Relevant bibliographies by topics / Westphalia, Treaty of

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  1. Journal articles
  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
  4. Book chapters

Academic literature on the topic 'Westphalia, Treaty of'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Westphalia, Treaty of"

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Croxton, Derek. "The Historical Context of “A Westphalia for the Middle East?”." Journal of Applied History 2, no. 1-2 (June 16, 2020): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895893-bja10004.

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Abstract This article considers the fit of the “Westphalia for the Middle East” project with the historical Peace of Westphalia. It takes as its point of departure Proudhon’s distinction between the “judgment” and “reasons” of a treaty. The “reasons” behind the Peace of Westphalia include broad participation of interested parties, religious compromise, involvement of external powers in Imperial government, and ending a war. Of these, the involvement of external powers in another state’s government presents the greatest problem mapping to the Middle East, chiefly because the project proposes to treat the Middle East as a whole like the Holy Roman Empire in the Peace of Westphalia.
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Wagnsson, Charlotte. "NATO’s role in the Strategic Concept debate: Watchdog, fire-fighter, neighbour or seminar leader?" Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 4 (December 2011): 482–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711422470.

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This article argues that traditional Westphalian powers are increasingly pressured to move beyond Westphalia towards institutionalization of security cooperation and a broader definition of referent objects of security. Focusing on the case of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), it notes that the Alliance is severely torn between traditional constructions of ‘the self’ and a need for change. Exploring how NATO handles this dilemma, the article examines how the Alliance articulated its constitutive story during the strategic concept process of 2009–10. Four roles are crystallized from the reading of the narrative: the fire-fighter, the watchdog, the good neighbour and the seminar leader. It is argued that NATO will be able to meet the exigencies of the post-Westphalian world more or less effectively depending on how it develops in each of these roles. The article concludes that NATO largely remains Westphalian in its four roles, but the launching of the seminar leader role indicates that it may be preparing a farewell to Westphalia. NATO is a composite actor and tensions between academic, global reformist and traditionalist regional story-lines will prevail. Nevertheless, the globalized threat environment is likely eventually to force NATO to fully recognize the need for a more post-Westphalian approach to security.
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Filho, Marcílio Toscano Franca. "Westphalia: a Paradigm? A Dialogue between Law, Art and Philosophy of Science." German Law Journal 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2007): 955–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200006118.

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On 23rd June 2007, after three years of uncertainty, European Union leaders agreed on relaunching the old idea of a Magna Charta for Europe (now called “the Reform Treaty”), a normative structure based on the old ideas of deference to national identities, sovereignty and equality. To many authors, the first time that juridical equality between states was solemnly stated was in the aftermath of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), in the Westphalia Peace Treaties, representing the beginning of modern international society established in a system of states, and at the same time, “the plain affirmation of the statement of absolute independence of the different state orders.” In fact, under an Eurocentric conception of political ideas (which envisages England as an isolated island and Iberia as Maghreb, north of Africa), the modern state emerges with the Westphalia Peace Treaties. However, under a broader conception, the modern nation-state (under the form of absolute monarchy) emerged long before the Westphalia Peace Treaties, in Iberia and England. Nevertheless, it is in these documents which lies the “birth certificate” of the modern sovereignty nation-state, base of the present democratic state, and “founding moment” of the international political system. Far beyond this merely formal aspect, the importance of the Westphalia Peace Treaties is so great to the understanding of the notion of state that Roland Mousnier, in describing the 16th and 17th centuries in the General History of the Civilizations, organized by Maurice Crouzet, asserts that those treaties symbolized a real “constitution of the new Europe,” a multifarious Europe, plural and very distant from the religious unit of Christianity, from the political unit of the Holy Roman Empire, and from the economical unit of the feudal system. Constitutions are especially important because they establish the rules for the political authority, they determine who governs and how they govern: “[I]n codifying and legitimating the principle of sovereign statehood, the Westphalian constitution gave birth to the modern states-system.”
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Brunn, Stanley D. "A treaty of Silicon for the treaty of Westphalia? New territorial dimensions of modern statehood." Geopolitics 3, no. 1 (June 1998): 106–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650049808407610.

