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1
Walid, Messaoudi. "Race Identity in Toni Morrison’s Tar Baby." IJOHMN (International Journal online of Humanities) 5, no. 3 (June 7, 2019): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijohmn.v5i3.100.
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This paper aims at analyzing Toni Morrison's work Tar Baby. We are going to apply the post-colonial theory to deal with the issues of racial identity. Also, we are going to focus on the binary opposition as one of the main concern of post-colonialism to analyze the relationship between blacks and whites. This analysis is based on the actions, thoughts, and behaviors of the major characters to deal with the problem of racism and identity.
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Ninivaggi, Cynthia. "Whites Teaching Whites About Race: Racial Identity Theory and White Defensiveness in the Classroom." Teaching Anthropology: Society for Anthropology in Community Colleges Notes 8, no. 1 (September 2001): 14–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tea.2001.8.1.14.
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Vinluan, A. Chyei, and Jessica D. Remedios. "Who Do Multiracials Consider Part of Their Racial In-Group?" Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 4 (October 24, 2019): 522–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619876639.
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We propose that Multiracials have flexible racial in-groups in that Multiracials can potentially consider members from three target racial groups as in-group members: same-race Multiracials, racial component Monoracials, and different-race Multiracials. Across three studies, we find that Black/Whites and Asian/Whites consider racial component Minorities (i.e., Blacks or Asians) and different-race Multiracials who share their Minority identity (i.e., Black/Asians) as in-group members in addition to, but to a lesser extent than, same-race Multiracials (i.e., Black/Whites or Asian/Whites). Moreover, participants who reported frequently encountering discrimination related to their Black or Asian backgrounds were more likely to consider individuals who share their Minority background as in-group members. Implications for Multiracials’ psychological well-being and the broader intergroup literature are discussed.
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Barker, Valerie. "Text You Pictures: The Role of Group Belonging, Race Identity, Race, and Gender in Older Adolescents’ Mobile Phone Use." Social Sciences 7, no. 7 (July 16, 2018): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci7070115.
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Prior research underscores the value of social identity in adolescent development. Guided by social identity theory and employing an online survey, this study examined mobile phone use among older adolescents (18–19 years; n = 362), with special emphasis on social identity: group belonging, race identity, and group markers: race and gender. The findings confirmed that social identity markers play a role in popular forms of social mobile use (e.g., texting, phone camera, and music), especially among females. Nonwhite participants were more likely to report using generic phone apps for social compensation, although whites reported higher incidence of use than nonwhites for generic phone apps, texting, and taking pictures.
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Marshburn, Christopher K., and Eric D. Knowles. "White out of mind: Identity suppression as a coping strategy among Whites anticipating racially charged interactions." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 6 (January 9, 2017): 874–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216681178.
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Discussing racial issues often makes Whites anxious, particularly when their conversation partners are Black. We theorized that Whites seek to avoid anxiety by suppressing thoughts of White identity prior to such interactions. In Study 1, White participants expected to discuss a race-related or nonracial topic with a Black or White partner. An Implicit Association Test (IAT) measured subsequent changes in the activation of participants’ White identities (i.e., self–White associations). The prospect of discussing race-related (vs. nonracial) topics with a Black partner reduced participants’ self–White associations, implying identity suppression. Moreover, participants’ nonverbal responses suggest that identity suppression functioned to mute participants’ anxiety. In Study 2, participants completed the identity activation measure only after learning that they would not interact with a partner. Consistent with “rebound” effects known to follow suppression, participants who previously expected to discuss a race-related topic with a Black partner showed heightened self–White associations.
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Arora, Maneesh, and Christopher T. Stout. "Letters for Black Lives: Co-ethnic Mobilization and Support for the Black Lives Matter Movement." Political Research Quarterly 72, no. 2 (August 13, 2018): 389–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912918793222.
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Previous research demonstrates that individuals are more open to persuasion from people who share their race. However, it is not known whether this relationship holds for Asian Americans. We address this shortcoming by exploring how the race of an author influences support for, and perceptions of, the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement. Drawing from literature on opinion formation and social identity theory, we expect that whites will be most persuaded by whites, while Asian Americans will not be particularly persuaded by co-ethnic messengers due to relatively low levels of group identity. To test our hypotheses, we use two online surveys that oversample Asian American respondents who are randomly assigned letters in support of BLM written by either an Asian American author or a white author. Similar to previous research, we find that whites are more likely to respond to appeals from co-racial individuals. However, we find that Asian Americans respond positively to co-ethnic and white messengers. Further analysis reveals that Asian Americans’ lower levels of in-group preferences compared with whites explains why they do not respond to co-racial individuals similarly to other groups.
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Douds, Kiara W., Heather A. O’Connell, and Jenifer L. Bratter. "THE RACIAL BOUNDARIES OF INEQUALITY." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 1 (2019): 83–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000018.
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AbstractMany White Americans believe that individual rather than structural factors explain racial inequality, yet there is substantial variation in Whites’ perceptions. Using data from the Portraits of American Life Study, we exploit this variation to provide insight into the processes driving Whites’ perceptions of the causes of racial inequality. Specifically, we assess how social boundaries inform Whites’ explanations for the disadvantage of two racial groups: Blacks and Asians. First, we examine how each group’s position in the racial hierarchy relates to the types of explanations employed by Whites and find that Whites use individual explanations more often for Blacks than Asians. Second, we assess the extent to which the importance given to race in one’s overall identity affects how Whites explain racial disadvantage. Whites who see their Whiteness as being important to their identity are more likely to use individual rather than structural explanations to explain Black disadvantage. Together, these findings provide insight into the social psychological processes that contribute to Whites’ perceptions of racial inequality and suggest increased attention to how perceptions of out-group boundaries shape individual perceptions of inequality. Addressing this dimension of how individuals view inequality will be critical to future efforts to reduce it.
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Schildkraut, Deborah J. "The Political Meaning of Whiteness for Liberals and Conservatives." Forum 17, no. 3 (October 25, 2019): 421–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/for-2019-0028.
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Abstract This study examines new open-ended and closed-ended survey responses among white liberals and conservatives in the US to assess the role they think their racial group membership plays in how they think about politics. It then uses insights from those responses to develop and test a new measure designed to capture how white identity operates politically. To date, much political science research on white racial identity documents the links between white identity and right-leaning candidate and policy preferences. Much less is known about the role of whiteness on the left. The analysis here shows that even though white liberals talk about anti-racism, privilege, and institutional racism when asked about race and politics and say that they have become more aware of their race in recent years, they generally do not view their own whiteness as a politically salient identity. The results indicate that it is important for scholars to use measures that distinguish between whites who appear “woke” but do not act on their “wokeness” from whites for whom an awareness of privilege motivates them toward an anti-racist agenda.
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Prewitt, Kenneth. "The Census Race Classification: Is It Doing Its Job?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 677, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 8–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218756629.
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Aligning census ethnoracial categories with America’s changing demography is a never-ending task and becomes more difficult when identity claims are rationales for altering categories. We examine four current problems: (1) the Census Bureau projects a population more nonwhite than white by midcentury—social demographers document trends pointing to a different racial future; (2) the census inadequately measures second- and third-generation Americans, limiting the nation’s understanding of why some immigrant groups are “racialized” while others are “whitened”; (3) on health, education, and employment, there is more intrarace than between-race variability, which is better measured for Asians and Hispanics than it is for whites and blacks; and (4) consistency in racial self-identification is stronger for whites, blacks, and Asians than for Hispanics, Native Americans, and biracial groups, lowering the reliability of race data. These measurement problems weaken policy choices relevant to economic growth, social justice, immigrant assimilation, government reforms, and an enlightened public.
