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1
Croxton, Derek. "The Historical Context of “A Westphalia for the Middle East?”." Journal of Applied History 2, no. 1-2 (June 16, 2020): 85–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25895893-bja10004.
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Abstract This article considers the fit of the “Westphalia for the Middle East” project with the historical Peace of Westphalia. It takes as its point of departure Proudhon’s distinction between the “judgment” and “reasons” of a treaty. The “reasons” behind the Peace of Westphalia include broad participation of interested parties, religious compromise, involvement of external powers in Imperial government, and ending a war. Of these, the involvement of external powers in another state’s government presents the greatest problem mapping to the Middle East, chiefly because the project proposes to treat the Middle East as a whole like the Holy Roman Empire in the Peace of Westphalia.
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Wagnsson, Charlotte. "NATO’s role in the Strategic Concept debate: Watchdog, fire-fighter, neighbour or seminar leader?" Cooperation and Conflict 46, no. 4 (December 2011): 482–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010836711422470.
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This article argues that traditional Westphalian powers are increasingly pressured to move beyond Westphalia towards institutionalization of security cooperation and a broader definition of referent objects of security. Focusing on the case of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), it notes that the Alliance is severely torn between traditional constructions of ‘the self’ and a need for change. Exploring how NATO handles this dilemma, the article examines how the Alliance articulated its constitutive story during the strategic concept process of 2009–10. Four roles are crystallized from the reading of the narrative: the fire-fighter, the watchdog, the good neighbour and the seminar leader. It is argued that NATO will be able to meet the exigencies of the post-Westphalian world more or less effectively depending on how it develops in each of these roles. The article concludes that NATO largely remains Westphalian in its four roles, but the launching of the seminar leader role indicates that it may be preparing a farewell to Westphalia. NATO is a composite actor and tensions between academic, global reformist and traditionalist regional story-lines will prevail. Nevertheless, the globalized threat environment is likely eventually to force NATO to fully recognize the need for a more post-Westphalian approach to security.
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Filho, Marcílio Toscano Franca. "Westphalia: a Paradigm? A Dialogue between Law, Art and Philosophy of Science." German Law Journal 8, no. 10 (October 1, 2007): 955–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200006118.
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On 23rd June 2007, after three years of uncertainty, European Union leaders agreed on relaunching the old idea of a Magna Charta for Europe (now called “the Reform Treaty”), a normative structure based on the old ideas of deference to national identities, sovereignty and equality. To many authors, the first time that juridical equality between states was solemnly stated was in the aftermath of the Thirty Years’ War (1618-1648), in the Westphalia Peace Treaties, representing the beginning of modern international society established in a system of states, and at the same time, “the plain affirmation of the statement of absolute independence of the different state orders.” In fact, under an Eurocentric conception of political ideas (which envisages England as an isolated island and Iberia as Maghreb, north of Africa), the modern state emerges with the Westphalia Peace Treaties. However, under a broader conception, the modern nation-state (under the form of absolute monarchy) emerged long before the Westphalia Peace Treaties, in Iberia and England. Nevertheless, it is in these documents which lies the “birth certificate” of the modern sovereignty nation-state, base of the present democratic state, and “founding moment” of the international political system. Far beyond this merely formal aspect, the importance of the Westphalia Peace Treaties is so great to the understanding of the notion of state that Roland Mousnier, in describing the 16th and 17th centuries in the General History of the Civilizations, organized by Maurice Crouzet, asserts that those treaties symbolized a real “constitution of the new Europe,” a multifarious Europe, plural and very distant from the religious unit of Christianity, from the political unit of the Holy Roman Empire, and from the economical unit of the feudal system. Constitutions are especially important because they establish the rules for the political authority, they determine who governs and how they govern: “[I]n codifying and legitimating the principle of sovereign statehood, the Westphalian constitution gave birth to the modern states-system.”
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Brunn, Stanley D. "A treaty of Silicon for the treaty of Westphalia? New territorial dimensions of modern statehood." Geopolitics 3, no. 1 (June 1998): 106–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14650049808407610.
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Diniz, Eugenio, and Domício Proença Júnior. "The collapse of the material foundations of Westphalian International Law." Revista de Sociologia e Política 23, no. 54 (June 2015): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1678-987315235402.
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This article corresponds to a diagnosis that affirms the collapse of the material foundations of coercive power, the hard constraints of any political direction that seeks to reform of international regulation. It takes the matter within the broad parameters associated with International Law derived from the Treaty of Westphalia, including some of its developments. The evolution of International Law is addressed through the perspective of Strategic Studies to show how the Westphalian order was consistent with then-current underlining strategic, tactical and logistical realities, and then proceeds to demonstrate how those underlining realities have changed. The contrast between current International Law and current strategic, tactical and logistical realities exposes the former as fundamentally at odds, with the latter, which is an untenable situation. Failure to directly address those inconsistencies in an intellectually sustained effort tends to perpetuate a state of affairs in which International Law will be redefined exclusively by the decisions of the powerful and the arbitrary rule of the stronger.
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WALLACE, WILLIAM. "Europe after the Cold War: interstate order or post-sovereign regional system?" Review of International Studies 25, no. 5 (December 1999): 201–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210599002016.
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The changing structure of European order poses, for any student of international relations, some fundamental questions about the evolution of world politics. Concepts of European order and of the European state system are, after all, central to accepted ideas of international relations. Out of the series of conflicts and negotiations—religious wars, coalitions to resist first the Hapsburg and then the Bourbon attempt at European hegemony—developed ideas and practices which still structure the contemporary global state system: the equality of states; international law as regulating relations among sovereign and equal states; domestic sovereignty as exclusive, without external oversight of the rules of domestic order. The ‘modern’ state system, modern scholars now agree, did not spring fully-clothed from the Treaty of Westphalia at the close of the Thirty Years' War; it evolved through a succession of treaties and conferences, from 1555 to 1714. It remains acceptable, nevertheless, to describe the European state order as built around the Westphalian system.
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Munkh-Erdene, Lhamsuren. "The 1640 Great Code: an Inner Asian parallel to the Treaty of Westphalia." Central Asian Survey 29, no. 3 (September 2010): 269–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02634937.2010.526824.
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Al - Mousawi, Abdul Hamid Al Eid. "Henry Kissinger's book World order: Reflections on the beginnings of nations and the course of history." Tikrit Journal For Political Science 3, no. 6 (February 26, 2019): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v3i6.62.
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The central idea of Henry Kissinger's latest book, The Global System, is that the world desperately needs a new world order, otherwise geopolitical chaos threatens the world, and perhaps chaos will prevail and settle in the world.
According to Kissinger, the world order was not really there at all, but what was closest to the system was the Treaty of Westphalia, which included about twenty Western European states for almost four centuries.
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Milton, Patrick. "The Mutual Guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the Law of Nations and Its Impact on European Diplomacy." Journal of the History of International Law / Revue d’histoire du droit international 22, no. 1 (March 11, 2020): 101–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718050-12340132.
