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Journal articles on the topic 'Whites Zimbabwe'
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1
Zembe, Christopher Roy. "Migrating with Colonial and Post-Colonial Memories: Dynamics of Racial Interactions within Zimbabwe’s Minority Communities in Britain." Journal of Migration History 2, no. 1 (March 22, 2016): 32–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00201002.
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Upon attaining independence on 18 April 1980, the Zimbabwean government was faced with the challenge of eradicating prejudices, which had been constructed during the colonial era. Whilst it is correct to accept that colonial Zimbabwe was beset with racial prejudices, which inhibited interracial interactions, it is also essential to recognise that post-colonial events triggered socialisation processes devoid of nation building. Therefore, by exploring the dynamics of interactions within Zimbabwe’s minority communities in Britain, the paper will unravel the impact of memories constructed during the different phases of Zimbabwe’s history. By focusing exclusively on Whites, Coloureds (mixed-race) and Asians, it will demonstrate that the Zimbabwean immigrant community in Britain is not a monolithic group of Blacks, but a racially diverse community. Analysing the diaspora interactions of communities considered more privileged than Blacks during the colonial era provides a perspective on the complexities of eradicating historically constructed racial prejudices.
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Mthatiwa, Syned. "Home and belonging in Irene Sabatini’s The Boy Next Door and Andrea Eames’ The Cry of the Go-Away Bird." Journal of Commonwealth Literature 55, no. 2 (February 10, 2018): 160–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021989417749265.
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In this article I examine how, in their novels The Boy Next Door and The Cry of the Go-Away Bird, Irene Sabatini and Andrea Eames, respectively, allow us to reflect on questions of whiteness, home, and belonging in Zimbabwe. I argue that in these novels the experiences, behaviours, and attitudes of whites towards Africa and black people contest and subvert their belonging to Zimbabwe and highlight their failure to accept the end of Rhodesia. White people’s resistance to integration into Zimbabwe, their continued racializing of space, and their attempts to maintain white power and privilege bring whiteness sharply before the scrutiny of the black gaze and provoke anti-white rhetoric as well as a discourse on white unbelonging to Zimbabwe that becomes more strident and violent from the late 1990s.
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Khan, Khatija Bibi. "RECONCILIATION WITHOUT JUSTICE? AN ANALYSIS OF THE FILM, RECONCILIATION IN ZIMBABWE, THE FIRST TEN YEARS." Commonwealth Youth and Development 12, no. 1 (September 26, 2016): 33–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/1727-7140/1606.
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The aim of this article is to explore the idea of reconciliation and justice in the documentary film, Reconciliation in Zimbabwe, the first ten years (1990). This film is one of the very first and few films to deal with the themes of reconciliation and justice from the perspective of the moving image. At the centre of the film narrative is how different political constituents in Zimbabwe between 1980 and 1990 think about the question of reconciliation and the possibility of ultimate justice. Coming immediately after the war, the film debates the varied and diverse expectations of Zimbabwean whites and blacks, and the role of memory in relationship to the new politics of tolerance proposed by the Prime Minister of Zimbabwe, Robert Gabriel Mugabe. The article argues that the significance of the film lies in the desire to balance hotly contested perspectives on what constitutes reconciliation and justice in Zimbabwe.
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Sylvester, Christine. "Zimbabwe's 1985 Elections: a Search for National Mythology." Journal of Modern African Studies 24, no. 2 (June 1986): 229–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00006868.
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When Zimbabweans went to the polls in June and July of 1985, they decisively returned the Zimbabwe African National Union (Patriotic Front) to formal power, provided regional support for the Patriotic Front–Zimbabwe African People's Union and, in the case of the white roll, endorsed Ian Smith's Conservative Alliance of Zimbabwe. Questions raised in the wake of the elections tended to focus on the changes that the Z.A.N.U.(P.F.) Government could institute in the next three to five years – a one-party system, a complete abrogation of the Lancaster House privileges for whites, a vigorous turn towards Marxism.
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Phiri, Calvin, Njabulo Bruce Khumalo, and Mehluli Masuku. "THE IMPACT OF THE 2000 LAND REFORM PROGRAMME ON THE CAPITAL BLOCK, POPULARLY KNOWN AS THE ‘NEW MALAWI’." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 15–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1580.
