politics 17, no. 2 (January 1985): 193. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/421729.
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SCHRAFSTETTER, SUSANNA. "‘Gentlemen, the Cheese Is All Gone!’ British POWs, the ‘Great Escape’ and the Anglo-German Agreement for Compensation to Victims of Nazism." Contemporary European History 17, no. 1 (February 2008): 23–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777307004262.
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AbstractIn 1964 the West German government agreed to provide £1 million in financial compensation to British victims of National Socialism. The distribution of the money, organised by the British foreign office, turned into a major public scandal, as a number of British POWs, among them survivors of the ‘great escape’, had their claims rejected. By examining the refusal of several British POWs to accept their exclusion from the scheme, the article addresses the interplay of political pressure and public opinion that led to a parliamentary inquiry into what became known as ‘the Sachsenhausen affair’ in 1967. Given that provisions of the agreement with West Germany had precluded indemnification to mistreated POWs, the distribution of the money almost inevitably led to bitterness and discontent. From this perspective, the article explores the impact of the Great Escape on British memory of the war, the public reception of the film The Great Escape (1963), and the way in which public memory influenced the debate on compensation.
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Bondarev, Vitaly. "Foreign Policy Aspects of the Soviet Famine of 1932–1933." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 4 (2021): 109. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640016180-6.
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The article examines one of the least studied aspects of the Soviet famine of 1932–33, namely the reaction of the international community and foreign governments to this tragedy. Facts are presented that prove that the Stalinist regime failed to conceal information about the famine in the collectivized village and prevent the outrage that broke out in the West over the mass death of Soviet citizens. The authors note that the negative reaction from the international community came in the form of both coverage of the plight of farmers in the press, and the organization of material assistance to those of them who were “blood brothers” and had relatives abroad. It was found that one of the results of the tragic events of 1932–1933 was the deterioration of the foreign policy positions of the USSR and the complication of its relations with Nazi Germany. The article’s main focus is on the characteristics of the situation and attitudes of the Soviet Germans, who were the largest Diaspora in the territory of the RSFSR. They were a kind of hostage to the complex dynamics of Soviet-German relations in 1933. The study is based on archival materials not previously introduced into scholarly circulation, in particular, letters from German citizens about food and monetary assistance addressed to their compatriots abroad. An important result of the research is the disclosure of the propaganda campaign “Response to fascist slanderers”, which not only created a favourable information background for the Stalinist leadership but also allowed to appeal to the opinion of Soviet Germans in the confrontation with the foreign public. The authors believe that the direct consequence of foreign policy complications caused by the famine of 1932–1933 was the strengthening of the Soviet government's distrust of the Soviet Germans, which affected their fate in the future.
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Madajczyk, Piotr. "Próby wznowienia Planu Rapackiego przez dyplomację polską w pierwszej połowie lat sześćdziesiątych." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 17 (April 28, 2009): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2009.17.01.
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The article describes the political context of the revival, in early 60s, of the Rapacki Plan. The tradition in Polish historiography holds its main objective to have been a disarmament. Ministry of Foreign Affairs documents, which are currently available make a much more balanced and differentiated approach to its appraisal possible. The article takes into account both a certain autonomy present in the Polish initiative and its dependence on Soviet policy. At the ministry in Warsaw, they were aware that a disarmament initiative as such had meagre chances of being implemented; nevertheless, it could provide an effective tool for the carrying out of foreign policy. What is particularly interesting is the use of the Rapacki Plan as an instrument aimed at restricting the political influences of the Federal Republic of Germany in the 60s, which can be seen in the documents. Minister Rapacki had elaborated upon an idea for focussing attention on West German opposition to the Polish proposals, for propaganda reasons. These efforts aimed at creating an atmosphere of isolation around the FRG and most of all, at persuading the Polish public opinion that it was the FRG which was most responsible for the rejection of the Polish initiative.
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Mommsen, Wolfgang J. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Wilhelmian Germany, 1897–1914." Central European History 24, no. 4 (December 1991): 381–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019221.
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The age of high imperialism was also the age of the emergence of mass journalism. This heralded a steady widening of what might be called the “political nation,” that is, those groups who took an active interest in politics in contrast to the mass of the population still largely outside the political arena. Up to the 1890s politics tended to be Honoratiorenpolitik—confined to “notables” or Honoratioren, a term first applied by Max Weber around the turn of the century to describe the elites who had dominated the political power structure up to that time. Gradually “public opinion” ceased to be, in effect, the opinion of the educated classes, that is, the classes dirigeantes. In Wilhelmian Germany the process of democratization had been successfully contained, if seen in terms of the constitutional system; the age of mass politics was still far away.
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Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (July 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.
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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.
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Perry, Joe. "Opinion Research and the West German Public in the Postwar Decades*." German History 38, no. 3 (September 2020): 461–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghaa063.
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Abstract This article investigates the history of opinion research in West Germany in the decades following the Second World War, which witnessed the emergence of a dense network of research institutes, including the Institut für Demoskopie-Allensbach (IfD), Emnid and Infratest. It argues that ‘opinion research’—a term used to encompass political polling as well as market research—helped consolidate an emerging West German consumer society based on liberal, free-market capitalism and offered West Germans new ways of imagining this new national collective. The opinion surveys and the subjectivities they measured were mutually constitutive of this reconfigured ‘public’, as exposure to survey results in countless media reports both reflected and shaped popular understandings of self and society. To make this argument, the article explores the US influence on German opinion research from the 1920s to the 1960s and the ‘modern’ language and techniques of survey research in the FRG. It offers an account of sex research as a case study of the same and concludes with a brief discussion of opinion research and its role in shaping contemporary understandings of the public sphere.
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Welch, David. "Citizenship and Politics: The Legacy of Wilton Park for Post-War Reconstruction." Contemporary European History 6, no. 2 (July 1997): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004537.
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Writing in 1965 in Britain Looks to Germany, Donald Cameron Watt concluded:Perhaps the biggest successes scored by the Education Branch lay in the programme of exchange visits at all levels, in the discovery and encouragement of a new generation of teachers in Germany.…and most imaginatively of all in the opening up of the Wilton Park Centre to which leaders of opinion in Germany came for short residential courses on British democratic practice. Politicians, journalists, teachers, academics, trades unionists mingle together in these courses, and so valuable did the centre appear to German opinion that it was German initiative and German financial contribution which helped to preserve it in its present form when a niggardly Treasury and a disastrously unimaginative Foreign Secretary threatened to abolish it. Its impact on German life and on the political elites of West Germany has been incalculable.
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Andreyenkov, Vladimir. "Analysis and Questionnaire of the Survey "Public Opinion in the Soviet Union and West Germany"." Bulletin of Sociological Methodology/Bulletin de Méthodologie Sociologique 22, no. 1 (March 1989): 4–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/075910638902200102.
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Hofhansel, Claus. "Explaining Foreign Economic Policy: A Comparison of U.S and West German Export Controls." Journal of Public Policy 10, no. 3 (July 1990): 299–330. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x00005845.