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Myers, Dowell, and Morris Levy. "Racial Population Projections and Reactions to Alternative News Accounts of Growing Diversity." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 677, no. 1 (April 25, 2018): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716218766294.
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Projections of changes in racial demographics depend on how race is classified. The U.S. Census Bureau makes several different projections of the nation’s racial demographic future, but the most publicized version projects our racial future in a way that narrows the definition of race groups to exclude people who are of mixed race or Hispanic. This definition results in projections of many fewer “whites,” accelerating the impending decline of the country’s white majority and perhaps heightening white audiences’ anxiety about demographic change. We conducted an experiment that randomly assigned whites to read alternative news stories based on 2014 Census Bureau projections. One story emphasized growing diversity, a second emphasized the decline of the white population to minority status, and a third described an enduring white majority based on intermarriage and inclusive white identity. Much higher levels of anxiety or anger, especially among Republicans, were recorded after reading the white minority story than the alternative stories of diversity or an enduring white majority.
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Matthews, Sally. "SHIFTING WHITE IDENTITIES IN SOUTH AFRICA: WHITE AFRICANNESS AND THE STRUGGLE FOR RACIAL JUSTICE." Phronimon 16, no. 2 (January 29, 2018): 112–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2413-3086/3821.
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The end of apartheid predictably caused something of an identity crisis for white South Africans. The sense of uncertainty about what it means to be white has led to much public debate about whiteness in South Africa, as well as a growing body of literature on whites in post-apartheid South Africa. One of the many responses to this need to rethink white identity has been the claim by some that white South Africans can be considered to be African or ought to begin to think of themselves as being African. This paper argues that whites’ assertion of an African identity does not necessarily assist in the achievement of racial justice, but that some kind of shift in white identity is required in order for whites to be able to contribute to the achievement of a racially just South Africa. In making this argument, the paper brings contemporary discussions on race and whiteness, and in particular discussions about racial eliminativism, to bear on the question of whether or not white South Africans may rightly claim an African identity.
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Mazouz, Sarah. "A White Race Blindness?" French Politics, Culture & Society 39, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 116–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/fpcs.2021.390206.
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Drawing on observations and on interviews conducted in a préfecture and in a municipalité of the Paris periphery, this article analyzes how republican universalism operates as a “particularizing” tool that enacts Whiteness. Starting from the paradoxical situation in which White state officials are reluctant to engage with the notion of racial discrimination when they are keen to ascribe racial categories to people of color, I argue that race blindness is in fact a form of White blindness to racialization. People of color who subscribe to the ideology of colorblindness tend to adopt a position whereby their loyalty toward the requirement of race blindness is supposed to protect them from suspicions raised by the racialized identity they are assigned to. But in practice, this stance internalizes the way they are viewed by Whites. The article concludes by discussing the link between White race blindness and the failure of republican policies against racial discrimination.
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Bradnum, Mandy, Johann Nieuwoudt, and Colin Tredoux. "Contact and the Alteration of Racial Attitudes in South Africa." South African Journal of Psychology 23, no. 4 (December 1993): 204–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639302300407.
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Two generations of social psychologists have described a remarkably consistent pattern of racial attitudes in South Africa. Whites exhibit determinedly negative attitudes towards other ‘race’ groups (Afrikaans speakers more so than English speakers), and blacks, on the other hand, show a much lower degree of ethnocentrism, especially toward English-speaking whites. This ‘lop-sided colour bar’ is a consistent finding, both historically and across different attitudinal measures. We report results here that indicate that this pattern may be changing, in at least one part of the country. In addition, we examine the attitudes of school pupils in integrated and segregated schools, both in South Africa and in Zimbabwe, for evidence that inter-racial contact improves attitudinal dispositions. Our findings here offer little evidence in favour of the proposition: they appear instead to suggest the dependency of the effects of contact on cultural and normative factors.
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Mlambo, A. S. "‘This is Our land’." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 1 (March 2010): 39–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600103.
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This study seeks to trace the role of race in the evolution of the land question in Zimbabwe from Occupation to the ‘fast-track land reform programme’ of 2000 and beyond to explore the extent to which the era of colonial domination made the racialization of the land issue in the post-colonial period almost unavoidable. It contends that Mugabe’s use of race to justify the campaign to drive whites from the land from 2000 onwards was facilitated (in part) by the fact that race had always been used by the colonial authorities as a decisive factor in land acquisition and allocation throughout the colonial period and that using the alleged superiority of the white race, colonial authorities alienated African land for themselves without either negotiating with the indigenous authorities or paying for the land. Consequently, Mugabe’s charge that the land had been stolen and needed to be retaken clearly resonated with some segments of the Zimbabwean population enough to get them to actively participate in the land invasions of the time.
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Wilton, Leigh S., Aneeta Rattan, and Diana T. Sanchez. "White’s Perceptions of Biracial Individuals’ Race Shift When Biracials Speak Out Against Bias." Social Psychological and Personality Science 9, no. 8 (September 20, 2017): 953–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550617731497.
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Previous research suggests that a person’s racial identity shapes the way others respond when that person speaks out against racial prejudice. In the present research, we consider instead how speaking out against racial prejudice shapes people’s impressions of a confronter’s racial identity, such as experiences with discrimination, stereotype enactment, and even phenotype. Two experiments found that White perceivers evaluated a Black/White biracial person who spoke out against (vs. remained silent to) racial prejudice as more stigmatized and Black identified and as having more stereotypically Black (vs. White) preferences and Black (vs. White) ancestry when they confronted. The faces of biracial confronters (vs. nonconfronters) were also recalled as more phenotypically Black (vs. White; S2). This evidence suggests that speaking out against bias colors Whites’ impressions of a biracial target across both subjective and objective measures of racial identity. Implications for interracial interactions and interpersonal perception are discussed.
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BALLANTINE, CHRISTOPHER. "Re-thinking ‘whiteness’? Identity, change and ‘white’ popular music in post-apartheid South Africa." Popular Music 23, no. 2 (May 2004): 105–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0261143004000157.
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In South Africa, the prospects for social integration were auspicious after the first democratic elections in 1994. As the popular music of the time shows, it was not only blacks who exulted in the new ‘rainbow’ euphoria: many whites did so too. But for millions of black and white citizens, this moment was short lived. The government's adoption of neo-liberal policies had severe social consequences – which it and the new elite sought to conceal behind populist calls to ‘race’ solidarity, a new racial typecasting and slurs aimed at whites in general. ‘White’ popular music has responded to these reversals in a variety of ways – including direct criticism, sharp satire, humour and the expression of ‘fugitive’ identities. Perhaps more remarkably, white musicians have stressed the need for self-reinvention in music that is ironic, unpredictable, transgressive. These songs play with malleable identities; tokens of a disdain for fixed or essential identities, they are hopeful signposts towards a more integrated future.
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Graham, Richard. "Juggling Race and Class in Brazil's Past." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 123, no. 5 (October 2008): 1717–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2008.123.5.1717.
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There was never anything merely black or white about brazilian notions of race and the differences attributable to it. IT IS easy to see today that the poor tend to be darker than those in the middle and upper classes and that those of darker color are most often poor. Yet there are dark-skinned persons in positions of power and prestige, and many whites live cheek by jowl with nonwhites, especially but not only in poor neighborhoods. Despite regional variations, Brazil is characterized by the complex interweaving of racial and social categories, making it hard to separate color from class as the predominant marker of differentiation. Racial identity has always been a tangled business, and in the past the existence of a finely ranked but permeable social order meant that society could absorb individual mobility without becoming egalitarian.
