Relevant bibliographies by topics / Western Sahara – Politics and government

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Academic literature on the topic 'Western Sahara – Politics and government'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 9 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Western Sahara – Politics and government"

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Coutinho, Francisco Pereira. "You can’t have your cake and eat it too: Portugal and the self-determination of Western Sahara." UNIO – EU Law Journal 5, no. 2 (July 2, 2019): 103–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/unio.5.2.2296.

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Western Sahara self-determination posits a conundrum to Portuguese foreign policy. Moral and legal imperatives which stem from the relentless efforts taken in the 80’s and the 90’s advocating in international fora the self-determination of East Timor impel the pursuit of an idealistic diplomacy of unconditional support for the akin self-determination of Western Sahara. Political, strategic, economic, historical and cultural ties dictate a realpolitik aimed at fostering diplomatic relations with Morocco without shunning Algeria, another key stakeholder in the Maghreb region. These constraints motivated the adoption of an impartial and equidistant position towards the Western Sahara conflict. This strategy was exposed after the Court of Justice ceased in Front Polisario, the de facto application of the EU/Morocco agreements in Western Sahara. Notwithstanding multiple pledges to the contrary, the Portuguese Government picked Morocco’s side in the conflict by lodging written interventions aimed at neutralizing the Court of Justice of the EU, and by approving Council decisions that expressly extend EU/Morocco agreements to Western Sahara in breach of EU and international law.
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Vinagrero Ávila, José Antonio. "La educación en los campamentos saharauis: un sistema educativo en el refugio y en el desierto." Revista Española de Educación Comparada, no. 35 (December 20, 2019): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/reec.35.2020.25174.

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When in 1975 Spain leaves to its fate the inhabitants of the former Spanish province of Western Sahara, most of the Saharawi population has to flee their homes chased by the armies of Morocco and Mauritania in the operation known as “Ecouvillon” while the civilian population marched to Saharaui territory in "The Green March" .In this flight to the desert find refuge in an inhospitable territory of the Algerian Hamada where, located in four camps, declare the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), organizing basic services that allow the survival of the population as well as the possibility of return and government of the territory of Western Sahara in the future. Within the hardness of the situation emerges something exceptional and it is the main axis of this article. The Saharawi people are able to create in the desert refugee camps an educational system that reduces illiteracy in the population as a whole and in childhood in particular. They have been able to organize an educational system in which practically 100% of children are in school, reducing the illiteracy of 90% of the population, in colonial times, to data similar to those of developed countries. In the education of the camps you can study children's education, primary, secondary and also vocational training. In this article we will go deeper into the main characteristics and difficulties of a structured educational system practically without economic resources, but what represents a great commitment to education as a form of struggle, social and political progress. We will also analyze the role of the Spanish Government as a donor of humanitarian aid to these people, as well as its political responsibility in a conflict that has been open for more than 40 years, with Western Sahara being the only territory in the world pending decolonization.
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Spector, Samuel J. "Negotiating Free Association between Western Sahara and Morocco: A Comparative Legal Analysis of Formulas for Self-Determination." International Negotiation 16, no. 1 (2011): 109–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180611x553890.

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AbstractThe proposal of new negotiation formulae in the midst of stalemated conflicts can help to reframe the problem and restart dialogue. They can also unleash new controversy. The Moroccan Initiative for Negotiating an Autonomy Statute for the Sahara Region is a formulaic proposal advanced by Morocco to describe the broad outlines for Sahrawi autonomy under Moroccan sovereignty. It has been the subject of debate within the international community since it was first introduced in April 2007. Until now, however, discussion of its efficacy as a formulaic basis for a negotiated resolution to the Western Sahara dispute has largely outweighed serious consideration of how the proposal relates to current understandings of international law concerning self-determination and free association. Like Western Sahara, the Cook Islands, Niue, Aceh, New Caledonia, and Bougainville are cases of non-self-governing territories and other high autonomy arrangements where there has been recognition of the need to substitute, as the basis for ending the conflict, a comprehensive negotiated political status, in place of frequently unworkable or unattractive alternatives such as a contentious referendum on independence, open-ended talks, or continued armed conflict. In light of the lessons learned from actual state practice and international responses in the foregoing cases, an assessment of the present Moroccan proposal demonstrates that with some improvements, it may offer a viable new starting point for negotiations. The result of using this plan as a formula to restart negotiations can be the attainment for Western Sahara of a full measure of self-government ‐ in a manner consistent with international law ‐ by means of free association.
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Bengochea Tirado, Enrique, and Francesco Correale. "Modernising Violence and Social Change in the Spanish Sahara (1957–1975)." Itinerario 44, no. 1 (April 2020): 33–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115320000042.