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ABSTRACTThis article analyzes differences between United States and West German export controls. It shows that United States controls are more extensive and stricter than controls in West Germany. Three possible explanations for this variation in policy are considered. First, these two states differ in regard to their positions in the international system and in their choice of economic strategies. Second, the extent of domestic political support for strict export control policies varies between the two countries. Finally, West Germany lacks the institutional framework to adequately control its foreign trade. The evidence presented corroborates the first two alternatives, while institutional explanations receive relatively little support. The article then discusses the historical development of United States and West German export control policies and institutions. The analysis shows evidence of both change and stability. More specifically, the article questions the argument that institutions in foreign economic policy, once established, persist and resist change, instead of adapting to environmental changes. Several hypotheses are considered to explain why in the area of export controls changes in policy, and to some extent institutions, occurred more frequently in West Germany than in the United States.
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Davis, William. "The public opinion–foreign policy paradox in Germany: integrating domestic and international levels of analysis conditionally." European Security 21, no. 3 (September 2012): 347–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09662839.2012.655271.
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Spicka, Mark E. "Selling the Economic Miracle: Public-Opinion Research, Economic Reconstruction, and Politics in West Germany, 1949-1957." German Politics and Society 20, no. 1 (March 1, 2002): 49–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/104503002782385462.
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Perhaps the most remarkable development in the Federal Republicof Germany since World War II has been the creation of its stabledemocracy. Already by the second half of the 1950s, political commentatorsproclaimed that “Bonn is not Weimar.” Whereas theWeimar Republic faced the proliferation of splinter parties, the riseof extremist parties, and the fragmentation of support for liberal andconservative parties—conditions that led to its ultimate collapse—theFederal Republic witnessed the blossoming of moderate, broadbasedparties.1 By the end of the 1950s the Christian DemocraticUnion/Christian Social Union (CDU), Social Democratic Party(SPD) and Free Democratic Party (FDP) had formed the basis of astable party system that would continue through the 1980s.
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Grunbacher, A. "West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-68." German History 29, no. 4 (May 23, 2011): 675–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gerhis/ghr028.
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Heinrich, Anselm. "West Germans against the West: Anti-Americanism in Media and Public Opinion in the Federal Republic of Germany, 1949-1969." Journal of Contemporary European Studies 20, no. 4 (December 2012): 550–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14782804.2012.737675.
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Kokeev, A. "Trans-Atlantic Relations in Germany's Foreign Policy." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 38–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-38-46.
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Relations between Germany, the US and NATO today are the core of transatlantic links. After the Cold War and the reunification of Germany, NATO has lost its former importance to Germany which was not a "frontline state" anymore. The EU acquired a greater importance for German politicians applying both for certain political independence and for establishing of a broad partnership with Russia and China. The task of the European Union Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) development has been regarded by Berlin as a necessary component of the NATO's transformation into a “balanced Euro-American alliance”, and the realization of this project as the most important prerequisite for a more independent foreign policy. Germany’s refusal to support the US invasion of Iraq in 2003 led to the first serious crisis in US Germany relations. At the same time, there was no radical break of the deeply rooted Atlanticism tradition in German policy. It was Angela Merkel as a new head of the German government (2005) who managed to smooth largely disagreements in relations with the United States. Atlanticism remains one of the fundamental foreign policy elements for any German government, mostly because Berlin’s hope for deepening of the European integration and transition to the EU CFSP seems unrealistic in the foreseeable future. However, there is still a fundamental basis of disagreements emerged in the transatlantic relationship (reduction of a military threat weakening Berlin’s dependence from Washington, and the growing influence of Germany in the European Union). According to the federal government's opinion, Germany's contribution to the NATO military component should not be in increasing, but in optimizing of military expenses. However, taking into account the incipient signs of the crisis overcoming in the EU, and still a tough situation around Ukraine, it seems that in the medium-term perspective one should expect further enhancing of Germany’s participation in NATO military activities and, therefore, a growth in its military expenses. In Berlin, there is a wide support for the idea of the European army. However, most experts agree that it can be implemented only when the EU develops the Common Foreign and Defense Policy to a certain extent. The US Germany espionage scandals following one after another since 2013 have seriously undermined the traditional German trust to the United States as a reliable partner. However, under the impact of the Ukrainian conflict, the value of military-political dimension of Germany’s transatlantic relations and its dependence on the US and NATO security guarantees increased. At the same time, Washington expects from Berlin as a recognized European leader a more active policy toward Russia and in respect of some other international issues. In the current international political situation, the desire to expand political influence in the world and achieve a greater autonomy claimed by German leaders seems to Berlin only possible in the context of transatlantic relations strengthening and solidarity within the NATO the only military-political organization of the West which is able to ensure the collective defense for its members against the external threats. However, it is important to take into consideration that not only the value of the United States and NATO for Germany, but also the role of Germany in the North Atlantic Alliance as a “representative of European interests” has increased. The role of Germany as a mediator in establishing the West–Russia relations remains equally important.
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Kern, Holger Lutz, and Jens Hainmueller. "Opium for the Masses: How Foreign Media Can Stabilize Authoritarian Regimes." Political Analysis 17, no. 4 (2009): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pan/mpp017.
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In this case study of the impact of West German television on public support for the East German communist regime, we evaluate the conventional wisdom in the democratization literature that foreign mass media undermine authoritarian rule. We exploit formerly classified survey data and a natural experiment to identify the effect of foreign media exposure using instrumental variable estimators. Contrary to conventional wisdom, East Germans exposed to West German television were more satisfied with life in East Germany and more supportive of the East German regime. To explain this surprising finding, we show that East Germans used West German television primarily as a source of entertainment. Behavioral data on regional patterns in exit visa applications and archival evidence on the reaction of the East German regime to the availability of West German television corroborate this result.
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Boehmer-Christiansen, Sonja A. "Energy policy and public opinion Manipulation of environmental threats by vested interests in the UK and West Germany." Energy Policy 18, no. 9 (November 1990): 828–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0301-4215(90)90062-9.
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Allen, Keith R. "Directing Foreign Investments to Eastern Germany: Swiss Engagements after (and before) 1989." Central European History 53, no. 1 (March 2020): 168–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938919000992.
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AbstractThis contribution explains how a specific constellation of Swiss consulting experts, financial advisors, and diplomats became involved in the economic restructuring of eastern Germany after November 1989. Swiss engagements reveal that capital did not merely “flow” across unifying Germany's borders, as economists’ definitions of foreign direct investment suggest. Rather, facilitators within and especially beyond Germany actively promoted investments. Business involving foreigners was often grounded in socialist-era trade activities that united profit seekers from East and West Germany, Switzerland, and other nations. As foreign engagements in unifying Germany's economy illustrate, mediators mattered. Pasts persisted. Debt and investment were intertwined. The course of public divesture and state-sponsored private investment in post-Wall Germany suggests future scholars pay closer attention to individuals and entities engaged in exchanging market information, not so much within individual nations as between them.