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Diniz, Eugenio, and Domício Proença Júnior. "The collapse of the material foundations of Westphalian International Law." Revista de Sociologia e Política 23, no. 54 (June 2015): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-987315235402.

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This article corresponds to a diagnosis that affirms the collapse of the material foundations of coercive power, the hard constraints of any political direction that seeks to reform of international regulation. It takes the matter within the broad parameters associated with International Law derived from the Treaty of Westphalia, including some of its developments. The evolution of International Law is addressed through the perspective of Strategic Studies to show how the Westphalian order was consistent with then-current underlining strategic, tactical and logistical realities, and then proceeds to demonstrate how those underlining realities have changed. The contrast between current International Law and current strategic, tactical and logistical realities exposes the former as fundamentally at odds, with the latter, which is an untenable situation. Failure to directly address those inconsistencies in an intellectually sustained effort tends to perpetuate a state of affairs in which International Law will be redefined exclusively by the decisions of the powerful and the arbitrary rule of the stronger.
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WALLACE, WILLIAM. "Europe after the Cold War: interstate order or post-sovereign regional system?" Review of International Studies 25, no. 5 (December 1999): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599002016.

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The changing structure of European order poses, for any student of international relations, some fundamental questions about the evolution of world politics. Concepts of European order and of the European state system are, after all, central to accepted ideas of international relations. Out of the series of conflicts and negotiations—religious wars, coalitions to resist first the Hapsburg and then the Bourbon attempt at European hegemony—developed ideas and practices which still structure the contemporary global state system: the equality of states; international law as regulating relations among sovereign and equal states; domestic sovereignty as exclusive, without external oversight of the rules of domestic order. The ‘modern’ state system, modern scholars now agree, did not spring fully-clothed from the Treaty of Westphalia at the close of the Thirty Years' War; it evolved through a succession of treaties and conferences, from 1555 to 1714. It remains acceptable, nevertheless, to describe the European state order as built around the Westphalian system.
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Munkh-Erdene, Lhamsuren. "The 1640 Great Code: an Inner Asian parallel to the Treaty of Westphalia." Central Asian Survey 29, no. 3 (September 2010): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2010.526824.

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Al - Mousawi, Abdul Hamid Al Eid. "Henry Kissinger's book World order: Reflections on the beginnings of nations and the course of history." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (February 26, 2019): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.62.

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The central idea of Henry Kissinger's latest book, The Global System, is that the world desperately needs a new world order, otherwise geopolitical chaos threatens the world, and perhaps chaos will prevail and settle in the world. According to Kissinger, the world order was not really there at all, but what was closest to the system was the Treaty of Westphalia, which included about twenty Western European states for almost four centuries.
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Milton, Patrick. "The Mutual Guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the Law of Nations and Its Impact on European Diplomacy." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340132.

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Abstract This paper seeks to investigate how the mutual guarantee clauses of the treaties of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years War in 1648, affected European diplomacy until the late eighteenth century. It will first analyse the reception and impact of the guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the European Law of Nations and in subsequent treaty law. Secondly, it will assess the practical impact of this feature of the Law of Nations on European diplomacy, and how this influence changed over time. This will also include an analysis of how diplomacy and shifting power-political currents altered the content of the guarantee in the Law of Nations. In analysing the guarantee’s influence on diplomacy, the paper places a particular emphasis on Franco-Imperial and Swedish-Imperial relations, as well as the perception of the guarantee among diplomats and other political actors during political, constitutional and confessional conflicts within the Holy Roman Empire.
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Ross, George. "Functionalism vs Westphalia: the looking glass of employment policy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 15, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890901500108.