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Abstract This paper seeks to investigate how the mutual guarantee clauses of the treaties of Westphalia, which ended the Thirty Years War in 1648, affected European diplomacy until the late eighteenth century. It will first analyse the reception and impact of the guarantee of the Peace of Westphalia in the European Law of Nations and in subsequent treaty law. Secondly, it will assess the practical impact of this feature of the Law of Nations on European diplomacy, and how this influence changed over time. This will also include an analysis of how diplomacy and shifting power-political currents altered the content of the guarantee in the Law of Nations. In analysing the guarantee’s influence on diplomacy, the paper places a particular emphasis on Franco-Imperial and Swedish-Imperial relations, as well as the perception of the guarantee among diplomats and other political actors during political, constitutional and confessional conflicts within the Holy Roman Empire.
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Ross, George. "Functionalism vs Westphalia: the looking glass of employment policy." Transfer: European Review of Labour and Research 15, no. 1 (January 1, 2009): 93–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/102425890901500108.
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Many key ideas in the Lisbon strategy can be traced back to the Delors Commission's 1993 White Paper on Growth, Competitiveness and Employment, arguably the EU's first major effort to confront the economic and social realities of globalisation. At the time the White Paper failed to achieve the results it sought. However, the core of the White Paper's labour market issues were taken up by the Amsterdam Treaty which initiated the European Employment Strategy and its innovative methodology, the open method of coordination (OMC). The Lisbon strategy, which followed soon thereafter, broadened this approach into a new mission to enhance the competitiveness of the EU which used the OMC extensively. However, EU Member States, zealous of their prerogatives in economic, labour market and social policies, were unwilling to grant the EU level significant roles for transnational coordination and implementation in these areas. The results have not matched the outpouring of support for Lisbon from progressive intellectuals and centre-left politicians. In the critical policy areas that the 1993 White Paper, the EES and the Lisbon strategy have addressed, contradictions between intergovernmentalism and the need for European coordination have led to suboptimal results.
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Ivonin, Yuri, and William P. Guthrie. "The Later Thirty Years' War: From the Battle of Wittstock to the Treaty of Westphalia." Sixteenth Century Journal 36, no. 4 (December 1, 2005): 1168. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20477640.
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Showalter, Dennis, and William P. Guthrie. "The Later Thirty Years War. From the Battle of Wittstock to the Treaty of Westphalia." German Studies Review 27, no. 2 (May 2004): 370. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1433094.
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Vasetsky, V. Y. "The influence of socio-political events in Europe in the XVI-XVII centuries on the development of legal doctrine of Modern history." INTERPRETATION OF LAW: FROM THE THEORY TO THE PRACTICE, no. 12 (2021): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.33663/2524-017x-2021-12-23.
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In the history of the country’s development there are periods in which significant changes in social, political and economic life take place. These undoubtedly include the period of the European Reformation of the XVI-XVII centuries. Socio-political events in critical periods are at the same time the source of development in the legal sphere, when often in the struggle crystallize new, necessary for the development of the state, legal provisions of a doctrinal nature. The aim of this paper is to analyze the socio-political events in Europe in the XVI-XVII centuries, the results of the Thirty Years’ War and the significance of the Peace of Westphalia in 1648 in terms of influencing the development of legal doctrine of Modern history, and also to provide a comparison with the peculiarities of the socio-political situation that took place in the Ukrainian lands of that time. It is noted that since the beginning of the XVI century. almost the entire world of that time was covered by the Reformation. First of all, it was a broad socio-political movement that took the form of a struggle with the Catholic Church. Against this backdrop of socio-political and economic change, Protestantism has become widespread throughout Europe, associated with the names of Martin Luther, Jean Calvin, and Ulrich Zwingli. At the same time, the Catholic Church and the Jesuits opposed the Reformation and led the Counter-Reformation. The result of this confrontation was the Thirty Years’ War - the first pan-European war of 1618 – 1648 between the Catholic Union and the coalition of Protestant states. In European history, this war has remained one of the most terrible European conflicts. Historians estimate that more than 2 million military and more than 6 million civilians were killed. Thirty Years’ War in Europe in the XVII century. ended with the signing in 1648 at the same time in Münster and Osnabrück peace treaty, which was called the Peace of Westphalia in 1648. It is emphasized that the Peace of Westphalia contains a number of provisions of a doctrinal nature. It is made conclusion that this treaty was the source of modern international law and had a long-term impact on the development of relations between states. Among the most important principles of doctrinal nature are the following: state sovereignty has become a universally recognized legal category; the principle of freedom of conscience is recognized with certain restrictions; the idea of sovereignty and independence of each state was opposed to the idea of a single Christian community; proclaimed the idea of ensuring certain human rights, especially the principle according to which private property and the rights of citizens of a hostile state could not be changed by war. Ukrainian ties with European events of that era also took place. This was reflected in the text of the Treaty of Osnabrück, where Ukrainians are noted as allies of Sweden, and the Treaty determined the relevant international legal status of Transylvania at that time. It is noted that the period of the Reformation coincides with the events in Ukraine, as a result of which the Ukrainian Liberation War began, led by Bohdan Khmelnytsky. Keywords: European Reformation, Peace of Westphalia, legal doctrine, origins of law, the Revolution of Bohdan Khmelnytsky.
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Wilson, Peter H. (Peter Hamish). "The Later Thirty Years War: From the Battle of Wittstock to the Treaty of Westphalia (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 2 (2004): 586–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0082.
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Belyayev, Michail. "THE REPUBLIC OF THE UNITED PROVINCES POLICY AT THE PEACE OF WESTPHALIA CONGRESS AND THE PEACE OF MÜNSTER CONCLUSION." Izvestia of Smolensk State University, no. 1 (49) (May 26, 2020): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.35785/2072-9464-2020-49-1-211-226.
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The Northern Netherlands fought for liberation from Spanish rule for 80 years. The country needed peace and confirmation of sovereignty. Spain, weakened by the war, was also interested in a peace treaty conclusion. Dutch-Spanish negotiations at the Peace of Westphalia Congress had not been held until January, 1646. The parties relatively quickly agreed on the basic terms of
the agreement. They managed to resolve the issues of colonial conquest, trade, and the closure of the Scheldt. The contradictions, remained unresolved, concerned the position of the Catholic religion on the Lands of the Generality. However, there was no unity regarding the conclusion of peace in the republic itself. The province of Zeeland opposed the conclusion of the treaty. Despite this fact, in January 1647 a preliminary
peace agreement was signed. It should come into force in case of signing the same Franco-Spanish agreement. In accordance with the Franco-Dutch Union Treaty, its parties undertook not to conclude a separate peace. However, France and Spain could not come to an agreement. As a result of the internal political struggle in the republic, the victory was won by the supporters of the separate peace conclusion.
On January 30, 1648 the Peace of Münster was concluded between Spain and the Republic of the United Provinces. On May 15, 1648 the parties exchanged instruments of ratification. At the end of May, 1648 the province of Zeeland agreed to the peace concluded.
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Patnaik, Prabhat. "The ideology of India’s corporate-financial oligarchy—A note." Studies in People's History 6, no. 2 (November 29, 2019): 193–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448919875288.
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Nationalism in India arose out of resistance to colonialism and thus had a different character than the bourgeois nationalism of European countries after the treaty of Westphalia. The inclusive nature of Indian nationalism has been eroded, however, as a big corporate sector has grown in the economy and the Hindutva ideology has grown alongside it. What has now happened is an alliance between the two forces, the ‘neo-liberal’ regime in the economy having its counterpart in a ruling semi-fascist ideology. The latter presents the Hindus as a homogenous whole, whose dominance, it aims at establishing. In reality, it serves the interests of the corporate-financial oligarchy, and so is adverse to the well-being of the vast majority of India’s population.