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Molnar, Christopher A. "Imagining Yugoslavs: Migration and the Cold War in Postwar West Germany." Central European History 47, no. 1 (March 2014): 138–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893891400065x.
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In recent years historians have argued that after the collapse of the Nazi regime in May 1945, the concept of race became a taboo topic in postwar Germany but that Germans nonetheless continued to perceive resident foreign populations in racialized terms. Important studies of Jewish displaced persons, the black children of American occupation soldiers and German women, and Turkish guest workers have highlighted continuities and transformations in German racial thought from the Nazi era into the postwar world, particularly in West Germany. In a programmatic essay, Rita Chin and Heide Fehrenbach argue that “the question of race remained at the very center of social policy and collective imagination during the occupation years, as the Western Allies worked to democratize Germany, and during the Bonn Republic,” and they call for a new historiography that is more attentive to the category of race and the process of racialization in Germany and Europe after 1945. While this newfound emphasis on race in Germany's postwar history has been salutary, an approach that puts race and racialization at the center of German interactions with resident foreign populations runs the risk of sidelining the experiences of foreign groups that Germans did not view in primarily racial terms. Indeed, to a certain extent this has already occurred. By the mid-1980s, public and policy discourse on immigrants in West Germany came to focus overwhelmingly on Turks and the problems raised by their “alien” Islamic cultural practices. That West Germany's guest worker program had resulted in the permanent settlement of hundreds of thousands of Italians, Greeks, Spaniards, Portuguese, and Yugoslavs was largely forgotten. When historians, anthropologists, and scholars in other disciplines began taking more interest in Germany's migration history in recent decades, they too focused overwhelmingly on Turks. Only in recent years has the historiography of Germany's postwar migration history started to reflect the multinational character of Germany's immigrant population.
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WOOD, STEVE. "Das Deutschlandbild: National Image, Reputation and Interests in Post-War Germany." Contemporary European History 27, no. 4 (July 10, 2018): 651–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777318000188.
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This article examines post-war (West) Germany's attempt to address national stigma and gain international acceptance. It surveys three domains: public relations, Foreign Cultural Policy (Auswärtige Kultur Politik) and bilateral relations with France and the United States. By the 1970s, although some images of ‘Germany’ were still negative, on a global scale its underlying reputation was remarkably positive. The complex of political actions involved was a pioneering example of ‘nation branding’.
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Maulucci, Thomas W. "Herbert Blankenhorn in the Third Reich." Central European History 42, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 253–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938909000302.
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The early career of Herbert Blankenhorn (1904–1991) illustrates important trends in the transition from Nazi Germany to the Federal Republic. During the 1930s and 1940s he served as a diplomat in the German Foreign Office and also joined the Nazi Party in 1938. After 1945 he would play a very public role in the creation of a new political culture in West Germany. Konrad Adenauer thought that the exceptional political sense of his young personal assistant, who also served as Secretary General of the Christian Democratic Union (CDU) in the British Zone, helped him become chancellor of the Federal Republic in 1949. Through the mid-1950s Blankenhorn remained one of Adenauer's most intimate advisors, especially on matters concerning foreign policy. From late 1949 to mid-1950, he also oversaw the creation of what became the West German Auswärtiges Amt (Foreign Office), and thereafter he was the head of its Political Division and deputy to State Secretary Walter Hallstein until 1955. He went on to serve as West German ambassador to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) (1955–1958), France (1958–1963), Italy (1963–1965), and the United Kingdom (1965–1970). After retiring from the diplomatic service in 1970, Blankenhorn functioned as the West German representative in the United Nations Educational, Scientific, and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Executive Council until 1976.
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O’Brien, Thomas C., Bernhard Leidner, and Linda R. Tropp. "Are they for us or against us? How intergroup metaperceptions shape foreign policy attitudes." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 6 (January 31, 2017): 941–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216684645.
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We identify public opinion polls from other countries as an important form of indirect exposure to outgroups, and an important source of intergroup metaperceptions, outgroup perceptions, and support for group-level behavior towards outgroups. Three experiments demonstrate a two-step process through which such exposure affects support for ingroup behaviors that facilitate peaceful or violent intergroup relations. When indirectly exposed to national outgroups, Americans inferred intergroup metaperceptions (Step 1), which, in turn, shaped outgroup perceptions (Step 2). This effect and its underlying process occurred in relation to both fictitious (Experiment 2) and real outgroups (Iran, Experiment 1; Germany, Saudi Arabia, Experiment 3), as well as those similar (Germany) and dissimilar (Saudi Arabia) to the ingroup (Experiment 3). Further, this effect occurred beyond ingroup perceptions (Experiments 1–3), perceived intergroup threat (Experiments 2–3), and intergroup similarity (Experiment 3). Contributions to the literatures on cross-group contact, intergroup perceptions and attitudes, and image theory are discussed.
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Schmidt, Gustav. "The Conduct of East–West Relations during the 1980s." Contemporary European History 1, no. 2 (July 1992): 203–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777300004446.
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More than 20 years ago, Philip Windsor proposed a succinct explanation of the East–West divide: ‘… the Cold War began with the deliberate Soviet decision to cut Europe in two and in reacting the Western powers took a deliberate decision to cut Germany in two.’ For the following two decades from 1969 to 1989, the formula ‘Peace and stability through partition” (U. Nerlich;J. Joffe) reflected widespread satisfaction with the territorial status quo in Europe. However, substantial disagreements (as L. Freedman observes p. 5) with established security policies, defence doctrines and armed forces' structures both in NATO and the Warsaw Pact (WP) might be taken as evidence that ‘Europe was on the verge of an historic change’. In respect of the state of public opinion, NATO ministers in early March 1988 declared the need gradually to overcome the unnatural division of Europe
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Weil, Frederick D., and Russell J. Dalton. "Citizen Politics in Western Democracies: Public Opinion and Political Parties in the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and France." Contemporary Sociology 18, no. 6 (November 1989): 907. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2074195.
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Young, Christopher. ""Nicht mehr die herrlichste Nebensache der Welt": Sport, West Berlin and the Four Powers Agreement 1971." German Politics and Society 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2007): 28–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250102.
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1972 saw the coming to fruition of two events of major importance to the Federal Republic of Germany under Willy Brandt's leadership: the normalization of relations with the Soviet Union and its satellites through the process of Ostpolitik, and the Munich Olympic Games, which were designed to present a new Germany on the world stage. Although recent scholarship has highlighted the intricacies of East-West diplomacy and the political machinations of Cold-War sports relations, there have been few attempts to investigate the latter's role in the former. This essay seeks to investigate sport in the context of politics, and more vitally vice versa. Focusing on events in the immediate run-up to the Four Powers Treaty on West Berlin in 1971, it shows how sport's appeal to broad sectors of public opinion in Eastern and Western Europe made it a prime candidate for the cultural warfare that accompanied political negotiations.