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The 2000 land reform programme implemented by the government of Zimbabwe came with an initiative of acquiring enormous hectares of white-owned farmland and distributing it on a massive scale to small-scale farmers. Indeed the greater part of the land was taken from the white commercial farmers and distributed to the majority black Zimbabweans, leaving only a small share of the farmland in the hands of the whites. The land reform programme, undoubtedly, benefited Zimbabweans. In Zimbabwe, especially in mining areas, there are classes of Zimbabweans, those who originate from Zimbabwe, as well as those who are of foreign origin, but are Zimbabweans by birth. Zimbabweans by birth who are of foreign origin occupied an allocated A2 farm, Capital Block, located near a cement mining area, Colleen Bawn. Most of them were of Malawian origin, and the area is now popularly known as ‘New Malawi’. This study sought to investigate how Zimbabweans of foreign origin benefited from the 2000 land reform programme. The article further sought to reveal the diverse farming systems as well as Indigenous Knowledge (IK), which were passed on from the forefathers who were born in Malawi, but migrated to Zimbabwe’s mining areas in search for employment in the then Rhodesia around 1960. A qualitative methodology was used in this research, in which oral history interviews were conducted with the people living in the area of the ‘New Malawi’. The study revealed that most of the land was being used for farming purposes. Beneficiaries of the programme had become self-dependent. The study further revealed that there was knowledge sharing among the beneficiaries of different foreign origins including Zambia, Malawi, Mozambique, Botswana and those of Zimbabwean origin. Based on the findings of the study, it was concluded that the programme benefited a number of people of foreign origins who were now Zimbabweans by birth and Zimbabweans by both birth and origin were happy with these people benefiting, a situation which shows the extent to which Zimbabweans are tolerant of foreigners.
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Pilossof, Rory, and Jacob Boersema. "Not all whites are farmers: privilege, the politics of representation, and the urban–rural divide in Zimbabwe." Africa 87, no. 4 (October 26, 2017): 702–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0001972017000328.
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AbstractWhiteness has always been visible and marked in Africa. This is what makes whiteness in Africa distinct from whiteness in the West. This article explores the question of how the visibility of whiteness matters for its politics by focusing on the case of Zimbabwe. Much of the work on whiteness in this country, concentrating solely on the white farming community, presents the white population as a homogeneous group. This article uses the urban–rural divide to challenge such a portrayal and to explore the relationship in Zimbabwe between the politics of representation and the politics of whiteness in the postcolonial era. Based on four years of ethnographic research, it investigates urban and rural whiteness together because they are interrelated. We make two specific observations: first, that urban privilege has remained invisible because white Zimbabweans and white privilege are imagined to be connected to the land and to being a farmer. Urban whites have perpetuated this stereotype, which helped mask their own privileged lives. Second, we demonstrate that the defence of white privilege happens through means other than simple denial. Our interview data shows that, despite urban whites’ acknowledgement and understanding of white privilege, they still defend and try to legitimize it. Finally, we conclude that raising awareness and demanding acknowledgement of white privilege might be a necessary but insufficient condition to end it.
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Mlambo, A. S. "‘This is Our land’." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 1 (March 2010): 39–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600103.
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This study seeks to trace the role of race in the evolution of the land question in Zimbabwe from Occupation to the ‘fast-track land reform programme’ of 2000 and beyond to explore the extent to which the era of colonial domination made the racialization of the land issue in the post-colonial period almost unavoidable. It contends that Mugabe’s use of race to justify the campaign to drive whites from the land from 2000 onwards was facilitated (in part) by the fact that race had always been used by the colonial authorities as a decisive factor in land acquisition and allocation throughout the colonial period and that using the alleged superiority of the white race, colonial authorities alienated African land for themselves without either negotiating with the indigenous authorities or paying for the land. Consequently, Mugabe’s charge that the land had been stolen and needed to be retaken clearly resonated with some segments of the Zimbabwean population enough to get them to actively participate in the land invasions of the time.
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Uusihakala, Katja. "“Keeping the Flame Alive”." Suomen Antropologi: Journal of the Finnish Anthropological Society 33, no. 3 (January 1, 2008): 21–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.30676/jfas.v33i3.116382.