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Deng, Francis. "From 'Sovereignty as Responsibility' to the 'Responsibility to Protect'." Global Responsibility to Protect 2, no. 4 (2010): 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187598410x519534.
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AbstractThis essay examines the origins and evolution of the concepts of 'sovereignty as responsibility' and the 'responsibility to protect'. In particular, it considers the role and duty of states and how ideas of sovereignty have evolved since the modern nation-state was conceived by the European Treaty of Westphalia of 1648. It then examines the responsibility of states towards their own citizens and traces the development of the R2P norm in Africa as it has related to conflict prevention, management, and resolution since the end of the Cold War. The essay further considers the responsibilities of national democratic governments in Africa and beyond. Recent developments that have widened the scope and helped the acceptance and application of the concept of 'sovereignty as responsibility' are discussed, and the essay concludes with an examination of the accountability and enforcement challenges faced by R2P.
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Nilsson, Marco. "The Magnitude of Warfare Revisited – System Polarity and War Duration." Journal of Strategic Security 14, no. 2 (June 2021): 25–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5038/1944-0472.14.2.1885.
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One of the intractable debates in the study of international conflict is the linkage between polarity and magnitude of interstate warfare. Speculations about the effects of the structure of the international system can be traced back to the Treaty of Westphalia. This article revisits this debate with a focus on war duration, which has received little attention in the literature, and presents the first theoretical discussion of the connection between polarity and war duration. It also uses a hazards model to statistically test whether five different measures of polarity are associated with war duration (1816-1992). The results provide initial support for the hypothesis that an increase in the number of poles in the state system is associated with longer wars on average. The empirical analysis and the theoretical discussion are important for understanding the consequences of the declining U.S. hegemony.
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Uelzmann, Jan. "Building Domestic Support for West Germany's Integration into NATO, 1953–1955." Journal of Cold War Studies 22, no. 2 (May 2020): 133–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00941.
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Konrad Adenauer's government in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) engaged in a large-scale media campaign to create political consent for the FRG's integration into the West, a policy that rested to a large extent on rearmament and entry into the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. To counter public criticism of rearmament, the West German authorities used Mobilwerbung, a company that maintained a fleet of mobile film screening vans. Clandestinely financed by the government, Mobilwerbung brought government-commissioned films and political speakers into the FRG's remotest areas. Based on archival records on deployments in Lower Saxony and North Rhine-Westphalia, this article traces Mobilwerbung's role as a government unit that reacted dynamically to competing events. Through highly detailed reporting on audience reactions, Mobilwerbung served both as a public relations vehicle to foster consent and as an analytical tool that allowed the mapping of public sentiment regarding rearmament.
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Howorth, Jolyon. "European defence policy and subsidiarity: The imperative of the EU level." European View 18, no. 1 (March 18, 2019): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1781685819838431.
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Since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, defence policy, across Europe, has traditionally been the preserve of the nation state. That remains the default situation today, despite over two decades of movement towards a common EU security and defence policy. European leaders, ever since the 1980s, have insisted that the EU level is the most appropriate for this policy area, and public opinion appears to agree with them. Yet, despite many developments in the direction of a ‘European army’, and despite the launch of dozens of EU overseas missions, defence planning and procurement, as well as the deployment of forces, remain the preserve of the EU’s national governments. Since 2016 we have witnessed an intensification of the move towards the EU level. This article argues that it is still too soon to determine whether a genuine shift away from the nation-state level is now in progress.
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NEAL, LARRY. "How it all began: the monetary and financial architecture of Europe during the first global capital markets, 1648–1815." Financial History Review 7, no. 2 (October 2000): 117–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0968565000000081.
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Larry Neal, How it all began: the monetary and financial architecture of Europe during the first global capital markets, 1648–1815The Treaty of Westphalia created the modern nation-state system of Europe and set the stage for the long-term success of financial capitalism. The new sovereign states experimented with competing monetary regimes during their wars over the next century and two-thirds while they extended and perfected the financial innovations in war finance developed during the Thirty Years War. The Dutch maintained fixed exchange rates, the French insisted on exercising monetary independence, while the English placed priority on free movement of international capital. In struggling with the trilemma of choosing among the goals of maintaining fixed exchange rates, monetary independence and free movement of capital, the governments of early modern Europe learned many valuable lessons. By the time of the Napoleonic wars, the innovations that emphasised reliance on financial markets rather than on financial institutions proved their superiority.
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Zarisnov Arafat and Muhammad Gary Gagarin Akbar. "POLITIK HUKUM DALAM PEMBAHARUAN PERATURAN EKSTRADISI DI INDONESIA DIHUBUNGKAN DENGAN UNITED NATIONS MODEL TREATY ON EXTRADITION OF 1990." Justisi Jurnal Ilmu Hukum 4, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.36805/jjih.v4i1.640.
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Ekstradisi secara universal hingga saat ini mengalami perubahan yang semakin baik, terutama setelah kehidupan bernegara sudah mulai tampak lebih maju sampai abad 20 ini. Hubungan dan pergaulan internasional menemukan bentuk dan substansinya yang baru dan berbeda dengan zaman sebelum Perjanjian Perdamaian Westphalia tahun 1648. Negara-negara yang berdasarkan atas prinsip kemerdekaan kedaulatan dan kedudukan sederajat mulai menata dirinya masing-masing terutama masalah domestik dengan membentuk dan mengembangkan hukum nasionalnya, yang salah satunya di bidang hukum pidana nasional. Hukum pidana nasional masing-masing negara, terutama jenis-jenis kejahatan atau tindak pidananya, disamping pula ada kesamaan dan perbedaannya. Semakin menguat batas wilayah dan kedaulatan teritorial masing-masing negara, semakin menguat pula penerapan hukum nasionalnya di dalam batas wilayah negara masing-masing. Semakin banyaknya perjanjian-perjanjian yang dibuat oleh negara-negara baik bilateral ataupun multilateral untuk mengatur suatu masalah tertentu yang sudah, sedang, dan akan dihadapi. Dalam pembuatan perjanjian tersebut mulai dilakukan pengkhususan atas substansinya, jadi tidak lagi satu perjanjian mencakup berbagai macam substansi yang berbeda-beda. Di Indonesia peraturan mengenai Ekstradisi dibuat pada tahun 1979, mengingat hingga saat ini belum terjadi perubahan di dalam Undang-Undang Nomor 1 Tahun 1979 padahal PBB telah membuat suatu model pembuatan perjanjian ekstradisi pada tahun 1990, sehingga sudah selayaknya peraturan mengenai ekstradisi di Indonesia harus mengalami pembaharuan ke depan yang lebih baik.
Kata Kunci: Ekstradisi, Politik Hukum, Hukum Pidana.