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Hochschild, Jennifer, and Maya Sen. "Genetic Determinism, Technology Optimism, and Race." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 661, no. 1 (August 10, 2015): 160–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716215587875.
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We begin with a typology of Americans’ understanding of the links between genetic inheritance and racial or ethnic groups. The typology has two dimensions: one running from genetic determinism to social construction, and the other from technology optimism to technology pessimism. Construing each dimension as a dichotomy enables four distinct political perspectives on the possibilities for reducing racial inequality in the United States through genomics. We then use a new public opinion survey to analyze Americans’ use of the typology. Survey respondents who perceive that some phenotypes are more prevalent in one group than another due to genetic factors are disproportionately technology optimists. Republicans and Democrats are equally likely to hold that set of views, as are self-identified blacks, whites, and Latinos. The article discusses the findings and speculates about alternative interpretations of the fact that partisanship and group identity do not differentiate Americans in their views of the links between genetic inheritance and racial inequality.
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Erkulwater, Jennifer L. "How the Nation’s Largest Minority Became White: Race Politics and the Disability Rights Movement, 1970–1980." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 3 (June 21, 2018): 367–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030618000143.
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Abstract:Scholars point out a tension between racial justice and disability rights activism. Although racial minorities are more likely to become disabled than whites, both disability activism and the historiography of disability politics tend to focus on the experience and achievements of whites. This article examines how disability rights activists of the 1970s sought to build a united movement of all people with disabilities and explains why these efforts were unable to overcome cleavages predicated on race. Activists drew from New Left ideas of community and self-help as well as the New Right rhetoric of market freedoms to articulate a vision of liberation for people with disabilities. Though they yearned for racial solidarity, in practice, activists could not overcome institutions that separated antipoverty and racial politics from disability policy, nor could they figure out how to incorporate minority voices in an identity-based movement forged around disability rather than color.
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Erigha, Maryann, and Camille Z. Charles. "OTHER, UPPITY OBAMA." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 9, no. 2 (2012): 439–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x12000264.
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AbstractUntil 2008, only White candidates represented either of the two major parties as presidential nominees. Hence, little is known about how race appeals are framed by or against non-White presidential candidates. Barack Obama's election as the Democratic Party nominee allows us to investigate this issue. In this article, we conduct a content analysis of over 160 advertisements from the 2008 U.S. presidential election to examine how race appeals were framed (or countered) by each campaign. We find that the Republican campaign employed implicit racial appeals that played upon stereotypes of non-Whites as “un-American” and “other” and Blacks as “dangerous,” “criminal,” “incompetent,” and “uppity.” In contrast, the Democratic campaign de-emphasized race, portrayed “other” as positive, reinforced American identity, and spoke out against negative advertisements.
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Núñez, Amy J., and Martín Meráz García. "Perceptions of College Among Latina/o Elementary Students." SAGE Open 7, no. 4 (October 2017): 215824401774459. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244017744595.
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This study uses empirical data from a version of the Clark doll experiment and Latina/o Critical Race Theory (LatCrit) to determine the factors that shape the perceptions of college among 35 randomly selected Latina/o children in Grades 2nd to 5th. The findings of this study lead to two conclusions: (a) that Latina/o children hold their race/ethnicity in lower regard when compared to Whites, exhibit an ambivalence regarding identity that negatively affects their self-esteem and their perceptions of college as an attainable goal; and (b) that Latinas perceived themselves more favorably than Latinos in all categories, which positively affects their perceptions of a college education.
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Mzoughi, Imen. "The White Creole in Jean Rhys’s Wide Sargasso Sea : A Woman in Passage." Human and Social Studies 5, no. 1 (March 1, 2016): 88–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/hssr-2016-0006.
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Abstract Studies on Jean Rhys have been fragmentary concentrating on one or two aspects of Rhys’s thematic concern with the alienation of the white creole without laying emphasis on Rhys’s exploration of the Creole’s identity. There has been no attempt to examine if the creole has to struggle harder and more than whites and blacks to come to terms with her personal identity until now. The answer is affirmative because the creole is a composite human being. Indeed, the white creole is the ‘fruit’ of a mixed union. Born into miscegenation, hybridity and creolization, the creole is physically, linguistically, socially and religiously a diverse human being. Within the scope of this paper, the term identity is used in a broad sense. The creole’s personal identity refers to the different identities the Creole can have at different times and in different circumstances. Correspondingly, she must negotiate the white and black elements of her identity. The Creole must deal with the complexity of her identity through a web of tangled relationships with both whites and blacks. Read from this light, the personal identity of the creole is not “either/ or,” but reluctantly “both/ and.” In various ways, the creole is an ‘Everyman.’ The Creole undergoes an awareness, and is eventually, redefined through the image of the ‘other.’ Indeed, her jump toward her black friend Tia reflects Rhys’s basic concern for a Caribbean society in which assimilation and personal identity must blend in a single humane goal, that is, to co-exist beyond the lines of race, gender, class and sex in order to avoid annihilation.
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Zhang, Tao. "The Chinese in the Initiation of America's Pan-Indianism." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 45, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2019.450105.
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Despite some scholarly attention, the Native-American–Chinese association is mainly studied from the White perspective. One may get the impression that connections between the two similarly marginalized groups are either imagined or promoted by Whites for their own benefit. But, as a matter of fact, American Indians, joined by their White friends, did initiate associations with the Chinese out of their own racial considerations. One case in point is Pan-Indians’ reference to the Chinese in the process of forging a united and unique identity for the Indian race at the turn of the twentieth century. With those allusions, Native Americans were constructed into a group that was exceptional and progressive, benevolent and cosmopolitan—in short, a group that Whites should accept and respect as fellow Americans. Passively involved in proving Indians’ eligibility for American nationality, the Chinese emerged as racialized but less repugnant than they had been in Whites’ racist depictions. Pan-Indians’ citation of the Chinese thus registers the caution with which they navigated the constraints imposed by American racism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.
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Littlejohn, Krystale E. "Race and Social Boundaries: How Multiracial Identification Matters for Intimate Relationships." Social Currents 6, no. 2 (October 11, 2018): 177–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2329496518804553.
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While researchers have explored in detail how multiracial identification shapes symbolic boundaries (conceptual distinctions), they have paid less attention to its effects on social boundaries (how people behave). This study examines multiracial individuals’ odds of marriage and cohabitation with blacks and whites to examine whether this population challenges current race-based social boundaries via partner choice. Analyses of data from the 2008–2012 American Community Survey (ACS) show that while those who identify with more than one race are indeed more likely to have a black (white) partner than their nonblack (nonwhite) monoracial counterparts, this phenomenon is driven by the choices of multiracials with at least a part black (white) identity. For example, multivariate results show that multiracial individuals who do not report any white identity are not more likely than nonwhite monoracials to marry a white partner. Moreover, part-white multiracials are more likely than nonwhite multiracials to have a white partner. These findings largely reflect expectations derived from theories of ingroup/outgroup behavior. In sum, although multiracial individuals may contribute to challenging symbolic boundaries, the results suggest that they are not necessarily disproportionately likely to challenge race-based social boundaries via their partner choices.
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Semrow, Mika, Linda X. Zou, Shuyang Liu, and Sapna Cheryan. "Gay Asian Americans Are Seen as More American Than Asian Americans Who Are Presumed Straight." Social Psychological and Personality Science 11, no. 3 (June 27, 2019): 336–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1948550619849426.