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Allen, David. "Realism and Malarkey: Henry Kissinger's State Department, Détente, and Domestic Consensus." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 3 (July 2015): 184–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00548.
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This article uses recently declassified archival documents to reassess public opinion in the United States regarding East-West détente. When Henry Kissinger was U.S. secretary of state during the Nixon and Ford administrations, he made dozens of speeches intended to educate the public in what he considered the proper methods of diplomacy. By analyzing those “heartland” speeches using recently released documents, the article shows that Kissinger and the State Department tried much harder to create a foreign policy consensus behind détente and realism than previously understood. Despite these efforts, Kissinger's message was lost on the public. The article provides the first extended analysis of a series of fact-finding “town meetings” held by the State Department in five locations across the United States—meetings that revealed how badly Kissinger had failed. By February 1976, all those involved in U.S. foreign policymaking—Kissinger's opponents, his advisers, and the wider public—desired a greater role for moral values in foreign policy.
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Bogdanov, Andrey Petrovich. "Russia and the West in the Information exchange of the late XVII century." Genesis: исторические исследования, no. 5 (May 2021): 71–124. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-868x.2021.5.33057.
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A considerable amount of foreign books in the libraries, the study of Western languages by the Russians, and close contacts with foreigners in Russia and abroad in the 1680s – 1720s had insignificant impact on the Russian authors, who preferred to describe the events using traditional literary forms. Even the first historical monographs, although contained Western scientific forms, retained the Russian literary style. The attempts to influence public opinion made by V. V. Golitsyn using the inspired by him, which were distributed in foreign countries and translated as foreign In Russia, had a tactical success, as they did not correspond to the Western ideas on the barbarian Muscovy. Western publications about Russia were affected by the fantastic version of organization of the Moscow Uprising of 1682 by the boyars and Tsarina Sofia, initiated by the regency government and supporters of Chancellor A. S. Matveev, who propagated it abroad with particular success. In the XVIII century, this version was explicated in the essays of the Count A. A. Matveev and his mentor L. I. Poborsky. The comparison of Russian origins and reflections of the version with its Western interpretations, including those translated in Moscow, allowed assessing the uniqueness of foreign outlook on Russia. The synthesis of Russian and foreign interpretations of the fantastic version of conspiracies underlies the representations of many historians on the Streltsy uprising of 1682.
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Słodkowska, Irena Anna. "Główni aktorzy polskiej sceny politycznej wobec zjednoczenia Niemiec (1989–1991)." Rocznik Polsko-Niemiecki, no. 28 (December 17, 2020): 117–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/rpn.2020.28.09.
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This article examines the attitudes and opinions of major Polish political actors about the impact of German reunification on Polish-German relations between 1989 and 1991. These are outlined against the background of public opinion polls and themes underpinning Polish foreign policy as reflected in the programmes of the main political parties represented in the Polish parliament. There were strong similarities in their programmes and policies. They broadly reflected the approach of Solidarity’s electoral manifesto of 4 June 1989, subsequently adopted by Tadeusz Mazowiecki’s government. In consequence, all political parties represented in the parliament supported the government’s policies towards Germany. The author also considers various forms of Polish-German cooperation outside the realm of intergovernmental relations. Finally, she examines the impact on public opinion of intergovernmental relations between Warsaw and Bonn. It is interesting that the policies of compromise and reconciliation were supported not only by the political class but also by the general public. This factor strongly contributed to the stability of the political and economic transition towards democracy and a market economy in Poland.
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Rensch, Carola, and Walter Bruchhausen. "Medical Science Meets ‘Development Aid’ Transfer and Adaptation of West German Microbiology to Togo, 1960–1980." Medical History 61, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2016.98.
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After losing the importance it had held around 1900 both as a colonial power and in the field of tropical medicine, Germany searched for a new place in international health care during decolonisation. Under the aegis of early government ‘development aid’, which started in 1956, medical academics from West German universities became involved in several Asian, African and South American countries. The example selected for closer study is the support for the national hygiene institute in Togo, a former German ‘model colony’ and now a stout ally of the West. Positioned between public health and scientific research, between ‘development aid’ and academia and between West German and West African interests, the project required multiple arrangements that are analysed for their impact on the co-operation between the two countries. In a country like Togo, where higher education had been neglected under colonial rule, having qualified national staff became the decisive factor for the project. While routine services soon worked well, research required more sustained ‘capacity building’ and did not lead to joint work on equal terms. In West Germany, the arrangement with the universities was a mutual benefit deal for government officials and medical academics. West German ‘development aid’ did not have to create permanent jobs at home for the consulting experts it needed; it improved its chances to find sufficiently qualified German staff to work abroad and it profited from the academic renown of its consultants. The medical scientists secured jobs and research opportunities for their postgraduates, received grants for foreign doctoral students, gained additional expertise and enjoyed international prestige. Independence from foreign politics was not an issue for most West German medical academics in the 1960s.
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Kruke, Anja. "Western Integration vs. Reunification? Analyzing the Polls of the 1950s." German Politics and Society 25, no. 2 (June 1, 2007): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/gps.2007.250204.
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From the beginning of the West German state, a lot of public opinion polling was done on the German question. The findings have been scrutinized carefully from the 1950s onward, but polls have always been taken at face value, as a mirror of society. In this analysis, polls are treated rather as an observation technique of empirical social research that composes a certain image of society and its public opinion. The entanglement of domestic and international politics is analyzed with respect to the use of surveys that were done around the two topics of Western integration and reunification that pinpoint the “functional entanglement” of domestic and international politics. The net of polling questions spun around these two terms constituted a complex setting for political actors. During the 1950s, surveys probed and ranked the fears and anxieties that characterized West Germans and helped to construct a certain kind of atmosphere that can be described as “Cold War angst.” These findings were taken as the basis for dealing with the dilemma of Germany caught between reunification and Western integration. The data and interpretations were converted into “security” as the overarching frame for international and domestic politics by the conservative government that lasted until the early 1960s.
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Rasmussen, Jorgen. "Citizen Politics in Western Democracies: Public Opinion and Political Parties in the United States, Great Britain, West Germany, and France.Russell J. Dalton." Journal of Politics 51, no. 2 (May 1989): 443–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2131356.
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Salsabila, Nadia Khansa. "Aspek Pragmatisme Dalam Kebijakan Pintu Terbuka Jerman terhadap Pengungsi Timur Tengah: Solusi Grey Population." Jurnal Hubungan Internasional 12, no. 1 (August 2, 2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.20473/jhi.v12i1.12940.
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In 2015, refugee crisis that occurred in European Union due to the war inthe Middle East formed the background of Germany’s open-door policy.As it is implemented, this open-door policy attracted several controversieswith strong internal criticism and negative public opinion, but the policystill be maintained. This phenomenon raises questions regarding on thebasis of German legitimacy in maintaining an open-door policy whichhas always highlighted the sides and ideas of humanitarianism. Therefore,this study seeks to see other aspects of Germany’s open-door policyas German foreign policy, namely ‘pragmatism’ based on considerationof demographic issues related to greying population which have a negativeimpact on German’s stability and economic prospects. Based on thesethoughts, the author argues that Germany maintained the open-door policyas a solution to help overcome greying population in demographic andeconomic context. The open-door policy can be use as a solution throughthe use of refugees and immigrants as productive workers and tax payersin Germany.