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In 1990 ex-Rhodesians—white former colonials who have emigrated from Zimbabwe after its independence in 1980—organized a commemorative event in South Africa in order to celebrate the Centenary of the founding of Rhodesia. In spite of the fact that Rhodesia no longer exists, it continues to have intrinsic weight in the present lives of former Rhodesians. It is held close by social memory practices, which are fundamental to how the diaspora community comes to understand itself and its place in the world. This article examines social memory practices in the context of the Centenary celebrations. The festivities involved the creation of an imaginary Rhodesianaland in a holiday resort in South Africa. The key event during the festivities was the re-enactment of the arrival of the Pioneer Column in Fort Salisbury (Harare) and the founding of colonial Rhodesia. The main objective of the commemorative event was the creation of a ceremonial site in which people could come together to recall and to reflect upon their shared past by re-telling the community’s origin narrative. However, the article also suggests that the mnemonic power and emotional affectivity of commemoration rests on the fact that culturally meaningful experiences are bodily enacted. Keywords: Rhodesia, Zimbabwe, whites, social memory, commemoration
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Salverda, Tijo. "(Dis)unity in Diversity: How Common Beliefs about Ethnicity Benefit the White Mauritian Elite." Journal of Modern African Studies 53, no. 4 (November 4, 2015): 533–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x15000749.
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ABSTRACTWhite Africans are particularly associated with the troubles South Africa and Zimbabwe have faced throughout their histories. The story of the Franco-Mauritians, the white elite of Mauritius, and how they have fared during more than forty years since the Indian Ocean island gained independence, is much less known. However, their case is relevant as a distinctive example when attempting to understand white Africans in postcolonial settings. Unlike whites elsewhere on the continent, Franco-Mauritians did not apply brute force in order to defend their position in the face of independence. Yet the society that emerged from the struggle over independence is one shaped by dominant beliefs about ethnicity. As this article shows, despite a number of inverse effects Franco-Mauritians have benefited from this unexpected twist, and part of the explanation for their ability to maintain their elite position lies therefore in the complex reality of ethnic diversity in postcolonial Mauritius.
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Bradnum, Mandy, Johann Nieuwoudt, and Colin Tredoux. "Contact and the Alteration of Racial Attitudes in South Africa." South African Journal of Psychology 23, no. 4 (December 1993): 204–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/008124639302300407.
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Two generations of social psychologists have described a remarkably consistent pattern of racial attitudes in South Africa. Whites exhibit determinedly negative attitudes towards other ‘race’ groups (Afrikaans speakers more so than English speakers), and blacks, on the other hand, show a much lower degree of ethnocentrism, especially toward English-speaking whites. This ‘lop-sided colour bar’ is a consistent finding, both historically and across different attitudinal measures. We report results here that indicate that this pattern may be changing, in at least one part of the country. In addition, we examine the attitudes of school pupils in integrated and segregated schools, both in South Africa and in Zimbabwe, for evidence that inter-racial contact improves attitudinal dispositions. Our findings here offer little evidence in favour of the proposition: they appear instead to suggest the dependency of the effects of contact on cultural and normative factors.
11
Varela Tembra, Juan José. "DORIS LESSING’S THE GRASS IS SINGING: AN APOLOGY OF THE RHODHESIAN SOCIETY AS A POSTCOLONIAL PSYCHOSOCIAL DRAMA." RAUDEM. Revista de Estudios de las Mujeres 1 (May 22, 2017): 258. http://dx.doi.org/10.25115/raudem.v1i0.576.
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ResumenDoris Lessing, one of the most significant postcolonial writers, made her debut as a novelist with The Grass Is Singing (1950). The novel examines the relationship between Mary Turner, a white farmer’s wife, and her black African servant in Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe) during the 1940s. The novel does not only deal with racial politics between whites and blacks, but also explores feminist issues. Moreover, the description of Mary Turner merits closer examination on account of Lessing’s incomparable depictions of the female psyche in the midst of restrictions imposed by gender, race and class. Core themes of the novel include a failed marriage, the sexual obsessions mainly on the part of whites, and the fear of black power and revenge which still obtain today while the British Colonial past is only a memory.Key words: Rhodesia, feminism, racism, colonialism, postcolonial, social issues Titulo en español: The Grass Is Singing de Doris Lessing: una apología de la sociedad de Rodesia como drama postcolonial psicosocialResumen: Una de las escritores poscoloniales más relevantes, Doris Lessing, comenzó su carrera como novelista con The Grass Is Singing (1950). La novela examina la relación entre María Turner, esposa de un granjero blanco y su sirviente negro africano en Rodesia, actual Zimbabue, durante la década de los años 40 del pasado siglo. La novela no sólo trata de la política racial entre blancos y negros, sino también explora temas feministas. Sin embargo, la descripción que Lessing nos proporciona de Mary Turner aporta una perspectiva única, un examen detenido de la psique femenina en medio de situaciones de raza, sexo y sexo, la raza y problemática social. Los motivos internos de la novela nos muestran una temática en torno a un matrimonio fracasado, la obsesión por la sexualidad, mayoritariamente por parte de los blancos, y el miedo al poder negro y a la venganza; algo todavía muy válido en la actualidad cuando el pasado colonial británico sólo permanece como un legado.Palabras clave: Rodesia, feminismo, racismo, colonialismo, postcolonialismo, temas sociales.