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Four studies investigate whether gay Asian Americans are stereotyped as more American than Asian Americans who are presumed straight. Gay Asian American men (Study 1) and women (Study 2) were rated as more American than their counterparts whose sexual orientation was unspecified. However, sexual orientation did not influence judgments of Whites’ American identity. The relationship between Asian Americans’ sexual orientation and perceptions of their American identity was mediated by a belief that American culture is relatively more accepting of gay people than Asian culture (Studies 3 and 4). Manipulating how accepting of gay people a target’s country of origin is relative to the United States altered ratings of American identity for gay but not straight targets (Study 4). Using an intersectional approach, these studies demonstrate that sexual orientation information comes together with race to influence who is likely to be perceived as American.
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Goar, Carla, Jenny L. Davis, and Bianca Manago. "Discursive Entwinement: How White Transracially Adoptive Parents Navigate Race." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 3, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 338–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649216671954.
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Through 47 interviews with 56 White parents who attend culture camps, the authors analyze race discourse and practices in transracially adoptive families. The authors document parents’ use of two discursive frames, colorblindness and race consciousness, and find that small subsamples of parents use either race consciousness or colorblindness exclusively, while the majority (66 percent) entwine the two discursive frames together. Because the sample is drawn from culture camps, which emphasize race and ethnicity, this sample begins with some degree of racial attunement. As such, the continued presence of colorblindness among the sample indicates the deep rootedness of White hegemonic logic. However, the emergence of race consciousness indicates the potential for White transracially adoptive families to engage race critically. Moreover, the analyses draw a clear line between how parents articulate racial understandings in their interviews and the ways parents report talking about race and racism with their children. These findings are directly relevant to ongoing debates about the ethics of transracial adoption and racial identity development among transracial adoptees. More generally, these findings speak to the ways Whites’ racial understandings are constrained, but not determined, by a history and biography of privilege.
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Waring, Chandra D. L. "“IT’S LIKE WE HAVE AN ‘IN’ ALREADY”." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 1 (December 19, 2016): 145–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x16000357.
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AbstractThe increasing bi/multiracial1community in the United States has generated much literature about racial identity and social psychological well-being. Drawing on sixty in-depth interviews with Black/White biracial Americans, this paper shifts the theoretical focus from identity and well-being to the conceptual development of how race shapes bi/multiracial Americans’ social interactions with both Whites and Blacks. The majority of participants reported interacting differently when in predominately White settings versus predominately Black settings. I offer the concept of “racial capital” to highlight the repertoire of racial resources (knowledge, experiences, meaning, and language) that biracial Americans use to negotiate racial boundaries in a highly racialized society. These findings reveal the continuing significance of racial boundaries in a population that is often celebrated as evidence of racial harmony in the United States.
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Gayles, Jonathan, and Sarah Tobin. "White Conceptions of Racial Hierarchy: Temporary versus Permanent Preferences." Ethnic Studies Review 29, no. 2 (January 1, 2006): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/esr.2006.29.2.46.
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Ideas of race, racial identity, and racial categorization, reflect the inconsistent, context-specific and fluctuating nature of racial meaning (Nagel, 1986; Forbes, 1990; Davis, 1991; Nagel, 1994; Haney-Lopez, 1995; Ignatiev, 1995; Kibria, 1996,1998; Niven & Zilber, 2000; Morning, 2001; Lacy, 2004). Studies of racial hierarchy, specifically, enable an understanding of not only the social construction of race, but also the manner in which ideas of race operate to influence human reality.” Within the United States, race “permeates the lives of the native-born and immigrants alike” (Bashi & McDaniel, 1997, p. 686, see also Bashi, 1998). More specifically, a continuum between white and black persists and is a critical conceptual schema grounding the many manifestations of racism in the United States. This white-to-black continuum is hierarchical as well with whites at the top and blacks at the bottom (Feagin, 2000, p. 220). While the specific history of the United States facilitates this hierarchy, it has also been found beyond the borders of the United States (Small, 1994, Twine, 1998).
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Zembe, Christopher Roy. "Migrating with Colonial and Post-Colonial Memories: Dynamics of Racial Interactions within Zimbabwe’s Minority Communities in Britain." Journal of Migration History 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00201002.
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Upon attaining independence on 18 April 1980, the Zimbabwean government was faced with the challenge of eradicating prejudices, which had been constructed during the colonial era. Whilst it is correct to accept that colonial Zimbabwe was beset with racial prejudices, which inhibited interracial interactions, it is also essential to recognise that post-colonial events triggered socialisation processes devoid of nation building. Therefore, by exploring the dynamics of interactions within Zimbabwe’s minority communities in Britain, the paper will unravel the impact of memories constructed during the different phases of Zimbabwe’s history. By focusing exclusively on Whites, Coloureds (mixed-race) and Asians, it will demonstrate that the Zimbabwean immigrant community in Britain is not a monolithic group of Blacks, but a racially diverse community. Analysing the diaspora interactions of communities considered more privileged than Blacks during the colonial era provides a perspective on the complexities of eradicating historically constructed racial prejudices.
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Carle, Susan D. "Conceptions of Agency in Social Movement Scholarship: Mack on African American Civil Rights Lawyers." Law & Social Inquiry 39, no. 02 (2014): 522–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/lsi.12072.
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This essay examines the theory of individual agency that propels the central thesis in Kenneth Mack's Representing the Race: The Creation of the Civil Rights Lawyer (2012)—namely, that an important yet understudied means by which African American civil rights lawyers changed conceptions of race through their work was through their very performance of the professional role of lawyer. Mack shows that this performance was inevitably fraught with tension and contradiction because African American lawyers were called upon to act both as exemplary representatives of their race and as performers of a professional role that traditionally had been reserved for whites only. Mack focuses especially on the tensions of this role in courtrooms, where African American lawyers were necessarily called upon to act as the equals of white judges, opposing counsel, and witnesses. Mack's thesis, focused on the contradictions and tensions embodied in the performance of a racially loaded identity, reflects the influence of postmodern identity performance theory as articulated by Judith Butler and others. Mack and others belong to a new generation of civil rights history scholars who are asking new questions about contested identities related to race, gender, sexuality, and class. This essay offers an evaluation of this new direction for civil rights scholarship, focusing especially on its implicit normative orientation and what it contributes to the decade‐old debate over how to conceive of agency in social movement scholarship.
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Major, Brenda, Alison Blodorn, and Gregory Major Blascovich. "The threat of increasing diversity: Why many White Americans support Trump in the 2016 presidential election." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 21, no. 6 (October 20, 2016): 931–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216677304.
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What accounts for the widespread support for Donald Trump in the 2016 U.S. presidential race? This experiment demonstrates that the changing racial demographics of America contribute to Trump’s success as a presidential candidate among White Americans whose race/ethnicity is central to their identity. Reminding White Americans high in ethnic identification that non-White racial groups will outnumber Whites in the United States by 2042 caused them to become more concerned about the declining status and influence of White Americans as a group (i.e., experience group status threat), and caused them to report increased support for Trump and anti-immigrant policies, as well as greater opposition to political correctness. Increased group status threat mediated the effects of the racial shift condition on candidate support, anti-immigrant policy support, and opposition to political correctness. Among Whites low in ethnic identification, in contrast, the racial shift condition had no effect on group status threat or support for anti-immigrant policies, but did cause decreased positivity toward Trump and decreased opposition to political correctness. Group status threat did not mediate these effects. Reminders of the changing racial demographics had comparable effects for Democrats and Republicans. Results illustrate the importance of changing racial demographics and White ethnic identification in voter preferences and how social psychological theory can illuminate voter preferences.
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Johnson, Richard. "HAMILTON’S DERACIALIZATION." Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 14, no. 2 (2017): 621–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x17000182.