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Świder, Małgorzata. "Pytania o Polskę w okresie przełomu politycznego w 1989 roku w świetle relacji wybranych polityków zachodnioniemieckich." Wrocławskie Studia Politologiczne 26 (August 23, 2019): 193–210. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/1643-0328.26.13.
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Questions about Poland during the political breakthrough in 1989 through the prism of a selection of West German politicians’ reports The situation in Poland at the end of 1988 as well as the dynamic changes in the first half of 1989 were a subject of many analyses in West Germany conducted by politicians and trade unionists. First of all, they were interested in the development of opposition’s power and also the condition of internal reforms. On this base they tried to predict directions of the future of Polish development. In West Germany the following questions were raised: What will the Polish political scene look like? What will democracy and Solidarity be in Poland? Furthermore, West German observers were tracking political “trends” of newly created political and social organizations.From the analysis emerges not only a picture of the country’s internal division and complicated domestic relations, but also a lack of a positive programme, internal tensions and contradictory interests. In that crucial time, public consciousness of the importance of changes had accompanied to passivity great part of society. Foreign observers more than once expressed anxiety that Poland could miss the opportunity which arose from the citizens’ mobilizations and the Solidarity movement from the beginning of the 1980s.
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Rammeloo, Stephan. "‘From Rome to Rome’ – Cross-border employment contract. European Private International Law: Intertemporal law and foreign overriding mandatory laws." Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 24, no. 2 (April 2017): 298–322. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1023263x17709754.
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To what extent are Greek saving laws, resulting in payment cuts in the public sector (that is employment conditions), capable of overriding the applicable (German) law? A dispute arising from an employment relationship between the Greek Republic and an employee habitually carrying out work in Germany, gave rise to preliminary questions having regard to the temporal scope of EU Regulation No. 593/2008 (the ‘Rome I Regulation’)1 and, closely related thereto, the functional reach of Article 9(3) of that Regulation in respect of ‘foreign’ mandatory laws, in light of the principle of sincere cooperation enshrined in Article 4(3) TEU. An analysis of the Advocate General’s Opinion and the Court of Justice of the European Union’s (CJEU) ruling is followed by critical commentary and suggestions for future EU legislative amendments to the Rome I regime.
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Margalit, Gilad. "The Foreign Policy of the German Sudeten Council and Hans-Christoph Seebohm, 1956–1964." Central European History 43, no. 3 (August 18, 2010): 464–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938910000373.
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Recent historical studies on the organizations of German expellees and their influence on West German political culture highlight the insincere attitude and deception by the whole West German political establishment toward the expellee politicians and activists and their cause. One study in this field is Matthias Stickler's important book “Ostdeutsch heißt Gesamtdeutsch,” and a more recent one by Manfred Kittel, Vertreibung der Vertriebenen?, takes Stickler's thesis even further. It creates the impression that the expellee organizations, highly dependent on the government for financial and political support, had no option in this matter and were even helpless in that they had to accept the noncommittal rhetoric and the West German government's unwillingness to obligate West Germany for their cause. In this article, I probe this portrayal of the expellee politicians and activists as objects rather than subjects of German politics by inquiring into the political and public relations activities of the German Sudeten Council (Sudetendeutscher Rat) in the field of foreign policy during and around the tenure of Hans-Christoph Seebohm as the leader (Sprecher) of the German Sudeten Expellee Homeland Society (Landsmannschaft) (1959–1967). The Sudeten Council is a non-party association; one half of its members are elected by the federal assembly of the German Sudeten Landsmannschaft and the other half by the political parties of the Bundestag. As well as being a politician of the expellee organization, Hans-Christoph Seebohm pursued the longest political career in the German federal cabinet—seventeen years. He served as Minister of Transportation and Mail of the Federal Republic from 1949 to 1966 under Chancellors Konrad Adenauer and Ludwig Erhard. To date, no monographic work has been written about Seebohm.
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Lipchanskaya, Maria A., and Sergej A. Privalov. "Social media in the context of Russian and German Constitutional Law." Izvestiya of Saratov University. New Series. Series Economics. Management. Law 21, no. 1 (February 24, 2021): 73–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.18500/1994-2540-2021-21-1-73-82.
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Introduction. The role of social media is objectively increasing in modern digital information space. They are much involved in shaping public opinion while democracy and civil society are being built and developed. Social media also contribute to the freedom of speech guaranteed by the Constitution. In the context of globalization, the development of state legal regulation often turns to the implementation of the rules which have already been tested in other countries. The fast development of relations in the field of social media and piecemeal legal regulation of this field in Russia make the foreign experience highly demanded. Theoretical analysis. Social media is one of the key actors in shaping public opinion. However, the current legislation of the Russian Federation very superficially regulates the legal status of this media institution. In turn, the Federal Republic of Germany has more experience in the legal regulation of social media. Based on a certain proximity of the state and legal mechanisms of Russia and Germany, as well as the high level of development of democratic institutions of the latter, the authors analyzed the status of social media in the constitutional and legal space of these countries in order to study the possibility of adapting the German experience to improve Russian legislation. Empirical analysis. The high degree of influence of social media on public opinion is due to a number of specific characteristics of their creation and functioning: the spontaneous nature of content creation, the high speed of information dissemination, the minimum level of external influence, the easily perceived nature of information. Taken together, these characteristics of the institution significantly complicate the implementation of legal regulation in relation to them, effective and efficient in practice, which also determines the conduct of the study. Results. We have studied common and individual features of the legal regulation of social media in the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany. Based on our conclusions, we are coming up with several proposals for the improvement of the Russian legislation on social media. Russia has significant weaknesses and conflicts of laws in the sphere of media production and information dissemination. Russian legislation in no way covers the social media not registered as mass media in the manner prescribed by law. In our opinion, the German legislation on social media also has certain deficiencies. However, some rules may be adapted to Russian legislation. Based on our research, we propose to draft a federal law on social media, which would partially reflect German experience.
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TURCZYŃSKI, Paweł. "LIBYAN CIVIL WAR AND INTERNATIONAL INTERVENTION IN 2011 - ATTITUDES OF THE PEOPLE OF LIBYA AND THE WEST." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 152–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3247.
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The outbreak of the civil war in Libya was part of the ‘Arab Spring’: a series of instances of Arab societies against non-democratic authorities of their countries. From the per-spective of the West, it is another conflict after the Cold War era, one in which there are no two conventional armies fighting against each other, but its start is ‘asymmetric’. The Gaddafi regime's bloody crackdown on insurgents made the international community stand in the defence of the civilian population. At the same time, with the experience of wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, there was reluctance to deploy western troops in Libya. It was clearly shown in the public opinion polls: Gaddafi was being condemned and Libyan civilians were being supported, but it was refused to expose the West to military losses. Libyan rebels also demanded more armament rather than reinforcing their forces with foreign army units. Therefore, the intervention of Western countries in Libya took the form acceptable to the public: air attacks on the forces loyal to Gaddafi.