Abstract
Extradition is universally up to now experiencing increasingly good changes, especially after the state of life has begun to appear more advanced until the 20th century. International relations and relationships find new and different forms and substance from the times before the Treaty of Peace of Westphalia in 1648. Countries that are based on the principle of freedom of sovereignty and equal position begin to organize themselves, especially domestic problems by forming and developing national laws, which one of them is in the field of national criminal law. The national criminal law of each country, especially the types of crime or criminal acts, besides there are similarities and differences. The stronger regional boundaries and territorial sovereignty of each country, the stronger the application of national laws within the borders of each country. The increasing number of agreements made by countries both bilaterally and multilaterally to regulate a particular problem that has been, is being, and will be faced. In making these agreements, specialization of the substance began to be carried out, so no more than one agreement covers a variety of different substances. In Indonesia, the Extradition regulation was made in 1979, considering that until now there had been no changes in Law Number 1 of 1979 even though the United Nations had made a model for making an extradition treaty in 1990, so that proper regulations on extradition in Indonesia must undergo reform better future.
Keyword: Extradition, Politics of Law, The Criminal Law.
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Bayeh, Joseph N., and Georgios C. Baltos. "From a Culture of Borders to Borders of Cultures: Nationalism and the “Clash of Civilizations” in International Relations Theory." Journal of Educational and Social Research 9, no. 1 (January 1, 2019): 9–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/jesr-2019-0001.
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Abstract The Peace of Westphalia signed in 1648 signaled the beginning of the modern international system of states. International relations (IR) theory identifies this treaty as the founder of the principle of political sovereignty whereby each nation-state has full control over its territory and domestic affairs, thus it is the beginning of an international system of states. The latter is based on the sanctity and inviolability of interstate borders as its main defining feature. This paper investigates the recent developments in international relations and their significance to the concept of borders in IR theory; on the one hand, a “clash of civilizations” thesis assumes that new “fault lines” borders among civilizations of, mainly, different religions are taking precedence over traditional territorial borders of nation-states, while, on the other hand, a rise in conservative nationalism and, possibly, protectionism, over the traditionally liberal West reasserts the primacy of territorial borders in IR. In particular, this study examines whether such developments signal a paradigm shift in IR theory that may necessitate revisiting certain fundamentals of mainstream respective theories.
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Dubey, Muchkund. "The Nationalism Debate: Past and Present." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 1 (March 2017): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117689853.
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The nation states have emerged and been shaped through an evolutionary process. The major factors triggering their emergence have been rise of capitalism, breakdown of empires, independence of colonial territories and, in recent years, the disintegration of large federal states. The character and the authority of nation states have been shaped initially by the interstate system of the Treaty of Westphalia and largely by the French Revolution and the United Nations (UN) Charter, rise of regionalism and globalisation. Nationalism continues to thrive and remain dominant all over the world mainly because its possible substitutes such as global capitalism, socialist internationalism and UN multilateralism did not prove viable. The major challenges the nation states face today are coping with new problems arising within their territories and those which affect the very survival of mankind. The Indian nationalism embraces the entire variety of elements which go into the making of a nation state. It has been a subject of bitter controversy starting from India’s independence movement. To be true to its ethos reflected in the Indian Constitution, it must remain pluralistic, inclusive and humanitarian.
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Bagot, Matthew. "Catholicism and Cosmopolitanism: the Confluence of Three Catholic Scholars and the Cosmopolitan Democrats on State Sovereignty and the Future of Global Governance." De Ethica 3, no. 2 (August 17, 2016): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3384/de-ethica.2001-8819.163237.
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One of the central questions in international relations today is how we should conceive of state sovereignty. The notion of sovereignty—’supreme authority within a territory’, as Daniel Philpott defines it—emerged after the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 as a result of which the late medieval crisis of pluralism was settled. But recent changes in the international order, such as technological advances that have spurred globalization and the emerging norm of the Responsibility to Protect, have cast the notion of sovereignty into an unclear light. The purpose of this paper is to contribute to the current debate regarding sovereignty by exploring two schools of thought on the matter: first, three Catholic scholars from the past century—Luigi Sturzo, Jacques Maritain, and John Courtney Murray, S.J.—taken as representative of Catholic tradition; second, a number of contemporary political theorists of cosmopolitan democracy. The paper argues that there is a confluence between the Catholic thinkers and the cosmopolitan democrats regarding their understanding of state sovereignty and that, taken together, the two schools have much to contribute not only to our current understanding of sovereignty, but also to the future of global governance.
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راضي, أ. م. د. سمير جسام, and أ. م. نوار جليل هاشم. "Polar structure in the international system." مجلة العلوم السياسية, no. 52 (February 20, 2019): 47–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30907/jj.v0i52.65.
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Conclusion The observation of the phenomenon of structural evolution of the international system and its instability on a particular situation, by its transition from unipolar to polarity to bipolarism and then to unilateralism in the early 1990s led by the United States, and to the present moment, To say that the structure by which the hierarchy of superpowers or the regime is directed in terms of its various capacities that qualify it, and with the consent of the rest of the States directing the regime to lead and lead the world's first place, has no direct relation to the stability of this system, I hope other more influential in its stability. The structure of the new international order will be completely different in terms of the roles and legal rules governing the relationship between these roles. Therefore, the stability of this system will be based on very different foundations from the foundations of the international system since the Treaty of Westphalia to the present. This research deals with the stages of development of the international system first, and then describes the current international system II, to the factors affecting the polar structure
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Michael, Abada Ifeanyichukwu, and Omeh Paul Hezekiah. "Political Economy of Imperialism in Iraq." Journal of Social Sciences Research, no. 64 (April 10, 2020): 419–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32861/jssr.64.419.424.
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The growing influence of America in the global economy coupled with her protectionist policies in the recent time have put pressure to comity of transitional states especially African and Middle East. The invasion of Iraq by America is the driven factor of former’s oil deposits that had been a source of interest to America. Meanwhile, Americans had over the years accused Iraq of harboring Weapons of Mass Destruction, an antic for her imperialist expedition. However, it is against this backdrop that the study geared toward appreciating co-factor variables of imperialism that had influenced American’s interest on Iraq and the attendant implication to the economies of two actors. The paper utilized mixed method approach and analyzed using analytic induction. The theoretical framework of analysis was anchored on the economic radical theory, a strand of Marxian theory of economic structuralism. The finding of the study reveals that despite the established Westphalia Treaty of 1648 on the sovereignty of nation states, Americans had devoid odds and invaded, plundered the economy of Iraq. The paper strongly recommends among others; sanctioning of America for neglecting the world standing order on sovereignty of states. Also, Iraq needs to be compensated by America through reconstruction and rehabilitation.
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Kabat-Rudnicka, Danuta. "Autonomy or Sovereignty: the Case of the European Union." International and Comparative Law Review 20, no. 2 (December 1, 2020): 73–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/iclr-2020-0018.
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Summary Sovereignty is a key concept in international law and international relations. First defined and discussed by Jean Bodin, sovereignty is considered to be an inherent attribute of any state. However, the changes that international society has undergone since the Treaty of Westphalia, including the emergence of different state and non-state actors vying for power and authority, have called into question the position of the state as the main actor in the modern world. This in turn has given rise to the following questions: how should the very concept of sovereignty be understood today? Given the growing importance of international organizations and regional integrational arrangements can the concept of sovereignty be extended to cover entities other than states; and in case of the European Union, what makes us think in terms of sovereignty rather than autonomy? This analysis is an attempt to apply the concept of sovereignty to contemporary international organizations. The main thesis is as follows: in the case of international organizations, especially a new type of organization, it is also legitimate to consider a narrative in terms of sovereignty, not just autonomy. The example studied here is the European Union as an international organization-cum-regional integrational arrangement.