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AbstractIn Spain's last colony, Western Sahara, both efforts by the colonial power to stimulate development and the negative impacts of colonisation intensified between the end of the Ifni-Sahara War (1957–58) and the Spanish withdrawal in 1975. Spanish economical and geopolitical interests triggered an important industrial and urban development of the territory. Cities such as Laayoune, Villa Cisneros, Smara, and the Bou Craa phosphate deposits were to showcase Spanish modernising colonial policies.However, the effects of war, the control of colonial frontiers, and severe droughts during the 1960s strongly affected Sahrawi society. In this context, the Spanish colonial state developed new forms of control over the Sahrawi population, which included the progressive (forced) settling of nomadic people around military posts and Spanish cities, bringing about the adoption of new economic paradigms. Not only did the Francoist government distribute subsidies, both money and goods; it furthermore implemented policies aimed at controlling the Sahrawi way of life, particularly in the areas of hygiene, education, and gender relations. The essay analyses these “carrot-and-stick” strategies at the intersection of colonial control and forced sedentarisation with regard to the implementation of a market-oriented economy in Western Sahara.
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Martín, Carmen Gómez. "Rethinking the Concept of a “Durable Solution”: Sahrawi Refugee Camps Four Decades On." Ethics & International Affairs 31, no. 1 (2017): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0892679416000642.

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The Sahrawi people, who have long lived in the western part of the Sahara, have been housed in refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria, since 1975—the year that Morocco took de facto control of Western Sahara. Their situation poses many questions, including those regarding the status of their state-in-exile, the role of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic, and the length of their displacement. The conditions in the Tindouf camps present a paradigmatic case study of the liminal space inhabited by long-term refugees. Over the decades, residents have transformed these camps into a state-like structure with their own political and administrative institutions, which has enabled the international community to gain time to search for an acceptable political solution to the long-term conflict between the Polisario Front (the Sahrawi rebel national liberation movement) and the Moroccan government. The existence of a state-like structure, however, should not itself be understood as the ultimate solution for the thousands of people in these camps, who are currently living in extreme poverty, surviving on increasingly meager international aid, and enduring an exceptionally long wait for the favorable conditions whereby they may return to their place of origin.
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Fernández-Molina, Irene, and Raquel Ojeda-García. "Western Sahara as a Hybrid of a Parastate and a State-in-Exile: (Extra)territoriality and the Small Print of Sovereignty in a Context of Frozen Conflict." Nationalities Papers 48, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 83–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/nps.2019.34.

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AbstractThis article argues that the “declarative” parastate of the Sahrawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR) claiming sovereignty over Western Sahara is better understood as a hybrid between a parastate and a state-in-exile. It relies more on external, “international legal sovereignty,” than on internal, “Westphalian” and “domestic” sovereignty. While its Algerian operational base in the Tindouf refugee camps makes it work as a primarily extraterritorial state-in-exile de facto, the SADR maintains control over one quarter of Western Sahara’s territory proper allowing it to at least partially meet the requirements for declarative statehood de jure. Many case-specific nuances surround the internal sovereignty of the SADR in relation to criteria for statehood: territory, population, and government. However, examining this case in a comparative light reveals similarities with other (secessionist) parastates. The SADR exists within the context of a frozen conflict, where the stalemate has been reinforced by an ineffective internationally brokered peace settlement and the indefinite presence of international peacekeeping forces. Global powers have played a major role in prolonging the conflict’s status quo while the specific resilience of the SADR as a parastate has been ensured by support from Algeria as an external sponsor. The path to sovereignty appears to be blocked in every possible way.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Prokhorenko, I. L. "The strategy of Spain in the United Nations." Cuadernos Iberoamericanos 8, no. 2 (January 9, 2021): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.46272/2409-3416-2020-8-2-9-18.

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The article explores potential, resources and strategy of Spain in the United Nations from the moment when the resolution of the socalled Spanish question was adopted and Spain joined this influential intergovernmental international organization in 1955 to the present date. The author focuses on key problems which directly deal with national interests of Spain, including: a dispute with the United Kingdom about the ownership of Gibraltar, perennial problem of the Western (Spanish) Sahara conflict management, the initiative and the UN programme Alliance of Civilizations, co-sponsored by Spain, Kosovo issue and the danger of internationalization of the political and institutional conflict in Catalonia, efforts by the Spanish central government to achieve sustainable development goals. By analyzing foreign policy resources of Spain, initiatives and activities of the country in the United Nations and its various specialized agencies over the years using the UN information materials, the author suggests that successful democratic transition and the country’s accession to the European Economic Community in 1986 strengthened the profile of Spain in the United Nations. However, the political and institutional transformations in the European Union, creation of political union of the Member-States and establishment and development of the EU Common Foreign and Security Policy mean that Spain may carry out its foreign policy in a ‘truncated’ form, taking into account the EU position as a special strategic partner of the UN and its expanded Observer status. The economic and foreign policy potential of this country weakening its competitive advantages under the influence of negative consequences of the global financial and economic crisis do not raise an issue about permanent membership of Spain in the UN Security Council. However, the ‘soft power’ resources based on its postimperial identity allow for a fairly high appreciation of possibilities of Spain with regard to monitoring, prevention and management of conflicts and crisis situations in developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America, providing international assistance for development and facilitating intercultural dialogue of the Western and non-Western civilazations.
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Isidoros, Konstantina. "Nomads and Nation Building in the Western Sahara: Gender, Politics and the Sahrawi." Nomadic Peoples 23, no. 2 (October 1, 2019): 322–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3197/np.2019230209.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Western Sahara – Politics and government"