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Sokolov, S. V. "Applying Google Trends web-analytic tool to study the German legal deposit copy system." Bibliosphere, no. 1 (March 30, 2019): 11–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.20913/1815-3186-2019-1-11-17.
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The article «Applying Google Trends to study the German legal deposit copy system» discusses the use of web tools to investigate current library science problems. Using web-based statistical method the author searches the following issues: the dynamics of interest in the subject of a legal deposit copy from the date of adoption of the Law on the German National Library (2006) to nowadays; relations of the public interest peak changes in this topic to certain phenomena in the social and cultural life of Germany; the federal dimension of these issues when comparing interest to the topic in different regions of Germany; the public opinion on the popularity of legal copy among traditional and electronic sources. The article is divided into four parts. The first one sets the work objective and main tasks, gives a general description of the chosen research method. The second part deals with the process of creating a semantic dictionary; analyzes traditional and electronic sources of synonymic dictionaries. It describes the strengths of such an online language matching service as semager.de. The third part dissects a group of keywords related to the topic of a legal deposit copy along with the most interesting and problematic, from the point of the author’s view, additional keywords such as the German National Library, network publications, and dissertations. Using web statistical tools the paper shows that the most intense issues regarding the legal deposit, the problems of the German National Library and online publications were raised in the lands of West Germany. Developing the legal deposit copy system will go, first of all, through online publications, greater cooperation with academic and scholar libraries; open access of scientific data and publications related to dissertations and theses of West German lands’ universities. The fourth part presents main conclusions and substantiates the method significance for library and sociological research.
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White, Stephen. "Recent writing on Soviet foreign policy." Review of International Studies 12, no. 2 (April 1986): 127–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500114032.
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For a country of its size and population, the Soviet Union may often seem rather isolated from the affairs of other members of the world community. In part, at least, this reflects the influence of Soviet history and of the political tradition that has derived from it. With its broad and relatively open frontiers, Russia is a country that has been invaded and occupied many times by outside powers. Foreigners, since the earliest times, have been required to live in special residential areas and have been regarded popularly as well as by officials with a good deal of suspicion and hostility. Strong currents of Slavophilism, particularly from the 19th century, influenced public as well as governmental opinion and helped to create an attitude towards the West which combined an admiration for its prosperity and efficiency wth a deep repugnance towards its individualistic chaos and petty-minded commercialism. In the Soviet period, attitudes of this kind were strengthened by communist ideology, which saw the USSR as the leading force in a global struggle for socialism, and by the attempts of outside powers, immediately after the Revolution and during the Second World War, to overthrow the Soviet government and install a more compliant regime in Moscow. In economic terms, similarly, the Soviet period saw the strengthening of tendencies towards economic autarchy which had their origins in the pre-revolutionary period. Even today foreign trade, with socialist as well as capitalist countries, accounts for a relatively small proportion of Soviet national income, the Soviet currency is not freely convertible, and the movement of people or information across Soviet frontiers is closely regulated and very limited.
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Franz, Martin, Martina Fuchs, and Sebastian Henn. "Othering practices toward new firm owners: empirical insights from South-North firm acquisitions in Germany." Zeitschrift für Wirtschaftsgeographie 62, no. 2 (May 25, 2018): 108–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zfw-2017-0037.
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Abstract By dealing with the process of othering in the context of acquisitions, this paper seeks to expand the concept of othering to Economic Geography. It argues that multinational companies should not only be viewed as victims of othering in that they suffer from obstructive policies and hostile public opinion, but rather that othering also matters within such firms. As a consequence of the links they establish between different countries, employees in such companies are constantly confronted with various socio-cultural backgrounds and frequently develop rather different expectations of how their counterparts should perform. This contribution analyses how and why managers and works councils in Germany practice distancing or othering towards owners of German firms located in China and India. It shows that othering can be critical within foreign direct investments. We approach the issue of othering by focusing on the sense of superiority of the involved parties, their positions in the company organisation and their related professional ethics, as well as the dynamics of othering that are mobilised in critical situations. The analysis is based on qualitative interviews from two different research projects.
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Yefanov, Aleksandr A., and Nailya E. Efendieva. "Formation of international broadcasting in Russia and abroad: historical-genetic and comparative analysis." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 25, no. 4 (December 15, 2020): 746–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2020-25-4-746-755.
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The article provides a historical-genetic and comparative analysis of foreign broadcasting. In the chronotopic aspect the advanced experience of foreign countries (Germany, England, France, USA) is compared with the peculiarities of the formation of foreign broadcasting in Russia. The main stages of the development of foreign broadcasting are highlighted. The dominant media communication channels through which foreign broadcasting activities are carried out are determined. Based on the results of the study, the conclusion is made that at the first stage of its development, foreign broadcasting was not an instrument of foreign policy and rather contributed to the cultural enrichment and support of its compatriots in other countries. However, wartime predetermined the future tonality of foreign broadcasting - a propaganda focus. During the Second World War, foreign broadcasting was used in many countries to discredit the enemy, as well as to motivate the military and the population in the rear. During the Cold War, foreign broadcasting strengthened its propaganda purpose, continuing to implement in its discourse defamatory strategies against competitors and adversaries, against the background of which a new concept of information war was formed. In general, foreign broadcasting as a discourse strategy is mainly used in the course of geopolitical conflicts, both open and latent. In the process of evolution of media communications, an intensification of the struggle for influence on the external audience was observed, which was most clearly manifested as a result of the implementation of foreign broadcasting in the field of television, based on the audiovisual capabilities of this type of media. In the 21st century, the information struggle for the interpretation of reality and, as a consequence, the construction of public opinion on a global scale began to take place in the field of the Internet, where foreign broadcasting has acquired a global character.
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Zvobgo, Kelebogile. "Human Rights versus National Interests: Shifting US Public Attitudes on the International Criminal Court." International Studies Quarterly 63, no. 4 (August 13, 2019): 1065–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/isq/sqz056.
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Abstract The United States—an architect of international criminal tribunals in the twentieth century—has since moderated its involvement in international justice. Striking to many observers is the United States’ failure to join the International Criminal Court—the institutional successor to the tribunals the nation helped install in Germany, Japan, the Balkans, and Rwanda. Interestingly, the US public’s support of the ICC increases yearly despite the government’s ambivalence about, and even hostility toward, the Court. Drawing on the US foreign policy public opinion literature, I theorize that human rights frames increase support for joining the ICC among Americans, whereas national interest frames decrease support. I administer an online survey experiment to evaluate these expectations and find consistent support. I additionally test hypotheses from the framing literature in American politics regarding the effect of exposure to two competing frames. I find that participants exposed to competing frames hold more moderate positions than participants exposed to a single frame but differ appreciably from the control group. Crucially, I find that participants’ beliefs about international organizations’ effectiveness and impartiality are equally, if not more, salient than the treatments. Thus, the ICC may be able to mobilize support and pressure policy change by demonstrating effectiveness and impartiality.