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Ropi, Ismatu. "Konstitusi dan Nomenklatur Kebebasan Beragama: Pengalaman Berbagai Negara." ILMU USHULUDDIN 7, no. 1 (May 14, 2020): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.15408/iu.v7i1.14411.
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This article examines the idea of religious freedom as the constitutional rights of some countries. In the beginning, the principles of freedom of religion (liberty of religion) was deeply rooted and strongly associated with the concept of 'freedom of thought and conscience', a phrase that first appeared in the Westphalia Treaty of 1648 which ended a long war in the name of religion in Europe. In this context, religious freedom was understood as freedom to believe (or not believe), adhere (or not adhere) to a religious proposition, belief or doctrine on the basis of individual experience or reasoning. It also contained the freedom to change that belief at any time if desired for the reason that basically human being through out his/her life continues to carry out what to be called as the process of preference and selection from the 'better' life. Nevertheless, religious freedom is not merely a natural right belonging to every individual but in turn also a given right granted by the state as a political authority manifested later in the respective Constitution. For this reason, the state as the holder of the people's mandate has the right to take actions in maintaining this order which in turn may in principle be possible to limit the rights of the community itself, including those relating to religion. Hence this article discusses several important matters on the issue. First, how and to what extent international law guarantees religious freedom normatively; second, how do the general portrait of various state constitutions when discussing religious freedom, and third, to what extent freedom is practically influenced by conditions such as the concept of the public sphere and the existence of a dominant majority group.
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Simons, G., and M. A. Glaser (Kukartseva). "New Cold War and the Crisis of the Liberal Global Order." Outlines of global transformations: politics, economics, law 12, no. 3 (November 24, 2019): 77–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.23932/2542-0240-2019-12-3-77-93.
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Currently, international relations and the global order are in turmoil and disorder. The bases of the international order and the means by which it was regulated are in the process of being dismantled, such as the central considerations of the Treaty of Westphalia that guided international politics and diplomacy for centuries. As the world becomes increasingly polarised into different opposing and competing geopolitical camps, the question needs to be asked, why is this happening? The answer seems to lie, at least in part, in a rapidly evolving and changing system of global political hegemony, where liberal democracy is on the wane. This is also further influenced by the declining economic and military power of the West, where the US is still the unipolar hegemony, but is declining in its hard power and ability to manage/control international affairs as it was able to do in the 1990s (such as the First Gulf War in 1990–91 and Kosovo in 1999). This paper analyses the rise and decline of the West, and the international consequences and results. A conclusion of this paper, although the West is significantly weakened in terms of its political, military and economic power, it is trying to stave off its decline. Therefore, the ‘New Cold War’ is an important element in this strategy as a means to try and unite a divided and wary domestic audience by attempting to invoke the spectre of a foreign ‘threat’ and to do this through the concept of a crisis. A crisis represents an extraordinary situation, which if accepted, becomes the basis for applying extraordinary measures to ‘rescue’ the public from the hazard. It is a means to try and bargain the public’s freedom for their sense of security.
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Singh, Ripu Sudan. "State-Nation Dilemma and Kurdish Issue: Crisis of Governability in West Asia." Indian Journal of Public Administration 63, no. 4 (November 22, 2017): 672–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019556117726845.
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Ever since the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648, the process of state and nation making in modern times is going on. The collapse of the Soviet Union in December 1991 and post-Cold War period saw the emergence of fifteen new states and several other sovereign states from the ruins of Yugoslavia and Czechoslovakia in Eastern Europe. The problems of governance and political legitimacy are directly linked with the demand for new nation-states globally. The threats unleashed by interstate Islamic State of Iraq and Levant (ISIL) in Syria and Iraq have substantially posed problems of governance and legitimacy threatening the survival of several states in the Middle East. The question of nation-state was almost accepted as resolved and settled in the region but the end of Cold War and Soviet collapse again brought the issue on the global forefront and the political structure of several states have been challenged. The state-centred, faith-centred and ethnicity-centred forces are confronting each other and the nation-state dilemma has got more pronounced and complicated, as states are not in a position to manage the nations within. This article tries to probe the issues of governance, political legitimacy and gross violation of basic human rights of the ethno-national groups, minority ethnic groups and weaker sections of society. It also makes an attempt to look for and devise certain alternatives and methods to resolve the dilemma of nation-state in the Middle East in general and drawing lessons for the rest of the globe. The Kurdish issue may be taken as a case study which has once again become a matter of deep concern and its timely resolution has drawn worldwide attention and concern. The survival of a large number of people is at stake as a result of the nation-state dilemma, and if this is not properly taken care of, it will spread globally and affect world peace and order.
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Paulino, Luís Antonio. "Hegemonia ou Governança Global Compartilhada. O que a China pensa?" Brazilian Journal of International Relations 7, no. 3 (November 12, 2018): 581–610. http://dx.doi.org/10.36311/2237-7743.2018.v7n3.07.p581.
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Frente à experiência histórica do Ocidente, na qual o ciclo de hegemonia, competição, guerra e nova hegemonia tem se repetido desde que o Tratado de Vestfália, em 1648, criou o atual sistema de estados-nação independentes, a ascensão recente da China à condição de grande potência e o concomitante declínio do “soft power” e do “hard power” dos Estados Unidos tem levado muitos a prever um inevitável confronto entre os dois países na disputa pela hegemonia mundial. Mesmo nos Estados Unidos, a preocupação de que a China possa vir a tomar seu lugar como potência hegemônica global tem gerado reações fortes, com a China sendo apresentada para a opinião pública como o inimigo a ser contido e derrotado. Os chineses, por seu turno, alegam que a lógica poder-hegemonia está baseada na experiência histórica dos países ocidentais e que a mesma não se aplica ao caso da China. Afirmam que não é da natureza da China buscar a hegemonia, que a China pode alcançar o desenvolvimento sem buscar a hegemonia e que a busca da hegemonia seria um convite para sua própria destruição. Para os chineses, o atual sistema de governança global pelo Ocidente está em desacordo com o atual balanço de poder mundial e, por isso, advogam um novo modelo de governança compartilhada entre o Ocidente e o Oriente.
Abstract: In the face of Western historical experience in which the cycle of hegemony, competition, war and new hegemony has been repeated since the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648 created the present system of independent nation-states, China's recent rise to the condition of great power and the concomitant decline of soft power and hard power in the United States has led many to foresee an inevitable confrontation between the two countries in the struggle for world hegemony. Even in the United States, concern that China may take its place as a global hegemonic power has generated strong reactions, with China being presented to public opinion as the enemy to be restrained and defeated. The Chinese, for their part, claim that the logic of power-hegemony is based on the historical experience of Western countries and that it does not apply to the case of China. They assert that it is not China's nature to seek hegemony, that China can achieve development without seeking hegemony and that the pursuit of hegemony would be an invitation to its own destruction. For the Chinese, the current system of global governance by the West is at odds with the current balance of world power and therefore advocate a new model of shared governance between the West and the East.