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Muchefa, Livingstone, and Calvin Phiri. "Orality versus Written Legislation: Oral History as used in Zimbabwe`s Post-2000 Land Reform Programme." Oral History Journal of South Africa 4, no. 2 (April 5, 2018): 26–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/336.
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Zimbabwe became a colony of the British Empire on 13 September 1890, and attained independence in 1980. During the colonial period of 1890 to 1980 land was expropriated primarily from the indigenous Ndebele and the Shona tribal groups through the institutionalisation of legislation that brought about the segregation of Africans and paved the way for settlement and farming by whites. Between 1980 and 1990 there was little progress in terms of resettlement programmes because of financial constraints and the terms and conditions of the Lancaster House Agreement regarding the willing seller willing buyer principle. There were serious economic challenges in the decade 1990 to 2000, but the period post 2000 witnessed brisk land repossessions which were spearheaded by war veterans and politicians. At the heart of the “land invasions,†as they were popularly termed, lay historical injustices. This paper seeks to provide an insight into the centrality of the oral tradition or oral history as legal basis for the land repossessions that took place. Neither legal recourse nor visiting archives and other information centres for the purposes of authentication were a priority. The Lancaster Constitution was viewed as an obstacle when dealing with land. The National Archives of Zimbabwe is placed in context within the situation discussed.
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Stapleton, Tim. "“A Naughty Child with a Pen”: Gahadzikwa Albert Chaza as an African Policeman and Author in Colonial Southern Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) 1936–1963." History in Africa 37 (2010): 159–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0024.
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Those who have visited book stores in Zimbabwe in recent years, even the small one in Harare international airport, will have seen a thin volume authored by G.A. Chaza and entitled Bhurakuwacha: The Story of a Black Policeman in Colonial Southern Rhodesia. Bhurakuwacha is the longest and most detailed first hand account by an African member of the British South Africa Police (BSAP), Southern Rhodesia's paramilitary law enforcement organization, and as such constitutes an important source for studying the experience of black security force members in a white settler state.Chaza was typical of the moderate and loyalist black middle class of the 1940s and 1950s that wanted equality with whites as part of a civilized imperial citizenry but became less significant during the anti-colonial and revolutionary violence of the 1960s and 1970s. Unfortunately, the book only hints at Chaza's early interest in writing which began when he was a young constable in the late 1930s and continued through his post-retirement involvement in politics in the early 1960s.The aim of this paper is to examine the first three decades of Chaza's publications within the context of African police service in the colonial era. Bhurakuwacha was written after African nationalists had come to power in independent Zimbabwe and promoted a version of history that lionized those who had resisted colonial rule and vilified those, such as African policemen, who had worked for the colonial state. Therefore, it is tempting to see Chaza's book as an effort to rehabilitate his image by portraying African colonial police as victims of racism against which some, like the author, struggled. Looking at his now forgotten earlier writings will illustrate how Chaza's views changed over the years and reveal whether or not Bhurakuwacha represents an accurate account of African colonial police service.
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Tsang, Eileen Yuk-ha, Shan Qiao, Jeffrey S. Wilkinson, Annis Lai-chu Fung, Freddy Lipeleke, and Xiaoming Li. "Multilayered Stigma and Vulnerabilities for HIV Infection and Transmission: A Qualitative Study on Male Sex Workers in Zimbabwe." American Journal of Men's Health 13, no. 1 (January 2019): 155798831882388. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1557988318823883.
