Relevant bibliographies by topics / Whites – Race identity – Zimbabwe

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Academic literature on the topic 'Whites – Race identity – Zimbabwe'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 1 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Whites – Race identity – Zimbabwe"

1

Walid, Messaoudi. "Race Identity in Toni Morrison’s Tar Baby." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 3 (2019): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i3.100.

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This paper aims at analyzing Toni Morrison's work Tar Baby. We are going to apply the post-colonial theory to deal with the issues of racial identity. Also, we are going to focus on the binary opposition as one of the main concern of post-colonialism to analyze the relationship between blacks and whites. This analysis is based on the actions, thoughts, and behaviors of the major characters to deal with the problem of racism and identity.
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2

Ninivaggi, Cynthia. "Whites Teaching Whites About Race: Racial Identity Theory and White Defensiveness in the Classroom." Teaching Anthropology: Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges Notes 8, no. 1 (2001): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tea.2001.8.1.14.

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3

Vinluan, A. Chyei, and Jessica D. Remedios. "Who Do Multiracials Consider Part of Their Racial In-Group?" Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 4 (2019): 522–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619876639.

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We propose that Multiracials have flexible racial in-groups in that Multiracials can potentially consider members from three target racial groups as in-group members: same-race Multiracials, racial component Monoracials, and different-race Multiracials. Across three studies, we find that Black/Whites and Asian/Whites consider racial component Minorities (i.e., Blacks or Asians) and different-race Multiracials who share their Minority identity (i.e., Black/Asians) as in-group members in addition to, but to a lesser extent than, same-race Multiracials (i.e., Black/Whites or Asian/Whites). Moreover, participants who reported frequently encountering discrimination related to their Black or Asian backgrounds were more likely to consider individuals who share their Minority background as in-group members. Implications for Multiracials’ psychological well-being and the broader intergroup literature are discussed.
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Barker, Valerie. "Text You Pictures: The Role of Group Belonging, Race Identity, Race, and Gender in Older Adolescents’ Mobile Phone Use." Social Sciences 7, no. 7 (2018): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7070115.

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Prior research underscores the value of social identity in adolescent development. Guided by social identity theory and employing an online survey, this study examined mobile phone use among older adolescents (18–19 years; n = 362), with special emphasis on social identity: group belonging, race identity, and group markers: race and gender. The findings confirmed that social identity markers play a role in popular forms of social mobile use (e.g., texting, phone camera, and music), especially among females. Nonwhite participants were more likely to report using generic phone apps for social compensation, although whites reported higher incidence of use than nonwhites for generic phone apps, texting, and taking pictures.
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5

Marshburn, Christopher K., and Eric D. Knowles. "White out of mind: Identity suppression as a coping strategy among Whites anticipating racially charged interactions." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 6 (2017): 874–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216681178.

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Discussing racial issues often makes Whites anxious, particularly when their conversation partners are Black. We theorized that Whites seek to avoid anxiety by suppressing thoughts of White identity prior to such interactions. In Study 1, White participants expected to discuss a race-related or nonracial topic with a Black or White partner. An Implicit Association Test (IAT) measured subsequent changes in the activation of participants’ White identities (i.e., self–White associations). The prospect of discussing race-related (vs. nonracial) topics with a Black partner reduced participants’ self–White associations, implying identity suppression. Moreover, participants’ nonverbal responses suggest that identity suppression functioned to mute participants’ anxiety. In Study 2, participants completed the identity activation measure only after learning that they would not interact with a partner. Consistent with “rebound” effects known to follow suppression, participants who previously expected to discuss a race-related topic with a Black partner showed heightened self–White associations.
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6

Arora, Maneesh, and Christopher T. Stout. "Letters for Black Lives: Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter Movement." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 2 (2018): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918793222.

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Previous research demonstrates that individuals are more open to persuasion from people who share their race. However, it is not known whether this relationship holds for Asian Americans. We address this shortcoming by exploring how the race of an author influences support for, and perceptions of, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Drawing from literature on opinion formation and social identity theory, we expect that whites will be most persuaded by whites, while Asian Americans will not be particularly persuaded by co-ethnic messengers due to relatively low levels of group identity. To test our hypotheses, we use two online surveys that oversample Asian American respondents who are randomly assigned letters in support of BLM written by either an Asian American author or a white author. Similar to previous research, we find that whites are more likely to respond to appeals from co-racial individuals. However, we find that Asian Americans respond positively to co-ethnic and white messengers. Further analysis reveals that Asian Americans’ lower levels of in-group preferences compared with whites explains why they do not respond to co-racial individuals similarly to other groups.
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7

Douds, Kiara W., Heather A. O’Connell, and Jenifer L. Bratter. "THE RACIAL BOUNDARIES OF INEQUALITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000018.