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AbstractMany commentators have described Barack Obama as a ‘deracialized’ politician. In contrast to ‘racialized’ Black candidates, deracialized politicians are said to deemphasize their Black racial identity, downplay the racial legacies of American inequality, and favor race-neutral over racially targeted policies. Puzzlingly, this narrative of Obama’s racial politics sits incongruously with his political curriculum vitae, spent largely in contexts which are difficult to describe as deracialized. This article holds that commentators have misjudged Barack Obama’s racial politics by conflating a contingent electoral strategy with a deeper expression of Obama’s racial philosophical commitments. In explaining these commitments, the article finds the deracialized/racialized framing inadequate. Instead, it favors the typology of racial policy alliances situating Obama within the “race-conscious” policy alliance rather than the “color-blind” alliance. By returning to the site of Obama’s political development, Hyde Park in Chicago, the paper uncovers a tradition of racial politics in which Blacks formed coalitions with progressive Whites but also embraced Black racial identity, acknowledged the enduring legacies of slavery and Jim Crow, and supported targeted policies to overturn these racial legacies. The article argues that Obama was an inheritor of this tradition.
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Scholes, Jeffrey. "Dabo Swinney, Universal Whiteness, and a “Sin Problem”." Religions 11, no. 4 (April 15, 2020): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel11040191.
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Clemson University head football coach Dabo Swinney was asked to respond to Colin Kaepernick’s protest of police killings of unarmed black men and women by kneeling for the national anthem. Swinney’s response was surprisingly comprehensive and illuminating into his stance on race, religion, and sport. He crystallizes his overall interpretation of societal problems with the statement, “It’s so easy to say we have a race problem, but we got a sin problem.” In this essay, I examine “whiteness” as that which endows whites with a kind of universal authority to establish norms as well as provide a protective cloak of invisibility that effectively hides the identity of those constructing the norms. I argue that Swinney’s unconscious display of his own whiteness coupled with the additional cloak of universal sin, that purportedly knows no color, serves to downplay and dismiss Kaepernick’s call for racial justice.
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Gell-Redman, Micah, Neil Visalvanich, Charles Crabtree, and Christopher J. Fariss. "It’s All about Race: How State Legislators Respond to Immigrant Constituents." Political Research Quarterly 71, no. 3 (January 23, 2018): 517–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1065912917749322.
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How do elected representatives respond to the needs of immigrant constituents? We report the results of a field experiment on U.S. state legislators in which the nativity, likelihood of voting, and race/ethnicity of a hypothetical constituent are independently manipulated. The experimental design allows us to contribute new insights by isolating the various elements that may impede the connection between immigrants and elected representatives. Moreover, we explore racial/ethnic identities beyond black and white by including Latino and Asian aliases. Contrary to expectations, nativity and voting status do not affect response rates. Instead, legislator behavior appears to be driven by racial/ethnic bias. Whites benefit from the highest response rate, while blacks, Hispanics, and Asians all receive lower rates, respectively. This bias follows a partisan logic. The low response rate for Hispanic constituents comes primarily from Republican legislators, whereas Asians experience bias from representatives of both parties. We argue that this difference may result from Hispanic identity sending a stronger signal about partisan affiliation, or from a prejudicial view of Asians as outsiders. In this last interpretation, rather than the model minority, Asians become the excluded minority.
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Rong, Xue Lan, and Frank Brown. "The Effects of Immigrant Generation and Ethnicity on Educational Attainment among Young African and Caribbean Blacks in the United States." Harvard Educational Review 71, no. 3 (September 1, 2001): 536–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.71.3.464r24p1k6v1n43t.
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Despite speculation that immigrant and racial minority status may doubly disadvantage Black immigrant children in U.S. schools, researchers have rarely studied the educational attainment of immigrant Black youth. In this article, Xue Lan Rong and Frank Brown analyze 1990 U.S. Census data to examine the combined effects of generation of U.S. residence (1st, 2nd, and 3rd) and of race and ethnicity (Caribbean Blacks, African Blacks, and European Whites) on youths' total years of schooling and schooling completion at three levels — grammar school, high school, and four-year college. The results from their study show that these youths' educational attainment varies with race and pan-nationality, as well as with generation of residence. Based on their findings, Rong and Brown argue that as racial and ethnic identity is becoming increasingly complicated, educational practitioners need to move away from the conventional notion that equates each racial group with one culture and one ethnic identity. Using classic assimilation and acculturation theories as the framework for their analysis, Rong and Brown conclude that educators have to learn more about the process of assimilation and its relationship with youths' schooling and reconsider the common notion that more rapid assimilation is always better for immigrant children's education. (pp. 536–565)
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Soto-Márquez, José G. "“I’m Not Spanish, I’m from Spain”: Spaniards’ Bifurcated Ethnicity and the Boundaries of Whiteness and Hispanic Panethnic Identity." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 85–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218766388.
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This study counters potentially premature demographic and sociological claims of a large-scale Hispanic transition into mainstream whiteness. Via in-depth interviews and ethnographic observations of recently arrived Spanish immigrants in the United States, it presents a distinctive shift in American categorization logic, whereby race and ethnicity switch in order of everyday importance. Despite Spanish immigrants’ direct links to Europe and few structural social boundaries between them and mainstream U.S. whites, their everyday experience is of a largely “symbolic whiteness” that is subservient to the more consequential and essentialist Hispanic panethnic identity. Forced to maneuver this unique “bifurcated ethnicity,” Spaniards highlight a theoretically important deviation from the established ethnic options for European coethnics in the United States. Overall, Spaniards’ ethnoracial adaptations and their identity vary by institutional sites, by social settings, and along gender lines. Their ethnic bifurcation brings into question the overall logic and stability of the U.S. Hispanic/white boundaries.
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Daniel, Reginald. "Sociology of Multiracial Identity in the Late 1980s and Early 1990s: The Failure of a Perspective." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (March 15, 2021): 106. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/643.
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Sociologists largely failed to comprehend the emergence of multiracial identities in the United States during the late 1980s and early 1990s. This was due, in part, to hypodescent and the monoracial imperative. These social devices, respectively, categorize offspring of interracial unions between Whites and people of color based exclusively on the background of color, and necessitate single-racial identification. This has prohibited the articulation and recognition of multiracial identities. Hypodescent and the monoracial imperative are so normative that they have been taken for granted by sociologists across the monoracial spectrum, much as the larger society. Sociology’s espoused objectivity blinded sociologists to the standpoint of their own monoracial subjectivity. They provided little critical examination of hypodescent and the monoracial imperative in terms of their impact on multiracial identity formations. Some sociologists challenged theories of marginality, which stressed the psychological dysfunction of multiracials. Yet multiracial identities were considered symptomatic of mainly isolated psychological concerns with personal identity. Sociologists were absent from analyses of collective identity and agency speaking to mixed-race concerns. Consequently, they remained on the periphery of social scientific theorizing of multiracial identities in terms of their wider-ranging implications.
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Perry, Samuel L., Andrew L. Whitehead, and Joshua T. Davis. "God’s Country in Black and Blue: How Christian Nationalism Shapes Americans’ Views about Police (Mis)treatment of Blacks." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 1 (August 2, 2018): 130–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218790983.