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Male sex workers are marginalized in most societies due to intersectional stigma between prostitution and homosexuality. In Zimbabwe, a proliferation of male sex workers in major cities such as Harare and Bulawayo has been reported. However, there is a shortage of studies that explore their lives. The current qualitative study aims to describe the practices of sex work, life contexts, and HIV risks and vulnerabilities based on in-depth interviews among 15 male sex workers in Bulawayo. Our studies suggest that the stigma against male sex workers comes from diverse sectors including culture (“homosexuality is un-African, introduced by the Whites”), religion (“same sex is a sin before the God”), law and police (“homosexuality is illegal in Zimbabwe. Engaging in it can send one to prison”), media (“the media is hostile to sex workers particularly men as we are regarded as abnormal and unclean”), and their family (“should they get to know about it, they will disown me”). In this context, male sex workers were excluded from national HIV prevention and treatment programs. They had limited knowledge and many misconceptions about HIV. The stigma and discrimination from health-care providers also discouraged them from health seeking or HIV testing. The non-disclosure to female partners of convenience and sexual relations further increased their vulnerabilities to HIV infection and transmission. Current efforts to address the HIV epidemic should pay attention to male sex workers and tackle the intersecting stigma issues. male sex workers need support and tailored HIV prevention and treatment services to improve their HIV prevention practices, health, and well-being.
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Mabvurira, Vincent. "Making sense of African thought in social work practice in Zimbabwe: Towards professional decolonisation." International Social Work 63, no. 4 (August 31, 2018): 419–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0020872818797997.
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The problem with current social work practice in Africa is that following its development in the West, it came to Africa grounded in values and ideologies stemming from capitalism, social Darwinism, the protestant ethic and individualism, all of which are un-African. Western ideas permeated social work institutions despite the ethical conflicts between traditional African cultures and values and the Western Judeo-Christian norms on which social work was based. Despite the political independence of most African countries, the profession has remained stuck in Western methods, values, principles and standards. Some of the traditional social work principles seem alien in African contexts. The social work principle of individualisation, for example, is un-African as it promotes individualism and yet life in Africa is communal. The content used in social work education and training in most institutions in Zimbabwe originated from elsewhere outside the African continent and as a result does not respect Africana values, beliefs, mores, taboos and traditional social protection systems. As it stands, social work in Zimbabwe in particular is a ‘mermaid’ profession based on Western theory but serving African clients. If social work in Africa is to decolonise, practitioners should have an understanding of and respect for African beliefs and practices. This is mainly because there is no clear separation between the material and the sacred among indigenous African people. This article therefore challenges African scholars to generate Afrocentric knowledge that should be imparted to African students for them to be effective in the African context. Afrocentric social work should be based on, improve and professionalise traditional helping systems that were in place prior to the coming of the Whites to the African continent.
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Masakure, Clement, and Noel Ndumeya. "'The trees do not belong to Chief Maranke but to the Native Reserves Trust': The politics of timber resource exploitation in African reserves, colonial Zimbabwe, 1924-1948." Historia 63, no. 1 (November 3, 2021): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-8392/2021/v66n1a3.
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Contextualised within a settler state characterised by racial discrimination and unequal access to natural resources, this article examines the ideological, environmental and economic considerations surrounding the formation of the Native Reserves Trust (NRT) and the role it played in the exploitation of timber resources in the African reserves of Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe). Cognisant of the fact that the colonial state set aside marginal and less productive reserves for the Africans, the paper uses the NRT as a lens to view the process by which the settler society penetrated African reserves and exploited timber resources that were needed for the white-owned enterprises, while at the same time, Africans were barred from exploiting the same resources in European domains. The study further discusses the significance of timber in the African reserves, analyses the role of the NRT in regulating timber exploitation processes and the relations between the state, timber concessionaire companies and the African communities. Lastly, it assesses the extent to which timber exploitation contributed to environmental destruction, and how this prompted a policy shift, leading to the implementation of state-initiated afforestation programmes in these reserves and how these re-shaped state-African relations. On the whole, we note that the exploitation of timber resources in African areas replicated the larger colonial policy that favoured whites at the expense of Africans.
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Makwanise, Ndakaitei, and Mehluli Masuku. "GENDER AND LAND DISPOSSESSION IN ZIMBABWE: A CASE OF THE NDEBELE AT ESIGODINI AREA 1893–2003." Oral History Journal of South Africa 2, no. 1 (September 22, 2016): 3–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/1579.