Key-words: China, United States, Hegemony.
Recebido em: Agosto/2018.
Aprovado em: Outubro/2018.
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Park, Jung Mee, and Chun-Ping Wang. "Interpreting the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations of 1882 between Chosŏn and the Qing: How logics of appropriateness shaped Sino–Korean relations." International Area Studies Review 23, no. 1 (September 5, 2019): 114–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865919871704.
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Prior research on Qing China’s relationship towards Chosŏn Korea in the late 19th century suggested that China’s influence over Korea was a continuation of the tribute system. However, the Qing’s awareness of Westphalian laws altered Sino–Korean relations. In 1882, Qing China signed the Maritime and Overland Trade Regulations with Chosŏn Korea. Unlike the previous treaties that China signed with western states, the Qing negotiated terms economically beneficial to China in the agreement. The Qing officials determined much of the terms found in the Regulations. The Qing officials had leverage over Chosŏn officials partly because China had amassed cultural capital through centuries of tributary exchanges. The logics of appropriateness (LoA) or ‘bounded rationality’ of the tribute system shaped the Qing’s and Chosŏn’s responses, even in treaty negotiations. We argued that the Regulations reflected the Qing’s attempts to ‘modernize’ tributary relations with Westphalian LoA in light of the Qing’s own domestic crisis. Domestic insurrections such as the Taiping Rebellion led members of the self-strengthening ( Ziqiang) movement to focus on foreign affairs and adopt Westphalian international laws. The Qing’s goals to self-strengthen via an unequal agreement with Chosŏn, however, failed when westerners criticized China’s perceived suzerain authority over Korea. The criticisms highlighted the cleavages between the tributary and Westphalian systems as individuals attempted to justify their roles within these institutions.
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Tsivatyi, V. "Diplomatic Receptions and Dilemmas of the New Diplomacy during the Thirty Years War (1618-1648): the Institutional Discourse." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-4.
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The article analyzes the events and consequences of the Thirty Years War (1618-1648) for new European diplomacy and political and institutional development of Europe. Attention is focused on thediplomatic tools, national specifics and features of the negotiation process of European states during and as a result of the Thirty Years War. The outcome of the Westphalian Congress was an importantstimulus for further European socio-economic, security, political and diplomatic development. The practical achievements of the Westphalian Congress and the experience acquired by Europeandiplomacy in the first half of the 17th century determined the future institutional development of world diplomacy and international law, which has not lost its relevance so far. The article describes theevents of the Thirty Years War of 1618-1648, the struggle for national sovereignty and the formation of national states, the signing of a peace treaty, the formation of a new permanent diplomacy and a system of international relations.
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PAUL, DAREL. "Sovereignty, survival and the Westphalian blind alley in International Relations." Review of International Studies 25, no. 2 (April 1999): 217–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026021059900217x.
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That states are sovereign units interacting under conditions of anarchy has long been the core assumption of the discipline of International Relations. Operating largely with an anthropomorphic conceptualization of the state, 'statists' create a stunted ontology of the international system dominated by the concepts of state survival and an assumed state survival interest. By constituting sharp lines of demarcation between being and non-being, between 'life' and 'death', statists ignore a host of more subtle changes in the ontological status of states which are ill-treated by reference to 'survival'. This Westphalian ontology leads ultimately to a dead end, for such a definition rejects from the outset an ontology of overlapping political authorities in a single territory but at distinct scales which is characteristic not only of the present international system but of the so-called Westphalian era as well.
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Eagar, R. M. C., and H. W. J. van Amerom. "A new highly variable non-marine bivalve fauna and a new species from basal Westphalian D near Osnabriick, Germany with an Appendix: New internal and external features in the genus Anthraconaia." Transactions of the Royal Society of Edinburgh: Earth Sciences 90, no. 1 (1999): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0263593300002510.
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AbstractThe study is based on over 170 bivalve specimens collected in the last seven years by three independent collectors in basal Westphalian D strata at Piesberg Quarry, near Osnabrück, northern Germany. All the material has come from the roof shales of either the Bänkchen or the Dreibänke coal, 25 m above it, most of it from above the Dreibanke coal. Both faunal bands have closely similar sediments, shells and floral associations, mainly of hydrophyllic plants, including those that characterise waterlogged swamps. The palaeoenvironments were, on average, of low energy deltaic lakes.Both faunal bands constitute life assemblages of small, sparse Anthraconaia mingled with abundant plants and plant debris in richly carbonaceous shale with a variable carbonate content. Siphonal and pedal gapes of the valves indicate that the bivalves lived in a steeply burrowing position probably below the surface of the sediments. After death most valve pairs lay with their median planes parallel to the bedding planes of the sediment. Later overlying pressure, normal to bedding planes and varying according to the time of carbonate formation, led to a pattern of breakdown of the convexity of the shells essentially the same as that found in larger Anthraconaia in Westphalian B. In both cases it appears that lateral profiles of shells have been unaffected by vertical crushing. It is therefore reasonable to treat the profiles of uncrushed and vertically crushed shells together.On the basis of measurements and morphology two groups of shells have been distinguished at Piesberg, that of Anthraconaia pruvosti (Tchernychev) Weir, comprising about 96 per cent of the fauna, and the remainder Anthraconaia piesbergensis sp. nov. Each is illustrated by a variation diagram or pictograph and is in part defined by growth equations in terms of shell length, height and anterior end. The small A. piesbergensis, which also yields evidence of posterior gape, is formally described. Anthraconaia pruvosti, which has not been previously recorded in Germany, shows extremely wide variation with a number of new varieties, but all intergrade with previously known varieties of this species and include Anthraconaia weissiana (Geinitz). The mean size of the shells is half that of the holotype, from northern France, but size ranges are comparable with those from the U.K. The mode of the fauna lies around small, elongate, subtriangular shells with nearly straight to slightly reflected ventral margins.The elements of the Piesberg fauna fall into place stratigraphically in the sequence of Anthraconaia faunas in Westphalian C to late Westphalian D, mainly in the southern part of the U.K. Moreover, very small, scarce shells recently described above No. 10 coal, late Westphalian D at Writhlington, Somerset, U.K., appear related to A. piesbergensis. At this horizon they had different associates and a different palaeohabitat from those of the larger Anthraconaia pringlei (Dix & Trueman) which succeeded A. pruvosti. It is therefore likely that A. piesbergensis may have occupied a different palaeoecological niche from that of A. pruvosti and that A. piesbergensis was collected from a horizon slightly different from those yielding A. pruvosti at Piesberg Quarry, possibly from a fauna which lived in shallower water.Re-figuring of uncrushed, excellently preserved material of Anthraconaia aff. pruvosti from late Westphalian C of Pembrokeshire, SW Wales, reveals new evidence of the musculature of the genus Anthraconaia. There is also clear evidence of siphonal and pedal gapes in closed valves, both being features previously unrecognised in Anthraconaia, and characteristic, to date, only of Westphalian late C and D Stages in Germany and the U.K.
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Behrenbeck, Th, C. Fastenrath, J. Behrenbeck, K. Groell, Th Dorsel, and F. Bender. "Interdisciplinary Emergency Care System in a Medium Sized City: Evaluation of 3,997 Cases Over a Four Year Period." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 2, no. 1-4 (1986): 134–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00030624.