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Research shows that Americans who hold strongly to a myth about America’s Christian heritage—what is called “Christian nationalism”—tend to draw rigid boundaries around ethnic and national group membership. Incorporating theories connecting ethnic boundaries, prejudice, and perceived threat with a tendency to justify harsher penalties, bias, or excessive force against racial minorities, the authors examine how Christian nationalist ideology shapes Americans’ views about police treatment of black Americans. Analyses of 2017 data from a national probability sample show that adherence to Christian nationalism predicts that Americans will be more likely to believe that police treat blacks the same as whites and that police shoot blacks more often because blacks are more violent than whites. These effects are robust even when including controls for respondents’ religious and political characteristics, indicating that Christian nationalism influences Americans’ attitudes over and above the independent influences of political conservatism or religious parochialism. In fact, the authors find that religiosity influences policing attitudes in the opposite direction. Moreover, observed patterns do not differ by race, suggesting that Christian nationalism provides a cultural framework that can bolster antiblack prejudice among people of color as well as whites. The authors argue that Christian nationalism solidifies ethnic boundaries around national identity such that Americans are less willing to acknowledge police discrimination and more likely to victim-blame, even appealing to more overtly racist notions of blacks’ purportedly violent tendencies to justify police shootings. The authors outline the implications of these findings for understanding the current racial-political climate leading up to and during the Trump presidency.
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Roback, Jennifer. "Plural but Equal: Group Identity and Voluntary Integration." Social Philosophy and Policy 8, no. 2 (1991): 60–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500001138.
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During this period, when disciples were growing in number, a grievance arose on the part of those who spoke Greek, against those who spoke the language of the Jews; they complained that their widows were being overlooked in the daily distribution.When Americans think of ethnic conflict, conflict between blacks and whites comes to mind most immediately. Yet ethnic conflict is pervasive around the world. Azerbijanis and Turks in the Soviet Union; Catholics and Protestants in Northern Ireland; Arabs and Jews in the Middle East; Maoris and English settlers in New Zealand; Muslims and Hindus in India and Pakistan; French and English speakers in Quebec; Africans, Afrikaaners, and mixed-race people in South Africa, in addition to the tribal warfare among the Africans themselves: these are just a few of the more obvious conflicts currently in the news. We observe an even more dizzying array of ethnic conflicts if we look back just a few years. Japanese and Koreans; Mongols and Chinese; Serbs and Croats; Christians and Buddhists in Viet Nam: these ancient antagonisms are not immediately in the news, but they could erupt at any time. And the history of the early Christian Church recounted in the Acts of the Apostles reminds us that suspicion among ethnic groups is not a modern phenomenon; rather, it is ancient.The present paper seeks to address the problem of ethnic conflict in modern western democracies. How can our tools and traditions of participatory governments, relatively free markets, and the common law contribute to some resolution of the ancient problems that we find within our midst? In particular, I want to focus here on the question of ethnic integration.
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Tripathy, Dr Nirjharini. "Racism and Representation of Racialized Beauty in Toni Morrison’s The Bluest Eye." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 10 (October 28, 2020): 164–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i10.10812.
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The American novelist Toni Morrison’s novel The Bluest Eye portrays black society and deals with the themes of black victimization and racial oppression. It presents a prolonged representation of the means in which the standards of internalized white beauty contort the life and existence of black women. This paper explores and elucidates the impact of race, racial oppression and representation in The Bluest Eye. And how racism also edifices the hatredness between Blackand White communities. This paper will discuss various issues and concepts such as Race, Race in the Colonial Period, Racializing the Other and Stereotyping. The paper also deals with understanding Representation through the ideas of Saussure, Barthes, Levi-Strauss, Foucault, Geertz, and Said. Racism is primarily a belief in the supremacy and dominance of one race upon another that consequences in the differences, discrimination and prejudice of people towards one another rooted and established on their race or ethnicity. Racism has deeply affected the African-American coloured people making them feel inferior. The Bluest Eye reflects the appalling effect on blacks individualising the values of a white culture that rejects them both immediately and incidentally. Even after abolition of slavery legally still the African-Americans faces the cruelty of racial discrimination and never considered equal to the whites. The Black people struggles to ascertain themselves with the white and their ethnic ways. Toni Morrison propounds on black cultural heritage and seeks the African-Americans to be gratified and proud of their black colour as well black identity. This paper conveys the essence of the coloured people’s fight for their race, and also its continuance and forbearance in a principally multicultural White dominated America.
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Pretorius, Z. A., L. J. Szabo, W. H. P. Boshoff, L. Herselman, and B. Visser. "First Report of a New TTKSF Race of Wheat Stem Rust (Puccinia graminis f. sp. tritici) in South Africa and Zimbabwe." Plant Disease 96, no. 4 (April 2012): 590. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis-12-11-1027-pdn.
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Seven races have been described in the Ug99 race group of Puccinia graminis f. sp. tritici (2). Ug99-related races previously recorded in South Africa are TTKSF, TTKSP, and PTKST (4). In December 2010, severe stem rust infection of the winter wheat cv. Matlabas was observed for the first time in South Africa. Race analysis using the 20 North American (NA) stem rust differential lines and letter code system classified the race as TTKSF. In comparative infection studies in a greenhouse, cv. Matlabas seedlings were susceptible (infection type [IT] 4) to isolate UVPgt61/1 (TTKSF+) collected from Afrikaskop in the eastern Free State, whereas the cultivar was resistant (IT 1 to 2) to stem rust isolates 2013 (TTKSF), UVPgt55 (TTKSF), UVPgt59 (TTKSP), and UVPgt60 (PTKST). Isolate 2013 represents the original collection of race TTKSF in South Africa (1). In addition to the NA differentials, no variation in the IT range of seedlings of lines with Sr7a, 8b, 12, 13, 14, 16, 18, 19, 22, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, 32, 33, 34, 35, 39, 41, 42, 43, 44, Em, R, Tt2, and Satu was observed between UVPgt61/1 and UVPgt55. With the exception of cv. Matlabas, ITs of 106 South African cultivars likewise did not differentiate UVPgt61/1 and UVPgt55. Seedling IT studies were conducted at least twice. Microsatellite analysis (4) showed that all single pustule isolates established from the original Matlabas isolate formed part of the Ug99 group. When characterized with selected single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs), all single pustule isolates shared an identical genotype that differed from UVPgt55 (TTKSF), a foreign introduction into South Africa (1,3). SNP genotype analysis suggests that UVPgt61/1 is genetically dissimilar to UVPgt55, as is Zim1009, another TTKSF+ isolate that was collected from Birchenough in Zimbabwe. Studies are underway to determine the identity of the defeated Sr gene in Matlabas and the cultivar has been added to the South African stem rust differential set. TTKSF+ is the eighth race detected in the Ug99 group. Since no other cultivars or advanced lines were found to carry the Matlabas gene, it is unlikely that race TTKSF+ will threaten wheat production in South Africa. However, the occurrence of a new Ug99-related race emphasizes the variability within this internationally important group. References: (1) W. H. P. Boshoff et al. Plant Dis. 86:922, 2002. (2) R. F. Park et al. Euphytica 179:109, 2011. (3) B. Visser et al. Mol. Plant Pathol. 10:213, 2009. (4) B. Visser et al. Euphytica 179:119, 2011.
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Cofnas, Nathan. "The Anti-Jewish Narrative." Philosophia 49, no. 4 (February 3, 2021): 1329–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11406-021-00322-w.
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AbstractAccording to the mainstream narrative about race, all groups have the same innate dispositions and potential, and all disparities—at least those favoring whites—are due to past or present racism. Some people who reject this narrative gravitate toward an alternative, anti-Jewish narrative, which sees recent history in terms of a Jewish/gentile conflict. The most sophisticated promoter of the anti-Jewish narrative is the evolutionary psychologist Kevin MacDonald. MacDonald argues that Jews have a suite of genetic adaptations—including high intelligence and ethnocentrism—and cultural practices that lead them to undermine gentile society to advance their own evolutionary interests. He says that Jewish-designed intellectual movements have weakened gentile identity and culture while preserving Jewish identity and separatism. Cofnas recently argued that MacDonald’s theory is based on “systematically misrepresented sources and cherry-picked facts.” However, Cofnas gave short shrift to at least three key claims: (a) Jews are highly ethnocentric, (b) liberal Jews hypocritically advocate liberal multiculturalism for gentiles/gentile countries but racial purity and separatism for Jews/Israel, and (c) Jews are responsible for liberalism and mass immigration to the United States. The present paper examines these claims and concludes that MacDonald’s views are not supported.