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Many key ideas in the Lisbon strategy can be traced back to the Delors Commission's 1993 White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment, arguably the EU's first major effort to confront the economic and social realities of globalisation. At the time the White Paper failed to achieve the results it sought. However, the core of the White Paper's labour market issues were taken up by the Amsterdam Treaty which initiated the European Employment Strategy and its innovative methodology, the open method of coordination (OMC). The Lisbon strategy, which followed soon thereafter, broadened this approach into a new mission to enhance the competitiveness of the EU which used the OMC extensively. However, EU Member States, zealous of their prerogatives in economic, labour market and social policies, were unwilling to grant the EU level significant roles for transnational coordination and implementation in these areas. The results have not matched the outpouring of support for Lisbon from progressive intellectuals and centre-left politicians. In the critical policy areas that the 1993 White Paper, the EES and the Lisbon strategy have addressed, contradictions between intergovernmentalism and the need for European coordination have led to suboptimal results.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Westphalia, Treaty of"

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Williamson, Myra Elsie Jane Bell. "Terrorism, war and international law: the legality of the use of force against Afghanistan in 2001." The University of Waikato, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10289/2594.

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The thesis examines the international law pertaining to the use of force by states, in general, and to the use of force in self-defence, in particular. The main question addressed is whether the use of force, which was purported to be in self-defence, by the United States, the United Kingdom and their allies against al Qaeda, the Taliban and Afghanistan, beginning on 7 October 2001, was lawful. The thesis focuses not only on this specific use of force, but also on the changing nature of conflict, the definition of terrorism and on the historical evolution of limitations on the use of force, from antiquity until 2006. In the six chapters which trace the epochs of international law, the progression of five inter-related concepts is followed: limitations on the resort to force generally, the use of force in self-defence, pre-emptive self-defence, the use of forcible measures short of war, and the use of force in response to non-state actors. This historical analysis includes a particular emphasis on understanding the meaning of the 'inherent right of self-defence', which was preserved by Article 51 of the United Nations' Charter. This analysis is then applied to the use of force against Afghanistan which occurred in 2001. Following the terrorist attacks of 11 September, the US and the UK notified the United Nations Security Council of their resort to force in self-defence under Article 51. Each element of Article 51 is analysed and the thesis concludes that there are significant doubts as to the lawfulness of that decision to employ force. In addition to the self-defence justification, other possible grounds for intervention are also examined, such as humanitarian intervention, Security Council authorisation and intervention by invitation. This thesis challenges the common assumption that the use of force against Afghanistan was an example of states exercising their inherent right to self-defence. It argues that if this particular use of force is not challenged, it will lead to an expansion of the right of self-defence which will hinder rather than enhance international peace and security. Finally, this thesis draws on recent examples to illustrate the point that the use of force against Afghanistan could become a dangerous precedent for the use of force in self-defence.
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Oschmann, Antje. "Der Nürnberger Exekutionstag 1649-1650 : das Ende des Dreissigjährigen Krieges in Deutschland /." Münster : Aschendorff, 1991. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39908960f.

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Immler, Gerhard. "Kurfürst Maximilian I. und der Westfälische Friedenskongress : die bayerische auswärtige Politik von 1644 bis zum Ulmer Waffenstillstand /." Münster : Aschendorff, 1992. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb39908969j.

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Dissertation--Philosophische Fakultät--München--Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Wintersemester 1988/1989.
En appendice : texte du "Passauer Rezess" (1644) et texte en latin de l'"Ulmer Waffenstillstand" (1647). Bibliogr. p. 518-525. Index.
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Rohrschneider, Michael. "Der gescheiterte Frieden von Münster : Spaniens Ringen mit Frankreich auf dem Westfälischen Friedenskongress (1643-1649) /." Münster Aschendorff, 2006. http://deposit.d-nb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?id=2864425&prov=M&dok_var=1&dok_ext=htm.

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May, Niels. "Cérémonial et statut : l’impact des négociations westphaliennes sur l’évolution du cérémonial diplomatique." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040225.