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In 1978 an emergency medical system was established to provide extensive, on the spot treatment for medical emergencies and traffic accidents in Münster. It was designed, like other systems (17,21,23,25,31,34) to treat all types of medical emergencies, although it was initially thought that victims of traffic accidents would predominate. The system covers the city of Münster, which is the capital of Westphalia (see Figure 1) and has a population of 270,000 plus its neighboring communities. Thus, the service provides for 300,000 people over a 20 mile circle in diameter. This area has a low percentage of blue collar workers due to a lack of industry, as Münster is mainly an academic, administrative and business center.
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Martins, Wilson Denis, Fernando Henrique Wastphalen, and Vania Portela Ditzel Westphalen. "Microstomia Caused by Swallowing of Caustic Soda: Report of a Case." Journal of Contemporary Dental Practice 4, no. 4 (2003): 91–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.5005/jcdp-4-4-91.
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Abstract A case of microstomia caused by swallowing caustic soda is presented. A 54-year old man developed a progressive stricture of the circumoral region following accidental ingestion of caustic soda when he was 9 years old. He was treated by a general surgeon who performed bilateral commissurotomies when he was 19 years old and lived normally until he needed major dental prosthetic treatment. His dentist was unable to perform the treatment due to the mouth stricture. The surgical option was to perform bilateral buccal mucosal flaps. A review of the literature and the surgical technique are presented. Citation Martins WD, Westphalen FH, Westphalen VPD. Microstomia Caused by Swallowing of Caustic Soda: Report of a Case. J Contemp Dent Pract 2003 November;(4)4:091-099.
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Reeh, Niels. "Inter-religious Conflict, Translation, and the Usage of the Early Modern Notion of ‘Religion’ from the Fall of Constantinople to the Westphalian Peace Treaty in 1648." Journal of Religion in Europe 13, no. 1-2 (December 9, 2020): 96–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-13010003.
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Abstract The article attempts to show that the modern notion of ‘religion’ is a construction that emerged in the context of inter-religious encounters following the fall of Constantinople and especially in the years around the Reformation. Hereby, the article argues that the modern notion of ‘religion’ emerged earlier than found by most previous studies, and that it was used in the legislation of the new Protestant states as well as in the modern (Westphalian) state-system, both of which it has been a part of ever since. The notion of ‘religion’ is, thus, not a scholarly invention (J.Z. Smith) or tied to colonialism (Timothy Fitzgerald) but rather a product of complex historical processes in which religious conflicts and the attempt to overcome these played a key role.
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POLAT, NECATI. "European integration as colonial discourse." Review of International Studies 37, no. 3 (July 9, 2010): 1255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210510000495.
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AbstractA not infrequent musing on the growing European integration is that the process may signal a historic discontinuity with the logic and functioning of the modern state, forming an alternative to the Westphalian order. This article takes issue with this notion, holding that, more accurately, the interaction in Europe between the currents of post-national integration and the nation-state may have reduced the integrated Europe to a mere parody of the nation-state. In articulating this argument, the article draws on the ‘hybrid’ anxiety placed by Homi Bhabha at the heart of the encounter between the coloniser and the colonised – a binary perversely reproduced, the article claims, in the dichotomy between the European integration and the European nation-state. Next, through a discussion of ‘catachresis’ and ‘time-lag’, strategies of reversal introduced by Gayatri Spivak and Bhabha, respectively, the article rehearses ideas as to whether or not something of a post-Westphalian order can still be salvaged from the ongoing process of integration. Throughout, the article seeks to rely on the later Wittgenstein on meaning, especially his privileging of what is conventionally treated as secondary in meaning formation; namely appearances, difference, absence, mimesis, and the burlesque, as opposed to a transcendental essence, presence, or identity.
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Cantú-Rivera, Humberto. "The Expansion of International Law Beyond Treaties." AJIL Unbound 108 (2014): 70–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2398772300001872.
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International law is going through a period of change and, potentially, expansion. At a point in history during the past millennium, the main sources of inter-State law were custom and general principles of law recognized by civilized nations. This came to an end with the Westphalian era when an international order slowly began to establish and a treaty system was developed. Thus, such international law sources as custom and general principles of law gave way to an era of treaties: carefully designed instruments at the international level that codified every single aspect of agreements and transactions between nations. This phenomenon was not exclusive to the universal level; it also took place at a regional scale during the twentieth century, which saw the emergence of regional organizations and agreements that would enable the development of a reasonably stable international or regional society.
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Ailes, Mary Elizabeth. "On the Verge of War: International Relations and the Jülich‐Kleve Succession Crises, 1609–1614. By Alison D. Anderson. Studies in Central European Histories. Edited by, Thomas A. Brady Jr. and Roger Chickering. Boston: Humanities Press, 1999. Pp. xvi+276. $86.00.The Later Thirty Years War: From the Battle of Wittstock to the Treaty of Westphalia. By William P. Guthrie. Contributions in Military Studies, number 222. Westport, CT: Greenwood Press, 2003. Pp. x+307. $69.95." Journal of Modern History 77, no. 2 (June 2005): 392–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/431822.
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Kuhn, Elmar, Ingo Slottosch, Matthias Thielmann, Daniel Wendt, Kathrin Kuhr, Heinz Jakob, Thorsten Wahlers, and Oliver Liakopoulos. "Statin Therapy in Patients Undergoing Coronary Artery Bypass Grafting for Acute Coronary Syndrome." Thoracic and Cardiovascular Surgeon 66, no. 06 (April 20, 2017): 434–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1055/s-0037-1602257.
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Background This study evaluates whether preoperative statin therapy improves clinical outcomes in patients referred to coronary artery bypass grafting (CABG) for acute coronary syndrome (ACS). Methods A total of 1,151 patients undergoing CABG for ACS were prospectively entered into the North-Rhine-Westphalia surgical myocardial infarction registry and subdivided into two groups according to their preoperative statin status (statin naive vs. statin group). A logistic regression model was employed to analyze the impact of a statin therapy and dose for the endpoints in-hospital mortality and major adverse cardiac events (MACE). Results Demographics, pre- and intraoperative data of the statin-naive group (n = 208; 18%) and statin-treated group (n = 943, 82%) did not differ. In-hospital mortality (12.6 vs. 6.3%, p = 0.002) and MACE rates (22.1 vs. 9.7%, p < 0.001) were significantly higher in statin naive when compared with statin-treated patients with ACS, respectively. Mevalonic acid revealed that both low- and high-dose statin treatment was associated to a reduction in in-hospital mortality and MACE, without a dose-dependent statin effect. Conclusion Statin therapy in patients with ACS undergoing CABG reduces in a dose-independent manner in-hospital mortality and MACE.
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Jatmiko, Akhmad. "KEBANGKITAN AGAMA DAN PRASANGKA SEKULER DALAM KAJIAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL." Politika: Jurnal Ilmu Politik 8, no. 1 (October 17, 2017): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.14710/politika.8.1.2017.5-18.