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The Ndebele ethnic group in Zimbabwe has probably experienced more land dispossessions than any other ethnic group stretching from the 1890s with the coming of the whites. Most of this history,unfortunately, is not well documented. Based on an oral history approach, this article focuses on the gendered dimension of land dispossession. It seeks to answer questions such as: do men and women view land ownership and land issues in the same way? Did the land dispossessions, which took place for more than one hundred years in Zimbabwe particularly in the Ndebele ethnic group, affect the way land is viewed gender wise? The article further sought to find out how women have been historically marginalised or emancipated in the community. Given the importance of land in any culture, the article seeks to find out how a shift in the way land is viewed gender wise can improve the lives of many in the Ndebele ethnic group. The research was conducted in Esikhoveni Village in Esigodini, Matabeleland-South. It was based on oral history, targeting the headmen and other elders noted for their wisdom and knowledge of the area. A total of sixteen interviews were conducted using judgemental and snowball strategies. The article reveals that land was considered an important resource in the area. Women had limited opportunities for land ownership in the village. Culture and tradition were still dominant over legal provisions when it comes to land and gender issues. The article recommends a new and more rigorous approach by the government and other stakeholders to change the cultural and traditional perceptions of the rural communities in order to achieve gender balance regarding land ownership and allocation.
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Makwanise, Ndakaitei, and Mehluli Masuku. "GENDER AND LAND DISPOSSESSION IN ZIMBABWE: A CASE OF THE NDEBELE AT ESIGODINI AREA, 1893–2003." Oral History Journal of South Africa 3, no. 2 (October 11, 2016): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2309-5792/335.
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 The Ndebele tribe in Zimbabwe has probably experienced more land dispossessions than any other tribe, beginning the 1890s with the arrival of the whites. Most of this history, unfortunately, is not well documented. Based on an oral history approach, this article focuses on the gendered dimensions of land dispossession. It seeks to answer questions such as: Do men and women view land ownership and land issues in the same way? Did the land dispossessions that took place for more than one hundred years in Zimbabwe, particularly in the Ndebele tribe, affect the way land is viewed in terms of gender? The research further sought to find out how women have been historically marginalised or emancipated in the community. Given the importance of land in any culture, the research also seeks to find out how a shift in the way land is viewed, in terms of gender, can improve the lives of many in the Ndebele tribe. The research was conducted in Esikhoveni Village in Esigodini, Matabeleland South. It was based on oral history, targeting the headmen and other elders noted for their wisdom and knowledge of the area. A total of sixteen (16) informants were interviewed using judgemental and snowball strategies. The study revealed that land was considered an important resource in the area. Women had limited opportunities for land ownership in the village. Culture and tradition were still dominant over legal provisions when it came to land and gender issues. The study recommends a new and more rigorous approach by the government and other stakeholders to change the cultural and traditional perceptions of the rural communities in order to achieve a gender balance regarding land ownership and allocation.
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LLOYD, K. R., K. S. JACOB, V. PATEL, L. St. LOUIS, D. BHUGRA, and A. H. MANN. "The development of the Short Explanatory Model Interview (SEMI) and its use among primary-care attenders with common mental disorders." Psychological Medicine 28, no. 5 (September 1998): 1231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0033291798007065.
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Background. Recent anthropological studies have documented the importance of understanding the relation of culture to the experience of mental illness. The use of interviews that elicit explanatory models has facilitated such research, but currently available interviews are lengthy and impractical for epidemiological studies. This paper is a preliminary report on the development of a brief instrument to elicit explanatory models for use in field work.Method. The development of the SEMI, a short interview to elicit explanatory models is described. The interview explores the subject's cultural background, nature of presenting problem, help-seeking behaviour, interaction with physician/healer and beliefs related to mental illness.Results. The SEMI was employed to study the explanatory models of subjects with common mental disorders among Whites, African-Caribbean and Asians living in London and was also used in Harare, Zimbabwe. Data from its use in four different ethnic groups is presented with the aim of demonstrating its capacity to show up differences in these varied settings.Conclusions. The simplicity and brevity of the SEMI allow for its use in field studies in different cultures, data can be used to provide variables for use in quantitative analysis and provide qualitative descriptions.