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Cette étude analyse le rôle des négociations westphaliennes (1643-1648) dans le développement du cérémonial diplomatique au XVIIe siècle en s’appuyant sur les correspondances entre les diplomates et leurs princes. La perspective des acteurs a été privilégiée pour mieux comprendre l’importance des différentes querelles et leurs logiques. Sur le plan méthodologique, nous nous interrogeons sur les implications et les limites des concepts utilisés pour appréhender le « cérémonial » en tant que phénomène historique. Une analyse se fondant sur la fonction représentative des diplomates laisse de côté plusieurs problèmes importants. La démonstration du rang princier ne constitue pas l’unique motif des querelles de cérémonial. Les diplomates provoquent en effet de nombreuses altercations non pas pour défendre le statut de leur prince mais plutôt pour asseoir le leur. Le cérémonial utilisé lors des négociations westphaliennes mélange ainsi le statut du représentant et celui du représenté. En outre, la signification des signes utilisés au cœur du cérémonial fait l’objet d’une discussion permanente et permet aux acteurs d’interpréter les incidents de différentes manières. Or, au cours du XVIIe siècle, le cérémonial renvoie de plus en plus à une signification précise, ce qui entraine une multiplication des querelles. Par ce processus, le cérémonial constitue désormais un instrument qui révèle moins la hiérarchie entre les différents princes que leur appartenance au cercle des Souverains
This dissertation analyses the role of the westphalian negotiations (1643-1648) in the development of the diplomatic ceremonial in the 17th century through the examination of correspondence between diplomatic representatives and their princes. In order to better appreciate the importance of the different conflicts and their inherent logic, the study focuses on the actor’s perspective. Methodologically, the concepts utilized for understanding and describing the historical phenomenon « ceremonial » are critically analysed with respect to their implications and limits. This research suggests that an analysis solely based on the representative role of the diplomats would neglect important aspects given that the demonstration of rank is not the only motive in ceremonial conflicts. As such, the diplomats studied provoked many altercations not to confirm their prince’s status, but rather first and foremost to define and cement their own. Thus, the ceremonial of the westphalian negotiations blends the statuses of representative and represented. Furthermore, as the meanings of the signs used in the context of the ceremonial were not commonly defined, the various actors are able to interpret the events differently. In the course of the 17th century however, the ceremonial significations become more and more fixed and unified, which in turn leads to a multiplication of conflicts. This process lead to a situation where the function of the ceremonial was no longer to reveal the specific hierarchy among prince, but rather to display their adhesion to a group of Sovereigns
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Gantet, Claire. "Discours et images de la paix dans des villes d'Allemagne du Sud aux XVIIe et XVIIIe siècles." Paris 1, 1999. http://www.theses.fr/1999PA010503.

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Issue d'une réflexion sur les formes spécifiques d'une mémoire collective liée à un conflit politique, cette thèse étudie les perceptions de la guerre de trente ans et la définition progressive de la paix qui menèrent aux traités de Westphalie (1648), puis leur réception et leur ritualisation jusqu'à l'extrême fin du XVIIIe siècle. La guerre de trente ans eut pour fin la définition d'un modus vivendi permettant la coexistence de plusieurs confessions dans le saint-empire. Pour désamorcer le potentiel conflictuel, on régla les problèmes sur le plan civil, en écartant les questions dogmatiques. Mais la guerre ne peut être réduite à un rapport de droit. Sa conclusion nécessita aussi un travail sur les peurs pour en faire ressentir l'effroi, une mémorisation des évènements destinée à instruire l'horreur d'une guerre civile. Les traites de Westphalie décrétèrent l'amnistie générale, le silence public, afin de reconstituer un tissu social dans l'immédiat. Mais la réconciliation imposait une mémoire de la persécution. Ce double mouvement, d'oubli politique et de mémoire religieuse s'exprimèrent dans les fêtes de la paix célébrées lors de la signature des traites (174 différentes entre 1648 et 1650, 204 jusqu'en 1660). Œuvre des juristes, la paix requit la redéfinition du rôle politique des clergés. La célébration des traités fut l'œuvre du corps pastoral, essentiellement luthérien, qui rapporta la paix à la seule action de Dieu. Dans les villes où catholiques et protestants coexistaient, les fêtes de la paix furent institutionnalisées, célébrées par les luthériens exclusivement chaque année parfois jusqu'à nos jours comme à Augsbourg. Dans ces villes, la paix suscita le développement de traits culturels spécifiques soulignant la différence religieuse. Les fêtes de la paix furent des démonstrations luthériennes. Mais l'étude fine des discours et images de la paix produits au cours de ces fêtes montre que l'affirmation confessionnelle sut toujours respecter et faire primer les valeurs civiques communes. Dans ces villes mixtes, il se forma un habitus de la paix
Deriving from a reflexion about the specific forms of collective memory linked to a political conflict, this thesis analyses the perceptions of the thirty years' war and the progressive definition of peace, which led to the treatises of Westphalia (1648), then their reception and their ritualisation until the very end of the 18th century. The thirty years' war was aimed to define a modus vivendi allowing the coexistence of several confessions in the holy roman empire. To neutralize the conflict-provoking potentiality the problems were settled on the civil level, bey keeping out the dogmatical questions. But war cannot be reduced to e mere matter of law. Its conclusion required also a work on fears led in order to make feel its dread, a memorization of the events meant to teach the horror of a civil war. The peace of westphalia decreed the general amnesty, the public silence, in order to build up again social links for the time being. But fully reconciliation required a memory of the persecution. The peace festival celebrated for the signature of the treatises (174 different ones between 1648 and 1650, 204 until 1660) expressed this double movement of political oblivion and religious memory. Work of the jurists, the peace settlement forced the clergies to redefine their political role. The celebration of the treatises was launched by the lutheran clergy, who attributed the peace to the sole action of god. In the cities were catholics and protestants coexisted, the peace festival were institutionalized, celebrated by the lutheran exclusively, each year sometimes till nowadays as in Augsburg. In these cities, the peace aroused the development of specific features, emphasizing the religious difference. Peace festivals became demonstrations of lutheranism. But the precise analysis of the discourses and images of peace produced for theses festivals shows that the confessional affirmation always managed to respect and make prevail the common civic values. In these cities, a habitus of peace was formed
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Books on the topic "Westphalia, Treaty of"