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Weeks, Edythe. "Highlighting the chameleon nature of power." Journal of Language and Politics 1, no. 2 (July 10, 2003): 323–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.1.2.09wee.
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This essay uses a poststructural/critical race analysis, and provides a specific example of how the social practice of labeling serves to create major ideological effects, which produce and reproduce unequal race-based power relations. Certain U.S. citizens are ascribed/branded with the seemingly politically correct label, “African-American”. Many believe that the shift from “Black” to “African-American” in 1988 was the result of Blacks exercising political power and achieving a hard-won right to change their identity. Also many view the new label as the common sense preferred alternative to “Black”. This article deconstructs the term “African-American” and views it within the context of the macro and micro interactive forces of politics, economics, sociology, history and socio-cultural phenomena. Instead of the intended purpose of fostering a sense of self-esteem, the label has also served to reinforce the socially constructed binary dualisms characterizing “Blacks” as being fundamentally different from “Whites”. Moreover, the notion of Black pride, self-esteem and heritage are concepts with the power to shift culpability and blame onto the victims of a race-based system. Power appeared to have been exercised by Black/African-Americans. However, the shift to African-American was not the result of autonomous thinking. It was a “reflex without reflection” (Billig 1991:8). It “echoed” dominating ideological structures of power. The “new” label unwittingly serves to further perpetuate racist ideology inherited from a foundational institution of slavery. America can enjoy the image of having a culture of freedom, equality and egalitarianism, while maintaining justifiable race-based political, social and economic inequality gaps.
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Hernandez, Susan E., Philip W. Sylling, Maria K. Mor, Michael J. Fine, Karin M. Nelson, Edwin S. Wong, Chuan-Fen Liu, Adam J. Batten, Stephan D. Fihn, and Paul L. Hebert. "Developing an Algorithm for Combining Race and Ethnicity Data Sources in the Veterans Health Administration." Military Medicine 185, no. 3-4 (October 10, 2019): e495-e500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/milmed/usz322.
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Abstract Introduction Racial/ethnic disparities exist in the Veterans Health Administration (VHA), despite financial barriers to care being largely mitigated and Veterans Administration’s (VA) organizational commitment to health equity. Accurately identifying minority veterans is critical to monitoring progress toward equity as the VHA treats an increasingly racially and ethnically diverse veteran population. Although the VHA’s completeness of race and ethnicity data is generally better than its public sector and private counterparts, the accuracy of the race and ethnicity in the various databases available to VHA is variable, as is the accuracy in identifying specific minority groups. The purpose of this article was to develop an algorithm for constructing race and ethnicity variables from data sources available to VHA researchers, to present demographic differences cross the data sources, and to apply the algorithm to one study year. Materials and Methods We used existing VHA survey data from the Survey of Healthcare Experiences of Patients (SHEP) and three commonly used administrative databases from 2003 to 2015: the VA Corporate Data Warehouse (CDW), VA Defense Identity Repository (VADIR), and Medicare. Using measures of agreement such as sensitivity, specificity, positive and negative predictive values, and Cohen kappa, we compared self-reported race and ethnicity from the SHEP and each of the other data sources. Based on these results, we propose an algorithm for combining data on race and ethnicity from these datasets. We included VHA patients who completed a SHEP and had race/ethnicity recorded in CDW, VADIR, and/or Medicare. Results Agreement between SHEP and other sources was high for Whites and Blacks and substantially lower for other minority groups. The CDW demonstrated better agreement than VADIR or Medicare. Conclusions We developed an algorithm of data source precedence in the VHA that improves the accuracy of the identification of historically under-identified minorities: (1) SHEP, (2) CDW, (3) Department of Defense’s VADIR, and (4) Medicare.
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Kumari, Pariksha. "Reconstructing Aboriginal History and Cultural Identity through Self Narrative: A Study of Ruby Langford’s Autobiography Don‘t Take Your Love to Town." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 12 (December 28, 2020): 128–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i12.10866.
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The last decades of previous century has witnessed the burgeoning of life narratives lending voice to the oppressed, dispossessed, and the colonized marginalities of race, class or gender across the world. A large number of autobiographical and biographical narratives that have appeared on the literary scene have started articulating their ordeals and their struggle for survival. The Aboriginals in Australia have started candidly articulating their side of story, exposing the harassment and oppression of their people in Australia. These oppressed communities find themselves sandwiched and strangled under the mainstream politics of multiculturalism, assimilation and secularism.
The present paper seeks to analyze how life writing serves the purpose of history in celebrated Australian novelist, Aboriginal historian and social activist Ruby Langford’s autobiographical narrative, Don’t Take Your Love to Town. The Colonial historiography of Australian settlement has never accepted the fact of displacement and eviction of the Aboriginals from their land and culture. The whites systematically transplanted Anglo-Celtic culture and identity in the land of Australia which was belonged to the indigenous for centuries. Don’t Take Your Love to Town reconstructs the debate on history of the colonial settlement and status of Aboriginals under subsequent government policies like reconciliation, assimilation and multiculturalism. The paper is an attempt to gaze the assimilation policy adopted by the state to bring the Aboriginals into the mainstream politics and society on the one hand, and the regular torture, exploitation and cultural degradation of the Aboriginals recorded in the text on the other. In this respect the paper sees how Langford encounters British history of Australian settlement and the perspectives of Australian state towards the Aboriginals. The politics of mainstream culture, religion, race and ethnicity, which is directly or indirectly responsible for the condition of the Aboriginals, is also the part of discussion in the paper.
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Varela Tembra, Juan José. "DORIS LESSING’S THE GRASS IS SINGING: AN APOLOGY OF THE RHODHESIAN SOCIETY AS A POSTCOLONIAL PSYCHOSOCIAL DRAMA." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 1 (May 22, 2017): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v1i0.576.
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ResumenDoris Lessing, one of the most significant postcolonial writers, made her debut as a novelist with The Grass Is Singing (1950). The novel examines the relationship between Mary Turner, a white farmer’s wife, and her black African servant in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) during the 1940s. The novel does not only deal with racial politics between whites and blacks, but also explores feminist issues. Moreover, the description of Mary Turner merits closer examination on account of Lessing’s incomparable depictions of the female psyche in the midst of restrictions imposed by gender, race and class. Core themes of the novel include a failed marriage, the sexual obsessions mainly on the part of whites, and the fear of black power and revenge which still obtain today while the British Colonial past is only a memory.Key words: Rhodesia, feminism, racism, colonialism, postcolonial, social issues Titulo en español: The Grass Is Singing de Doris Lessing: una apología de la sociedad de Rodesia como drama postcolonial psicosocialResumen: Una de las escritores poscoloniales más relevantes, Doris Lessing, comenzó su carrera como novelista con The Grass Is Singing (1950). La novela examina la relación entre María Turner, esposa de un granjero blanco y su sirviente negro africano en Rodesia, actual Zimbabue, durante la década de los años 40 del pasado siglo. La novela no sólo trata de la política racial entre blancos y negros, sino también explora temas feministas. Sin embargo, la descripción que Lessing nos proporciona de Mary Turner aporta una perspectiva única, un examen detenido de la psique femenina en medio de situaciones de raza, sexo y sexo, la raza y problemática social. Los motivos internos de la novela nos muestran una temática en torno a un matrimonio fracasado, la obsesión por la sexualidad, mayoritariamente por parte de los blancos, y el miedo al poder negro y a la venganza; algo todavía muy válido en la actualidad cuando el pasado colonial británico sólo permanece como un legado.Palabras clave: Rodesia, feminismo, racismo, colonialismo, postcolonialismo, temas sociales.