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Dobner, Gallit. "Referendum : a dead letter : prospects for self-determination in Western Sahara." Thesis, McGill University, 2003. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79760.

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Western Sahara has been granted the dubious distinction of Africa's last colony. Long a victim of imperial enterprise, the territory was annexed by Morocco in 1975 Just as Spain withdrew. Despite international protest affirming the Saharawi people's right to a referendum of self-determination, still the question of Western Sahara lingers, frozen in time. This paper will demonstrate that a referendum no longer offers a way forward for three reasons: it is unlikely a referendum will be held due to Morocco's unwillingness to cooperate; if a referendum went forward, it is improbable that it would prove free and fair given Moroccan attempts to undermine the process; and if a successful referendum took place, it is unlikely the international community would be prepared to enforce Saharawi sovereignty. As such, alternatives must be sought. An examination of possible scenarios suggests limited autonomy, as a result of an Algero-Moroccan rapprochement, is Western Sahara's most likely trajectory.
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Wilson, Alice Rose. "Making statehood and unmaking tribes in Western Sahara's liberation movement." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252250.

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Lamamra, Nisrine Amel. "Protracted conflict in Africa : the social construction of sovereignty and war in Western Sahara." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.608018.

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Cozza, Nicola. "Singing like wood-birds : refugee camps and exile in the construction of the Saharawi nation." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2004. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:d9ee198d-3275-4d6e-ae7f-34eb9a2aa101.

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Boumahdi, B. "A political history of the Western Sahara dispute." Thesis, University of Southampton, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.383716.

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Suarez, David. "The Western Sahara and the Search for the Roots of Sahrawi National Identity." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3010.

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This work is a socio-historical study of the roots of Sahrawi national identity. The Sahrawi are a community of people who live in the Western Sahara, a former Spanish colony. Most of its territory has been occupied since 1975 by Morocco, which denies the existence of a distinctive population inhabiting the Western Sahara. In contrast, the POLISARIO Front, vanguard of the Sahrawi nationalist movement, argues that the Western Sahara belongs to the Sahrawi and seeks its full independence. It bases its claims on the notion of a distinctive history, language, and culture for the Sahrawi, separate from that of Moroccans. The central question of this study asks, “What are the origins of Sahrawi national identity?” This study provides a detailed account of Sahrawi identity formation and how it has developed in intensity and scope. It renders a clear understanding of the Sahrawi phenomenon, useful to the international community in its deliberations on the validity of their nationalism. This study examines the foundation of Sahrawi identity through three different theoretical lenses, namely, primordialism, instrumentalism, and constructivism. The study analyzes arguments derived from each of these theoretical approaches, acknowledging the diversity of arguments about the sources of national identity. This study also demonstrates how a national identity can develop over a long period of time as a succession of layers. This study locates the final moment of Sahrawi identity formation in the twentieth century, but adds that this conclusion utilizes essential markers of differentiation that persist over time—the building blocks of any national identity.
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Richey, Rashad [Verfasser]. "The Global Affect of Western Religion on Politics, Policy and Government / Rashad Richey." München : GRIN Verlag, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1166149196/34.

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Richey, Dr Rashad [Verfasser]. "The Global Affect of Western Religion on Politics, Policy and Government / Dr. Rashad Richey." Munich : GRIN Publishing, 2017. http://d-nb.info/1138030546/34.

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Kharroubi, Safwat. "The foiled state : a critical assessment of western donor aid provision and state-building in Palestine in the post-Oslo period." Thesis, Swansea University, 2012. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.678553.

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Whittow, Mark. "Social and political structures in the Maeander region of Western Asia Minor on the eve of the Turkish invasion." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b7b5a641-80b4-46cb-8b41-21e53af80054.