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Guthrie, William P. The later Thirty Years War: From the Battle of Wittstock to the Treaty of Westphalia. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press, 2003.

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Comte, M. le. L' esprit du gouvernement anglais ou Son système politique et celui des puissances de l'Europe, pendant deux siècles: Ouvrage impartial utile à tous les Européens dans lequel on donne une idée des traités ... A Paris: Chez Vincard, imprimeur-libraire ..., 1986.

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Bartolomé, Mariano. La seguridad internacional en el siglo XXI: Más allá de Westfalia y Clausewitz. [Chile]: Academia Nacional de Estudios Políticos y Estratégicos, Ministerio de Defensa Nacional, Chile, 2006.

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France. Atomic energy: International Piping Integrity Research Group (IPIRG) : agreement between the United States of America and France, signed at Fontenay-aux-Roses and Bethesda February 20 and March 5, 1987. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1997.

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France. Protocol to the 1967 Tax Convention with France: Message from the President of the United States transmitting the protocol of June 16, 1988, together with a related exchange of notes, to the convention between the United States of America and the French Republic with respect to taxes on income and property of July 28, 1967, as amended by the protocols of October 12, 1970, and November 24, 1978 and January 17, 1984. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 1988.

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France. Scientific cooperation, geological sciences: Agreement between the United States of America and France, amending and extending the memorandum of understanding of July 8 and 23, 1982, as extended, signed at Menlo Park June 5, 1992. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1993.

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France. Atomic energy: Light water reactor safety : arrangement between the United States of America and France, signed at Rockville and Fontenay-aux-Roses April 25 and May 22, 1995 with appendices and annex. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1999.

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France. Atomic energy, cooperation in operation of atomic weapons systems for mutual defense purposes: Agreement between the United States of America and France, modifying the agreement of July 27, 1961, signed at Paris July 22, 1985. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1992.

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France. Scientific cooperation, geological sciences: Agreement between the United States of America and France, amending and extending the memorandum of understanding of July 8 and 23, 1982, signed at Washington July 17, 1989. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1993.

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France. Atomic energy: Light water reactor safety : arrangement between the United States of America and France, signed at Rockville and Fontenay-aux-Roses April 25 and May 22, 1995 with appendices and annex. Washington, D.C: Dept. of State, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "Westphalia, Treaty of"

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Mock, William B. T. "Treaty of Westphalia." In Encyclopedia of Global Justice, 1095–96. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4020-9160-5_660.