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Assari, Shervin. "Education Attainment and Obesity：Differential Returns Based on Sexual Orientation." Behavioral Sciences 9, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/bs9020016.
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Background: Although high educational attainment is linked to better health and lower health risk behaviors, this effect may be systemically smaller for racial and ethnic minority groups compared to Whites. However, it is still unknown whether these diminished returns also apply to marginalization based on sexual orientation. Aims: In a national sample of adults which was composed of people of color, we compared straight and homosexual people for the association between education attainment and obesity. Methods: The Social Justice Sexuality Project (SJS-2010) is a cross-sectional national survey of health and wellbeing of predominantly people of color who identify as homosexual. The current analysis included 2884 adults (age 24 or more) who were either heterosexual (n = 260) or homosexual (n = 2624). The predictor variable was education attainment, and the outcome variable was obesity status (body mass index larger than 30 kg/m2 [kilograms per meter squared]). Demographic factors (age and gender), household income, nativity (US born vs. immigrant), and health (self-rated health and current smoking) were the covariates. Sexual orientation was the moderator. Results: In the pooled sample, high education attainment was protective against obesity status. Sexual orientation interacted with education attainment on odds of obesity, which was suggestive of stronger protective effects of high education attainment against obesity for heterosexual than homosexual individuals. Conclusion: High education attainment better protects heterosexual than homosexual people against obesity, a pattern similar to what has been observed for comparison of Whites and non-Whites. Smaller protective effects of education attainment on health behaviors of marginalized people are possibly, due to prejudice and discrimination that they experience. Discrimination may minimize stigmatized individuals’ abilities to mobilize their economic and human resources and translate them to tangible outcomes. This finding extends the Minorities’ Diminished Returns theory, suggesting that it is not just race/ethnicity but possibly any marginalizing and stigmatizing social identity that results in diminished returns of socioeconomic status resources.
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Kanicki, Witold. "Blackfaced white: rasowe przypadki negatywu." Artium Quaestiones, no. 28 (May 22, 2018): 111–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/aq.2017.28.5.
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In her essay on the involvement of photography in the system of racial division, Tanya Sheehan (“Comical Conflations: Racial Identity and Science of Photography,” Photography & Culture, vol. 4, no. 2, 2011: 133-156) focused her attention on common comparisons of the photographic negative to the Negroid race. Such a tendency may imply a claim that the negative is racist; once connected, just as African Americans, with pejorative features. The negative picture, different from reality as such but above all negating a realistic (positive) tradition in art, because of being different (other) can be considered wrong or inferior to the positive so that it must be hidden or even destroyed. In such a context, the present paper focuses on the relationship between the photographic negative and the question of race. Although apparently the reversal of the color of skin might result in a racial transformation of the photographed whites, the artistic practice of the 20th and 21st centuries demonstrates that quite often the reversed color does not necessarily mean a change of race. What is more, the negative has been used to oppose by artistic means the simplifying polarization of society. Such avant-garde photographers as Hans Bellmer, Man Ray, and Alexandr Rodchenko used the inversion of tone in their works critiquing colonial and racist stereotypes. Contemporary artists use the negative convention to subvert the dominant positive, realism, light, day, the white male, and other concepts associated with one of the poles constituting the binary value system. Painting one’s face black, in the 19th century used in evidently racist performances called “minstrel shows,” may now convey a positive message.
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Cacciotti, Chantel, Cheryl Medeiros-Nancarrow, Nicole Ullrich, Christopher Recklitis, and Tabitha Cooney. "NCOG-63. PEDIATRIC NEURO-ONCOLOGY SURVIVOR IDENTITY: A PROJECT REACH STUDY." Neuro-Oncology 22, Supplement_2 (November 2020): ii143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/neuonc/noaa215.601.
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Abstract BACKGROUND The degree to which adults treated for pediatric CNS tumors identify with cancer and survivorship, and factors influencing their identification, have been understudied. METHODS Self-reported data was collected from Project REACH, a locally-treated childhood cancer survivor cohort. Data included demographic (age, gender, race/ethnicity, marriage, education, employment, living situation, insurance), clinical (diagnosis, treatment), neurocognitive (CCSS NCQ), quality-of-life (QOL; SF-12, FACT-G) and survivorship identity variables. Participants were ≥ 18 years old, ≥ 2 years from diagnosis, and ≥ 1 year from therapy completion. RESULTS 132 participants; 59 males, and 118 non-Hispanic whites were included. Mean age at diagnosis and survey was 9.6 (range 0-22) and 26.7 (range 18-46) years, respectively. Treatment was diverse; 34% of participants received surgery only, 34% received surgery, chemotherapy, and radiation, and 32% received other treatment combinations. Most participants (67%) reported their cancer had “moderate,” “great,” or “total” effect on their current identity, and most (66%) thought of their diagnosis ≥ 1-2 times per month. A large proportion of survivors (83%) reported identifying as a “survivor.” Demographic and clinical variables were largely unelated to perceived effects of cancer, except for current age and QOL; 87% of survivors older than 30 reported moderate to great/total effect of cancer on their identity vs 51% of survivors age 18-21 (p=0.031). Participants reporting great/total effect on their identity had lower mental and physical health scores (SF-12) than those who reported no impact (48.5 vs 52.8, p=0.04; 42.6 vs 47.2, p =0.02 respectively). CONCLUSION The majority of participants report a significant impact from their childhood tumor diagnosis on their adult identity, and frequent diagnosis-related thoughts. Older survivors and those with poor QOL report greater effects on their identity. Interventions are needed to promote opportunities to make meaning of the pediatric CNS tumor experience as a way of achieving better quality of life.
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Waymer, Damion, and Kenon A. Brown. "Significance of race in the US undergraduate public relations educational landscape." Journal for Multicultural Education 12, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 353–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jme-06-2017-0036.
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Purpose The purpose of this study is to address a practical question and problem: what can explain the small number of underrepresented racial and ethnic practitioners in the public relations industry? By placing race at the center of this study via critical race theory, the authors sought to answer the previously mentioned practical question. The authors focused on the undergraduate environment as a pipeline to the profession. The goal was to determine whether issues of race in the undergraduate public relations environment played a role in students’ ability to succeed in their public relations coursework and in their ability to secure internships, network with professionals, etc. Design/methodology/approach The authors interviewed 22 practitioners with five or fewer years of industry experience. The authors used email interviews to gather data from young professionals. Although email interviews are impersonal in nature, because of a lack of the use of social cues and non-verbal communication (Hunt & McHale, 2007), email interviews are more cost-effective, expand the range of participants that one could interview, and this method allows participants to reflect longer on their answers, which could result in more detail – whereby participants might share information they would not normally share face-to-face. Findings The findings reveal that half of the Latina, African American and Asian American participants noted that being underrepresented was not necessarily a hindrance to their academic success; rather, being underrepresented was uncomfortable for them at times, as they believed they had to prove themselves more than whites. Additional findings reveal that in terms of developing social skills for the profession, participants did not experience negative or positive effects of race. Findings are used to gain insight into how to increase diversity in the profession and to gauge the extent to which racial identity plays a role in public relations students’ collegiate development. Originality/value This study asks racially and ethnically underrepresented applied communication students to reflect on their experiences as undergraduates as a means of refining the undergraduate educational experience to make that experience more attractive for and conducive to academic success for current and future underrepresented applied communication undergraduate students. It's a first of its kind in that regard.