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The thesis is a contribution to two of the crucial problems of middle Byzantine history: the social and political structure of the provinces, and the explanation of the rapid fall of Asia Minor to the Turks at the end of the llth century. These problems are approached through a study of the Maeander region of western Asia Minor.Part one describes the geography of the region and shows it to have been a naturally fertile area, of great potential importance to the Empire. In the Roman period it had been very prosperous; the subsequent decline cannot be explained by geological or climatic factors. Part two surveys the archaeological evidence. The ancient city sites remained occupied at a sometimes very low cultural level through the early (7th -8th century) and middle (9th-llth century) Byzantine periods. A general move of settlements to apparently more secure sites with natural defences did not take place until the 12th-13th centuries in the face of the Turks. Up to the end of the llth century the city sites remained the focus of what was most active in the provincial society of the Maeander region. Part three looks at the region's elites. The strategoi and judges who ruled the theme of the Thrakesioi, which makes up the western two-thirds of the region, were outsiders appointed by the Imperial government in Constantinople and only in the region on short term appointments. Several major figures at the Imperial court owned land in the region but only as absentee landlords. When crisis came between 1071 and 1080 these outsiders abandoned the Maeander to the Turks. The church played an important role, but the resident local elite were a comparatively humble group, isolated from Constantinople, and lacking the influence to force the Imperial government into defending their interests.
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Books on the topic "Western Sahara – Politics and government"

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Saxena, Suresh Chandra. Western Sahara: No alternative to armed struggle. Delhi: Kalinga Publications, 1995.

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Western Sahara: Anatomy of a stalemate. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2005.

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Western Sahara: Anatomy of a stalemate? 2nd ed. Boulder, Colo: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2012.

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Army War College (U.S.). Strategic Studies Institute and Army War College (U.S.). Press, eds. War and insurgency in the Western Sahara. Carlisle, PA: Strategic Studies Institute and U.S. Army War College Press, 2013.

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Tūnisī, Bin ʻĀmir. Taqrīr al-maṣīr wa-qaḍīyat al-Ṣaḥrāʼ al-Gharbīyah. [Algeria]: al-Muʼassasah al-Jazāʼirīyah lil-Ṭibāʻah, 1987.

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al- Milaff al-sirrī lil-Būlīsāriyū wa-al-kawālīs al-khaṭīrah li-taqsīm al-ṣaḥrāʾ: Ḥaqāʾiq tukshafu li-awwal marrah : tawarruṭ jinirālāt Maghāribah ... [Rabat]: Sharikat Ayā-Kār lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr wa-Manshūrāt ʻArabīyah, 2002.

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Larosch, Jérôme. Caught in the middle: UN involvement in the Western Sahara conflict. The Hague: Netherlands Institute of International Relations Clingendael, 2007.

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al-Rawābiṭ al-qānūnīyah bayna al-dawlah wa-iqlīmihā: Al-dawlah al-Maghribīyah qabla 1912 M wa-aqālīmihā al-janūbīyah al-ṣaḥrāwīyah namūdhajan. [Casablanca?: s.n], 2008.

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Chopra, Jarat. United Nations determination of the Western Saharan self. Oslo, Norway: Norwegian Institute of International Affairs, 1994.

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United States. Congress. Senate. Committee on Foreign Relations., ed. The Western Sahara: The referendum process in danger : a staff report to the Committee on Foreign Relations of the United States Senate. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1992.

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Book chapters on the topic "Western Sahara – Politics and government"

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Geldenhuys, Deon. "Western Sahara." In Contested States in World Politics, 190–207. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230234185_10.

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James, Alan. "The Problem of Western Sahara (1988– )." In Peacekeeping in International Politics, 135–37. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-21026-8_26.

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Lagdaf, Souadou, and Nardjes Flici. "Algeria and the Conflict in Western Sahara." In The Politics of Algeria, 251–65. London ; New York, NY : Routledge/Taylor & Francis Group, 2020.: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429447495-18.

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Hancock, M. Donald, David P. Conradt, B. Guy Peters, William Safran, and Raphael Zariski. "The Institutions of European Government." In Politics in Western Europe, 522–39. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14555-3_27.

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Porges, Matthew. "Western Sahara and Morocco: Complexities of Resistance and Analysis." In Secessionism in African Politics, 127–49. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-90206-7_5.

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Kilgore, Arthur. "The War in the Western Sahara: Unity and Dissension in the Maghreb." In Africa in World Politics, 155–80. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-08168-4_13.

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Nugent, Neill. "The Transformation of Western Europe." In The Government and Politics of the European Union, 4–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-23531-5_1.

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Nugent, Neill. "The Transformation of Western Europe." In The Government and Politics of the European Union, 3–22. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-27605-9_1.

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Nugent, Neill. "The Post-War Transformation of Western Europe." In The Government and Politics of the European Union, 23–37. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-45410-2_2.

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Nugent, Neill. "The Post-War Transformation of Western Europe." In The Government and Politics of the European Union, 3–17. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-36611-4_1.

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