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Lukin, Alexander. "The Initial Soviet Reaction to the Events in China in and the Prospects for Sino-Soviet Relations." China Quarterly 125 (March 1991): 119–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000030332.
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The tragic events in China of June 1989 have had a considerable influence on the development of the international situation and have triggered a stormy reaction from public opinion in many countries. The stand on the Tiananmen tragedy has become a litmus test of the political position of governments, parties and groupings in a number of states. China's prime minister Li Peng declared in the wake of the events that they had demonstrated who was a true friend of China. A closer study of the issue would reveal that these events in fact led to a situation whereby “friends” and “enemies” (if we agree to identify China's “friends” and “enemies” with those of her premier) reversed roles. Whereas all governments and public and political groups in the west, including some orthodox communist parties, were united in their condemnation of Beijing, China's former opponents whom she used to label as “regional hegemonists,” such as Cuba and Vietnam, as well as East Germany and North Korea who have similar regimes, assured Beijing of their support for its actions.
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Vasil'ev, V. "New Aspects of Discourse about the Berlin’s Realpolitik." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-30-40.
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The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are emerging all the time, but they have to be considered within a concrete historical and political context. Being of primary significance for all German chancellors, the Trans-Atlantic factor has been shaping itself in a controversial way as to the nation’s public opinion. This has been confirmed by many opinion polls, including the survey on the signing of the EU–U.S. Agreement on the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Chancellor A. Merkel is playing an important role: she is either ascribed full compliancy with Washington, or is being tentatively shown as a consistent government figure in advancing and upholding of Germany's and the EU's interests. A. Merkel has implemented her peace-seeking drive in undoing the Ukrainian tangle by setting up the “Normandy format” involving the leaders of Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine while having cleared it through with the U.S. President B. Obama well in advance. Despite the increasing criticism of Washington’s policy among some part of Germans, for the majority of German voters, the USA remains a country of implementable hopes, the only power in the world possessing a high education level and the most advanced technologies. Americans, for their part, are confident of the important role that Berlin plays in world politics, particularly in what concerns the maintenance of unity within the EU. Berlin aims at further constructive interaction with the USA in the frame of NATO as well as within other Trans-Atlantic formats. Notwithstanding the steady tendency toward increasing of the Washington policy’s critical perception degree in German society, officially Berlin continues as Washington’s true ally, partner and friend. There is every reason to believe that after the 2017 Bundestag elections, the new (the former) Chancellor will have to face a modernized Trans-Atlantic partnership philosophy, with a paradigm also devised in the spirit of the bloc discipline and commitments to allies. The main concern for Berlin is not to lose its sovereign right of decision-making, including the one that deals with problems of European security and relations with Moscow. Regrettably, Germany is not putting forward any innovative ideas on aligning a new architecture of European security with Russia’s participation. Meanwhile, German scholars and experts are trying to work out a tentative algorithm of a gradual return to the West’s full-fledged dialogue with Russia, which, unfortunately, is qualified as an opponent by many politicians. Predictably, the Crimea issue will remain a long-lasting political irritant in relations between Russia and Germany. Although not every aspect of Berlin’s activation in its foreign policy finds support of the German public, and the outburst of anti-American feeling is obvious, experts believe that the government of the FRG is “merely taking stock of these phenomena and ignores them”. Evident is the gap between the government's line and the feeling of the German parties’ basis – the public. It is noteworthy that the FRG has not yet adopted the Law on Holding General Federal Referendums on key issues of the domestic and foreign policy. There is every indication to assume that the real causes of abandoning the nationwide referendums are the reluctance of the German ruling bureaucracy and even its apprehensions of the negative voting returns on sensitive problems, – such as basic documents and decisions of the EU, the export of German arms, relations with the U.S., etc. The harmony between Berlin’s "Realpolitik" and German public opinion is not yet discernible within the system of Trans-Atlantic axes.
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Kotelenets, Elena A., and Maria Yu Lavrenteva. "The British Weekly: a case study of British propaganda to the Soviet Union during World War II." RUDN Journal of Studies in Literature and Journalism 24, no. 3 (December 15, 2019): 486–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-9220-2019-24-3-486-498.
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The research investigates a publishing history of the Britansky Souyznik (British Ally) weekly (further - British Weekly) in Russian language, which was published in the Soviet Union by the UK Ministry of Information in the Second World War years and to 1950. This newspaper published reports from fronts where British troops fought against Nazi Germany and its allies, articles on British-Soviet military cooperation, materials about British science, industry, agriculture, and transport, reports on people’s life in the UK, historical background of British Commonwealth countries, cultural and literature reviews. British Weekly circulation in the USSR was 50,000 copies. The main method used for the research was the study of the newspaper’s materials, as well as the propaganda concepts of its editorial board and their influence on the audience. The researched materials are from archives of the Soviet Foreign Ministry as well as of the UK Ministry of Information and Political Warfare Executive (1940-1945), declassified by the British Government only in 2002, on the basis of which an independent analysis is conducted. The British Weekly played a bright role in the formation of techniques and methods of British foreign policy propaganda to Soviet public opinion in 1942-1945. Results of the research indicates that the British government launched foreign policy propaganda to the USSR immediately after breaking-out of World War II and used the experience of the British Weekly for psychological warfare in the Cold War years.
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Rudolph, Karsten. "German Foreign Trade Policy Towards the East in the Light of Recent Research." Contemporary European History 8, no. 1 (March 1999): 159–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777399000193.
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Robert Mark Spaulding, Osthandel und Ostpolitik. German Foreign Trade Policies in Eastern Europe from Bismarck to Adenauer (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1997), 546 pp., £60, ISBN 1–57181–039–0.Volker R. Berghahn, ed., Quest for Economic Empire. European Strategies of German Big Business in the Twentieth Century (Oxford and Providence: Berghahn, 1996), 224 pp., £35:00 (hb), £16.50 (pb), ISBN 1–57181–027–7.Meung-Hoan Hoh, Westintegration versus Osthandel. Politik und Wirtschaft in den Ost-West-Beziehungen der Bundesrepublik Deutschland, 1949–1958, (Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1995), ISBN 3–631–49003–8.Friedrich von Heyl, Der innerdeutsche Handel um Eisen- und Stahl, 1945–1972. Deutsch-deutsche Beziehungen im Kalten Krieg. (Cologne: Böhlau, 1997), DM 64, ISBN 3–412–03897–0.Research into the history of foreign trade relations languishes in a grey area between the history of foreign policy and economic history. This is particularly true of German trade relations with eastern Europe during the Cold War, even though this was precisely the time when the topic was the focal point of public interest. Before Chancellor Willy Brandt and Foreign Minister Walter Scheel introduced their New Ostpolitik, the Federal Republic's trade with the East (Osthandel) was one of the most controversial issues in foreign policy. The reasons for this were, in no small measure, historical, closely tied up with the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ and the myth of red trade. The treaty concluded between the German empire and Soviet Russia at the economic conference of Genoa in 1922 created the fatal impression that this was a case of two underdogs in the international community getting together to undermine the status quo established by the Treaty of Versailles. From then on, whenever the ‘ghost of Rapallo’ was invoked what was meant was that Germany could be sure of Soviet support for the implementation of its revisionist claims in the East, and thus have greater room for manoeuvre vis-à-vis the West.