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Long, William J. "Introduction." In A Buddhist Approach to International Relations, 1–18. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-68042-8_1.

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AbstractMany scholars have wondered if a non-Western theory of international politics founded on different premises, be it from Asia or from the “Global South,” could release international relations from the grip of a Western, “Westphalian” model in which self-interest (and opposition to the other) and system anarchy treat conflict and violence as natural and ethical behavior among states. As part of the emergent literature in Global International Relations, this monograph suggests that a Buddhist approach to international relations could provide a genuine alternative. Because of its distinctive philosophical positions and its unique understanding of reality, human nature, and political behavior, a Buddhist theory of IR offers a means for transcending the Westphalian predicament. This chapter situates a Buddhist approach to international relations within the sweep of traditional and recent international relations theory. It then outlines the subsequent chapters of the monograph that address the philosophical foundations of Buddhist IR; Buddha’s ideas about politics, economics, and statecraft; and the manifestations of Buddhist political principles in practice, one ancient and one modern, that illustrate this alternative approach.
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Milton, Patrick, Michael Axworthy, and Brendan Simms. "Lessons for the Middle East." In Towards A Westphalia for the Middle East, 107–32. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190947897.003.0006.

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The analogies and parallels outlined in the preceding chapter for the basis of the application of lessons from the Thirty Years War and the Peace of Westphalia to the Middle East. This chapter outlines in detail the two main kinds of lessons that can be drawn for the benefit of peace in the Middle East, namely diplomatic techniques and mechanisms on the one hand, and treaty content on the other. Finally, the broad outlines of a new Westphalian regional order for the Middle East are suggested.
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"1642–8: Towards a Peace Treaty in Westphalia." In Scots in Habsburg Service, 1618-1648, 245–72. BRILL, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789047402763_018.

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Kampmann, Christoph. "The Treaty of Westphalia As Peace Settlement and Political Concept." In International Law and Peace Settlements, 64–85. Cambridge University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/9781108627856.005.

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"No. 29477. France and Federal Republic of Germany (on behalf of Baden-Wuerttemberg, Bavaria, Berlin, Bremen, Hamburg, Hesse, Lower Saxony, North Rhine-Westphalia, Rhineland-Palatinate, Saarland and Schleswig-Holstein)." In Treaty Series 1705, 9–24. UN, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.18356/cb7de596-en-fr.

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Stephen C, McCaffrey. "Part II Evolution and Theoretical Bases of the Law of International Watercourses, 5 The Contribution of the Law of Navigation." In The Law of International Watercourses. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/law/9780198736929.003.0005.

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This chapter examines the law of navigation on international waterways, its development, and the contribution it has made to the law of international watercourses more generally. The rules of international law regarding navigation on international waterways are most highly developed in Europe. The development occurred—to some extent—bilaterally but was consolidated and widely dispersed by the major peace treaties beginning with the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. These rules provided broadly for freedom of navigation, first for riparians then for all nations. In the absence of a contrary treaty regime or inconsistent state practice regarding a particular waterway or area, the principle of freedom of navigation for states riparian to an international waterway should be presumed to be the prevailing standard under general international law. The content of this principle is that which has developed through the consistent practice of states over nearly two centuries.
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Ciurtin, Horia. "A New Era in Cross-strait Relations? A Post-sovereign Enquiry in Taiwan’s Investment Treaty System." In China's International Investment Strategy, 290–310. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198827450.003.0016.

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The author provides a post-sovereign enquiry in Taiwan’s investment treaty system. Going beyond the traditional legal divisions, Taiwan showed that it can bypass such limitations, being a main trend-setter in innovating the area of international economic law. Specifically, a close look at Taiwan’s nexus of investment treaty is eye-opening; Taiwan concluded twenty-nine BITs and six ample economic cooperation agreements with related investment provisions. The number and the importance of these agreements reveal that the concept of international recognition does not directly influence the behaviour of states which are willing to interact legally and economically. In this regard, non-diplomatic relations might be used as a step forward, as Taiwan is closer to conclude an agreement with another post-sovereign entity, the European Union. This global actor may open up the scene for a multi-tier dynamic where some of its component member states are in principle against any liaison with Taiwan, but will be bound to it because of their membership to the EU. To solve such legal contradiction, the established instruments of international law cannot be applied, and a new theoretical framework shall be developed. To this end, the starting point must be to discuss sovereignty thoroughly. The chapter assesses the polity’s effort for the development of diplomatic structures by means of investment agreements, in this way avoiding the problems related to recognition. This kind of agreement can be considered as a litmus test, showing Taiwan’s capacity to shift traditional categories of Westphalian international law and emerge as a self-standing actor.
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9

Raustiala, Kal. "Territory and the Republic." In Does the Constitution Follow the Flag? Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195304596.003.0005.