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AbstractMany White Americans believe that individual rather than structural factors explain racial inequality, yet there is substantial variation in Whites’ perceptions. Using data from the Portraits of American Life Study, we exploit this variation to provide insight into the processes driving Whites’ perceptions of the causes of racial inequality. Specifically, we assess how social boundaries inform Whites’ explanations for the disadvantage of two racial groups: Blacks and Asians. First, we examine how each group’s position in the racial hierarchy relates to the types of explanations employed by Whites and find that Whites use individual explanations more often for Blacks than Asians. Second, we assess the extent to which the importance given to race in one’s overall identity affects how Whites explain racial disadvantage. Whites who see their Whiteness as being important to their identity are more likely to use individual rather than structural explanations to explain Black disadvantage. Together, these findings provide insight into the social psychological processes that contribute to Whites’ perceptions of racial inequality and suggest increased attention to how perceptions of out-group boundaries shape individual perceptions of inequality. Addressing this dimension of how individuals view inequality will be critical to future efforts to reduce it.
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8

Schildkraut, Deborah J. "The Political Meaning of Whiteness for Liberals and Conservatives." Forum 17, no. 3 (2019): 421–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0028.

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Abstract This study examines new open-ended and closed-ended survey responses among white liberals and conservatives in the US to assess the role they think their racial group membership plays in how they think about politics. It then uses insights from those responses to develop and test a new measure designed to capture how white identity operates politically. To date, much political science research on white racial identity documents the links between white identity and right-leaning candidate and policy preferences. Much less is known about the role of whiteness on the left. The analysis here shows that even though white liberals talk about anti-racism, privilege, and institutional racism when asked about race and politics and say that they have become more aware of their race in recent years, they generally do not view their own whiteness as a politically salient identity. The results indicate that it is important for scholars to use measures that distinguish between whites who appear “woke” but do not act on their “wokeness” from whites for whom an awareness of privilege motivates them toward an anti-racist agenda.
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9

Prewitt, Kenneth. "The Census Race Classification: Is It Doing Its Job?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 677, no. 1 (2018): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218756629.

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Aligning census ethnoracial categories with America’s changing demography is a never-ending task and becomes more difficult when identity claims are rationales for altering categories. We examine four current problems: (1) the Census Bureau projects a population more nonwhite than white by midcentury—social demographers document trends pointing to a different racial future; (2) the census inadequately measures second- and third-generation Americans, limiting the nation’s understanding of why some immigrant groups are “racialized” while others are “whitened”; (3) on health, education, and employment, there is more intrarace than between-race variability, which is better measured for Asians and Hispanics than it is for whites and blacks; and (4) consistency in racial self-identification is stronger for whites, blacks, and Asians than for Hispanics, Native Americans, and biracial groups, lowering the reliability of race data. These measurement problems weaken policy choices relevant to economic growth, social justice, immigrant assimilation, government reforms, and an enlightened public.
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10

Myers, Dowell, and Morris Levy. "Racial Population Projections and Reactions to Alternative News Accounts of Growing Diversity." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 677, no. 1 (2018): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218766294.

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Projections of changes in racial demographics depend on how race is classified. The U.S. Census Bureau makes several different projections of the nation’s racial demographic future, but the most publicized version projects our racial future in a way that narrows the definition of race groups to exclude people who are of mixed race or Hispanic. This definition results in projections of many fewer “whites,” accelerating the impending decline of the country’s white majority and perhaps heightening white audiences’ anxiety about demographic change. We conducted an experiment that randomly assigned whites to read alternative news stories based on 2014 Census Bureau projections. One story emphasized growing diversity, a second emphasized the decline of the white population to minority status, and a third described an enduring white majority based on intermarriage and inclusive white identity. Much higher levels of anxiety or anger, especially among Republicans, were recorded after reading the white minority story than the alternative stories of diversity or an enduring white majority.
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