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AbstractThe global resurgence of religion seems nowadays to generate repression as it tends to create international instability, political upheaval and chaotic states. Most political scientist and intelligence experts did not predict the resurgence because it was not supposed to happen in a country participating so thoroughly in modernization and Westernization. It is interesting to learn that so many scholars and policymakers who monitored the international politics have missed the warning signs about the resurgence. It because of the argument that religion was the object that needed to vanish for modern international politics to come into being. Religion has been, and largely remains, what the discipline of International Relations (IR) can speak about only as a threat to its own existence. This paper tries to explain how the resurgence of religion has been on the spotlight in the eyes of IR Study. It also explains that the IR Study now faces a serious dilemma to treat religion in such a proper way. Various arguments on the strategy to deal with religion has come up that makes religion a more and more interesting subject in academic realms.Kata Kunci: Kebangkitan agama, modernisasi, pencerahan, sekularisasi, Westphalia
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Graumann, Gary H., and Richard A. Holley. "Survival ofE. coliO157:H7 during manufacture of dry-cured Westphalian ham surface-treated with allyl isothiocyanate or hot mustard powder." Journal of the Science of Food and Agriculture 89, no. 4 (March 15, 2009): 617–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/jsfa.3487.
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KADERCAN, BURAK. "Making sense of survival: refining the treatment of state preferences in neorealist theory." Review of International Studies 39, no. 4 (February 11, 2013): 1015–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210512000538.
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AbstractThe assumption that ‘states' primary goal is survival’ lies at the heart of the neorealist paradigm. A careful examination of the assumption, however, reveals that neorealists draw upon a number of distinct interpretations of the ‘survival assumption’ that are then treated as if they are the same, pointing towards conceptual problems that surround the treatment of state preferences. This article offers a specification that focuses on two questions that highlight the role and function of the survival assumption in the neorealist logic: (i) what do states have to lose if they fail to adopt self-help strategies?; and (ii) how does concern for relevant losses motivate state behaviour and affect international outcomes? Answering these questions through the exploration of governing elites' sensitivity towardsregime stabilityandterritorial integrityof the state, in turn, addresses the aforementioned conceptual problems. This specification has further implications for the debates among defensive and offensive realists, potential extensions of the neorealist logic beyond the Westphalian states, and the relationship between neorealist theory and policy analysis.
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Groß, Sophie E., Doreen Weidner, Natalia Cecon, Holger Pfaff, Carmen Strauch, and Nadine Scholten. "Does basic information concerning nutrition improve the information needs of breast cancer patients? An evaluation." Supportive Care in Cancer 28, no. 11 (March 7, 2020): 5419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00520-020-05385-1.
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Abstract Purpose International and national studies have shown unmet information needs regarding nutrition in breast cancer patients. An intervention study has examined the question of the extent to which a fact sheet on the topic of nutrition is suitable to cover the need for information of breast cancer patients. Method The fact sheet with basic information on nutrition was distributed in 21 intervention breast care centres in 2017. The use of the fact sheets was evaluated in a quasi-experimental design as part of the annual breast cancer patients’ survey of the University of Cologne. The breast cancer patients considered were being treated with primary breast carcinoma in a hospital in North Rhine-Westphalia. A multilevel analysis was carried out in order to quantify the effect of the intervention. Results Unmet information needs are experienced more by younger and non-native German-speaking patients. With regard to education, patients without a graduation and a high grade of education express more unmet information needs. The multilevel analysis showed that patients who were treated at an intervention site and therefore possibly received the fact sheet have a significantly higher chance of their information needs being met (OR = 1.45; p ≤ 0.05). Conclusion The intervention study showed that a fact sheet with basic information on nutrition is a possible instrument to satisfy the information needs of breast cancer patients and therefore reduce unmet information needs regarding nutrition. This intervention study is a pragmatic example on how to reduce unmet information needs among breast cancer patients in Germany.
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Rault, Charlotte. "Pooling, Gaining or Losing Sovereignty? Conflicting Definitions of Irish Sovereignty in the Political Discourse on European Integration." Review of Irish Studies in Europe 3, no. 2 (March 12, 2020): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.32803/rise.v3i2.2407.
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This article aims at using the multi-faceted dimensions of the concept of sovereignty as a theoretical framework to better understand the Irish political discourse on European integration and to clarify the changing positions of various actors on the issue, notably in relation to the 2008 financial crisis. First, the article reminds the reader of the various definitions of sovereignty and how the old Westphalian definition has been recently challenged by international law and international relations scholars who consider the impact of globalisation and interdependence on state relations and who therefore question the mere existence of absolute sovereignty in today’s world. In a second part, the study analyses and categorises the arguments used during the referendum campaigns between 1972 and the financial crisis, in order to show how the concept of sovereignty contributed to fostering both pro- and anti-EU treaty positions. The third part will address the consequences of the financial crisis on the positioning of political actors. The debate on Ireland’s sovereignty was reinvigorated by the developments relating to the country’s economic situation and the EU/IMF bail-out package which considerably limited the ability of the government to determine its own economic policies. We will show that the ‘loss of sovereignty’ arguments gained ground among the traditionally pro-integration parties and groups. It reassessed the role of the citizen in legitimizing the decision-making process.
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Reed, S. J. B. "Letter to the Editor: Comments on “Compositional Averaging of Backscatter Intensities in Compounds,” with a Response from Donovan." Microscopy and Microanalysis 9, no. 6 (November 21, 2003): 491–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1431927603030630.
Full textAbstract:
The electron backscatter coefficient (η) and the related correction factor for X-ray intensity (R) are both strongly dependent on atomic number and although quite good data are available for pure elements, the derivation of values for compounds is problematic. This issue is addressed by Donovan, Pingitore, and Westphal (Microscopy and Microanalysis, Vol. 9, No. 3, June 2003, pp. 202–215), in which an “electron fraction” averaging method is advocated as an improvement on “traditional” mass fraction averaging, which is known to be only an approximation. (The difference, according to Table 3, is only significant, however, for samples containing heavy elements such as Pb and Th.) New thinking on this topic is welcome, but I believe this proposal should be treated with caution pending more rigorous testing.
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Berrod, Frederique. "The Schengen Crisis and the EU’s Internal and External Borders:." Borders in Globalization Review 1, no. 2 (August 21, 2020): 53–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.18357/bigr12202019602.
Full textAbstract:
The EU was founded on the project of “Europe without borders”, which means elimination of internal borders between Member States according to Article 26 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union. The counterpart of this objective has been the transfer of the controls to the external EU borders. In the Schengen area, external borders are controlled by common principles and procedures encompassed in the 2016 Schengen Borders Code. Member States have negotiated the Schengen agreement to maintain such external border controls, with the aim of protecting their citizens from various dangers and guaranteeing their national migration policies towards third-country nationals. Member States have therefore transposed the function of national border controls to the external EU borders. Cross-border cooperation within the EU has developed to reinforce the Schengen Space of free movement and has been jeopardized by the unorganized massive peak arrivals of migrants in 2015. This article analyses whether the 2015 Schengen crisis confirms the security-orientated approach or not, specifically as the crisis confronts the EU with national claims to recover the control of internal borders. It has been argued that this movement is proof of the resilience of Westphalian borders. This article is an attempt to show how European judicial power tried to limit such a national re-appropriation of borders, leading to a functional distinction between internal and external borders that may allow a departure from an exclusive security-orientated approach of external borders of the European Union towards a more cohesive approach to controls at EU external borders.