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BODISHTEANU, Nicole. "EXTERNAL AND INTERNAL FACTORS OF EVOLUTION OF THE EURASIAN TRACK OF THE REPUBLIC OF MOLDOVA’S FOREIGN POLICY." Urgent Problems of Europe, no. 1 (2021): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/ape/2021.01.08.
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The author considers main external and internal factors of the formation of the Eurasian track in foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova from 2009 to 2020. Among main internal factors of the development of the Eurasian (as opposed to European) track of foreign policy, the author singles out: 1) coming to power of the pro-Russian president I. Dodon; 2) current orientation of the economy on the market of the CIS countries; 3) pro-Western parliamentary contingent and representatives of the Party of Action and Solidarity led by M. Sandu, who, on the contrary, helps to blur this track. Among external factors, the author does put an accent on: 1) the influence of the Ukrainian crisis on public opinion of Moldovan citizens towards Western institutions, and as a result, the growing popularity of the «pro-Russian» foreign policy direction; 2) «soft power» of the Russian Federation, mostly concentrated on a common language (Russian) and cultural values (literature, historical past, etc.); 3) willingness of Eurasian partners (mainly the Russian Federation) to provide assistance in crisis situations at no cost, unlike European and Western institutions, which traditionally indicate a number of democratic transformations in the recipient country as one of the conditions for providing assistance. The author comes to the conclusion that the Eurasian track of the foreign policy of the Republic of Moldova is still in its «infancy», but it has great potential and promises interesting prospects for a small state with a favorable geographical position, located at the crossroads of the most important transport routes between the West and the East.
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Zhang, Miao. "Research on the Path of Constructing Foreign Discourse System——How to spread China’s Voice Well." Review of Educational Theory 3, no. 2 (May 27, 2020): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.30564/ret.v3i2.1791.
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In an important speech delivered at the 2018 National Propaganda and Ideological Work Conference, General Secretary Xi Jinping pointed out: "Tell Chinese stories well, spread China’s voices, and increase the national cultural soft power and influence of Chinese culture." National soft power is mainly manifested in the attractiveness of a country, and the improvement of national soft power is conducive to enhancing the international voice. All along, China's hard power and China's soft power development are very unbalanced. China's hard power has not yet been reflected in China's cultural soft power and cultural influence, so that it cannot display China's national image well. Although China has the confidence and self-confidence to tell a good Chinese story, under the environment of international public opinion that "the west is strong and China is weak", it dares not take the initiative to speak up and has been in a dilemma of "being scolded". One of the most important reasons is that China ’s international communication capabilities are not enough. In the current era of highly developed information technology, whoever has advanced communication methods and strong communication capabilities, whoever has the cultural ideas and values can spread out, and who can master the right to speak internationally, it can be said that if there is no effective communication channel, it will fall into the dilemma of "justification is nowhere to be said, and there is no way to spread it."
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Petrov, A. M. "The strategic alliance of higher education institutions: Experience of contemporary Germany." Education and science journal 23, no. 4 (April 18, 2021): 79–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.17853/1994-5639-2021-4-79-107.
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Introduction. In the context of current trends in the development of the modern world, the successful solution of numerous socio-economic problems is possible only on the condition of effective functioning of higher education system, in which higher education institutions do not only implement the mission of providing society with high-quality and relevant educational services, but also carry out research and development of entrepreneurial nature. In this regard, search for opportunities to fulfill such missions currently takes precedence. The formation of alliances between higher education institutions can be considered as one of the promising mechanisms for performing such missions, as well as for integrative solution of issues in the field of public policy to support and develop higher education. In Russia, insufficient attention is paid to the issues of alliance formation within the sphere of higher education. Therefore, it is relevant to analyse foreign practices, i.e. a specific strategic alliance by higher educational institutions in Germany - The Berlin University Alliance.The aim of the present work is to contribute to the evidence base of research in the field of development of strategic cooperation between higher educational institutions, as well as to define the prospects for alliance formation through the analysis of foreign practices.Methodology and research methods. The methodological framework involves the following general scientific methods: systematisation and generalisation, structural and functional analysis, comparative and retrospective analysis of data from international rankings. The study was based on materials presented on the official Internet resources of “The Berlin University Alliance”, German programme “The Excellence Strategy”, international ranking agencies QS and THE, as well as scientific publications included in international citation databases Web of Science (RSCI) and Scopus.Results and scientific novelty. Based on established research, theoretical approaches to understanding the essence of alliances were structured; the criteria for classification of alliances were defined; the possibilities of alliances and factors, which serve as prerequisites for their formation, were investigated. The novelty of the current research lies in the fact that the author presents his own opinion on the phenomena in relation to such categories as “university alliance”, “strategic partnership” and “alliance formation”. Moreover, the author reports on the results obtained in the course of the analysis of the Berlin University Alliance as an example of the development of strategic partnership between higher education institutions in Germany.Practical significance. The present research may be a useful guideline for forming alliances between higher education institutions and generating new ideas for its development. The research outcomes can be used not only by the leaders of higher education institutions, but also by the experts and specialists involved in forming and implementing state policy in the field of higher education development.
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Kokkonen, Pellervo. "Religious and Colonial Realities: Cartography of the Finnish Mission in Ovamboland, Namibia." History in Africa 20 (1993): 155–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171970.
Full textAbstract:
Missionary work was one of the main forces in the opening of the African continent to direct western influence. In many cases, from the 1830s onwards, missionaries were the first Westerners residing in the interior of the continent, thus accumulating considerable knowledge concerning geographical conditions in their respective areas of residence.The question arises: how did information from these people with scarce knowledge about the interior filter down to representations of geographical conditions such as maps and literary descriptions? Working in close cooperation with Africans, their conceptions were likely to be somewhat more detailed than those of the colonial administration. Politically, they often assumed the role of mediators between the foreign powers and local societies; perhaps this was also the case where geographical knowledge was concerned. The aim of this study is to investigate the extent to which the Finnish Mission in colonial Ovamboland under German influence had an active role in mapmaking.One ostensible reason for Germany's annexation of colonies was to turn a profit from them and strengthen the economy of the homeland. An additional function of German colonies was to persuade people who otherwise would have emigrated to the United States or Latin America to stay within the German economic sphere. White settlers were to supplant what was considered inefficient African land use with commercial agriculture whose products were to be exported to Germany. Public opinion in Germany also advocated colonization for status reasons, which made politicians sensitive to it.