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The American Revolution birthed a new nation that, although small and weak, would eventually come to dominate world politics. The events of 1776 foreshadowed a range of future rebellions by peoples who chafed under imperialism and sought ultimately to control their own political destiny. In North America, as in the many independence movements since, the rebels aimed to do so by claiming and defending a distinct territory and declaring themselves a new state. The American Revolution was unusual, however, in that the new United States did not simply occupy territory that had been previously ruled by an existing Westphalian sovereign. The United States was instead surrounded by a vast expanse of land largely ungoverned (in the view of Europeans) by any other political entity. The nation began as thirteen colonies on the Atlantic coast, but over the next two centuries it enlarged its territory dramatically through a combination of conquest, purchase, and treaty. This story is central to American history, and the “extraordinary geographic expansion of the United States is critical to understanding the rise of the nation as a world power and global empire.” This chapter explores how the concept of territoriality was manifested and interpreted in early American law. The founding generation “was intensely interested in the geographic extent of the American polity.” How was this intense interest manifested? In what ways were established ideas about Westphalian territoriality reflected in the new Constitution? What legal questions did geographic expansion raise? In short, this chapter explores how eighteenth- and early-nineteenth-century Americans understood and interpreted the links between sovereignty and soil. For several reasons the United States is particularly interesting in this regard. Federalism entails a central distinction between state and federal territory. For most of American history federal territory was substantial in size and, in large part due to conflicts over slavery, highly charged politically. How, if at all, constitutional protections differed in the states versus the territories was a question that would over time foment dramatic debate. The United States also contains many Indian tribes.
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10

Davydov, Alexey P. "“The Middle” as a Methodological Tool for Studying Social Reality." In Russia in Reform: Year-Book [collection of scientific articles], 529–64. Federal Center of Theoretical and Applied Sociology of the Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russian Federation, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19181/ezheg.2020.23.

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The article considers the possibility of interpreting the meaning of the “middle” as a methodological tool for studying social reality. Various types of “middle” are analyzed. “The Middle” J. P. Sartre/V. S. Bibler has liberal Cartesian roots. Through the principle of “I am responsible for my being-for- Other, but I am not its foundation,” it is aimed at the mastery and control of the Other by the Self. This type of “middle” allows the unity of the Self with the Other while maintaining the independence of the subjects from each other. This unity of subjects involves the regulation of relations between them through a change in the subject of dialogue (the interpolar “middle”) and the transition from dialogue as a one-time act to a process of multi-level dialogue. Examples of the Westphalian peace treaty between Catholics and Protestants (1649) and the Brest- Lithuanian peace treaty between Russia and Germany (1918) are given as examples of a successful change in the subject of dialogue. “Middle” M. M. Bakhtin/B. A. Lectorsky has social-democratic/ Christian-democratic roots. Through the principle of “I am for the Other from the point of view of the Other/Other for me from my point of view”, she aims to form a common foundation of the brotherly culture of I and the Other. This type builds the unity of the Self with the Other as a result of the inner need of both to serve each other. “For each other” and “from each other” can be reduced to identity in the idea of the “middle” of R. S. Grinberg on the basis of public-private partnerships. In this “middle” version, independence (the “from” tool) and ministry (the “for” tool) generate the “for / from” tool as a “middle” methodology. It is also proposed to consider the logic of the evolution of culture through the transition from the idea of a one-shot dialogue to the idea of multi-level dialogue: “thesis-antithesis chaos (the middle is struggling within itself between internal opposites) — thesis- antithesis…”.
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