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Masikati, Winnet. "LAND OWNERSHIP A HUMAN/WILDLIFE CONFLICT: IMPLICATIONS FOR NYANGA NATIONAL PARK AS A TOURIST DESTINATION." International Journal of Education Humanities and Social Science 05, no. 04 (2022): 37–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.54922/ijehss.2022.0411.
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This study explored the implications of landownership in Zimbabwe as a factor motivating humanwildlife conflict and its’ implications for Nyanga National Park as a tourist destination. Previous studies have overlooked land ownership and its implications for tourism. Impacts of human-human conflict on wild-life for tourism have also been side-lined. This study was guided by Qualitative research philosophy. Data gathered was guided by a Historical document analysis to access the past as a basis for understanding the present. Longitudinal document analysis traced political changes and developments in Nyanga. Documents were in the official public domain hence content validation was based on the consensus of different historical sources. Interviews with key informants confirmed events and enhanced interpretation. The study found political land ownership events contributing to the destruction of wild and aquatic tourist attractions in Nyanga. Freedom of settlement reduced area for Nyanga National Park tourism activities. In 1890, Lippert Concession granted Nyanga land and its Wildlife to a few privileged Whites against the African inhabitants. Whites’ sophisticated weapons killed more animals than the Africans who were forced to crowd in Tribal Trust Lands (TTLs). The move broke the symbiotic relationship between Africans and their wildlife in Nyanga. Their settlement in TTLs had new forms of conflicts as human and wildlife tried to understand each other in a new habitat. Park boundaries cut off Africans from their ancestral places of worship like the Mtarazi falls, water and mountain spirits. Their medicinal plants like zumbani which reduces chances for Covid -19 were enclosed in the name of animal protection. Anyone who entered the park for medicinal plants was classified as a poacher and arrested. Unjust land redistribution in 1930: Blacks got 22%, Animals 27% and Whites 51%, marginalised human livelihoods triggering poaching as a natural form of aggressive retaliation to the unjust land ownership. The Native husbandry Act (1951-1961) drastically reduced livestock among the blacks, forcing them to resort to wildlife for meat. Overcrowding Africans in TTls increased human-wildlife interactions and its conflicts. A period of land ownership conflict subjected tourism attraction species to extinction. For Nyanga National Park to thrive as a tourist attraction centre, locals should own the land, its’ wild and aquatic life. Study recommends local community ownership of land for the development of Nyanga National Park as a tourist resort.
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FITZMAURICE, SUSAN. "Ideology, race and place in historical constructions of belonging: the case of Zimbabwe." English Language and Linguistics 19, no. 2 (July 2015): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1360674315000106.
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This article explores the ways in which constructions of identities of place are embedded in the ideology of race and social orientation in Zimbabwe. Using newspaper reports, memoirs, speeches, advertisements, fiction, interviews and ephemera produced around key discursive thresholds, it examines the production of multiple meanings of key terms within competing discourses to generate co-existing parallel lexicons. Crucially, labels like ‘settler’, ‘African’ and ‘Zimbabwean’, labels that are inextricably linked to access to and association with the land in colonial and postcolonial Zimbabwe, shift their reference and connotations for different speakers in different settings and periods. For example, the term ‘settler’, used to refer to white colonists of British origin who occupied vast agricultural lands in colonial Zimbabwe, is appropriated in post-independent Zimbabwe to designate blacks settled on the land in the Fast Track Land Reform Programme. The analysis of semantic pragmatic change in relation to key discursive thresholds yields a complex story of changing identities conditioned by different experiences of a raced national biography.
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Vengeyi, Obvious. "Mapositori Churches and Politics in Zimbabwe: Political Dramas to Win the Support of Mapositori Churches." Exchange 40, no. 4 (2011): 351–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157254311x600753.
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AbstractThis article confirms the validity of the well known observation by scholars regarding the intrinsic interconnectedness of religion and politics in Africa. This truism is affirmed by demonstrating how Zimbabwe’s main political parties, Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (zanu-pf) and Movement for Democratic Change (mdc), contrary to their public statements appeal to religious leaders and groups for political survival. Special focus is on ‘white garment churches’ otherwise commonly known as Mapositori the biggest brand of African Initiated Churches. As such, mainline churches and traditional chiefs are considered in passing especially in order to understand the present state of affairs where Mapositori rule the roost in political matters of Zimbabwe.
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Piotrowska, Agnieszka. "Who is the author of Neria (1992) – and is it a Zimbabwean masterpiece or a neo-colonial enterprise?" Journal of Screenwriting 11, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 287–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/josc_00034_1.
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This article focuses on the Zimbabwean film Neria (1992), arguably one of the most important films in the history of sub-Saharan Africa. Directed by the Black Zimbabwean Godwin Mawuru, it was the first feminist film in Zimbabwe and in the region, highlighting the plight of women who become the property of their brothers-in-law after their husbands die. The article addresses the issues of the origins of the story and the authorship of the screenplay. On the final reel of the film, the story credit names the accomplished Zimbabwean female novelist, Tsitsi Dangarembga; while the screenplay credit names Louise Riber. Riber served as the film’s White American editor and co-producer who, with her husband John Riber, managed the Media for Development Fund in Zimbabwe. The key question of this article is simple: who wrote the screenplay for Neria? Through the physical and metaphorical journey of this research, we discover that the story is based on the personal experiences of Anna Mawuru, the director’s mother. This is the first time that this fact has surfaced. As such, this article also offers some reflections on issues of adaption/translation, particularly in the context of postcolonial collaborations.
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Muzondidya, James. "The Zimbabwean Crisis and the Unresolved Conundrum of Race in the Post-colonial Period." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 1 (March 2010): 5–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600102.
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This article seeks to show that although economic and political factors were all important in the Zimbabwean crisis, the unresolved legacies of racial polarization and inequalities in this former white settler colony played a pivotal role in shaping the nature and form of the crisis. The emphasis is on the unresolved racial inequalities in the economy, especially in land ownership and land utilization, which contributed to the country’s economic crisis. Further, the article shows how the Zimbabwe crisis became protracted mainly because the ruling ZANU-PF successfully utilized the emotive issue of race to mobilize support internally, regionally and internationally, while both the opposition and external critics of ZANU-PF underestimated the power of race in mobilizing support for ZANU-PF, and in polarizing political opinion in Zimbabwe.
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Gwekwerere, Tavengwa, Davie E. Mutasa, and Kudakwashe Chitofiri. "Settlers, Rhodesians, and Supremacists: White Authors and the Fast Track Land Reform Program in Post-2000 Zimbabwe." Journal of Black Studies 49, no. 1 (November 3, 2017): 3–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021934717739400.
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Texts written by some white Zimbabweans in the post-2000 dispensation are largely shaped by their authors’ endeavor to contest the loss of lands they held prior to the onset of the Fast Track Land Reform Program (FTLRP). Written as memoirs, these texts are bound by the tendency to fall back on colonial settler values, Rhodesian identities, and Hegelian supremacist ideas in their narration of aspects of a conflict in which tropes such as truth, justice, patriotism, and belonging were not only evoked but also reframed. This article explores manifestations of this tendency in Eric Harrison’s Jambanja (2006) and Jim Barker’s Paradise Plundered: The Story of a Zimbabwean Farm (2007). The discussion unfolds against the backdrop of the realization that much of the literary-critical scholarship on land reform in post-2000 Zimbabwe focuses on texts written by black Zimbabweans and does not attend to the panoply of ways in which some white-authored texts yearn for colonial structures of power and privilege. This article evinces that the reincarnation of colonial settler values, Rhodesian identities, and Hegelian supremacist ideas undermines the discourse of white entitlement more than it promotes it. Values and identities of the colonial yesteryear on which this discourse is premised are not only anachronistic in the 21st century; they also obey the self-other binary at the heart of the patriotic history pedestal that was instrumental in the Zimbabwean regime’s post-2000 populist deployment of the land grievance to reconstruct itself as the only and indispensable champion of African interests in Zimbabwe.
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Maxwell, David. "‘Catch the Cockerel Before Dawn’: Pentecostalism and Politics in Post-Colonial Zimbabwe." Africa 70, no. 2 (May 2000): 249–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/afr.2000.70.2.249.
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AbstractThe article examines relations between pentecostalism and politics in post-colonial Zimbabwe through a case study of one of Africa’s largest pentecostal movements, Zimbabwe Assemblies of God, Africa (ZAOGA). The Church’s relations with the state change considerably from the colonial to the post-colonial era. The movement began as a sectarian township-based organisation which eschewed politics but used white Rhodesian and American contacts to gain resources and modernise. In the first decade of independence the leadership embraced the dominant discourses of cultural nationalism and development but fell foul of the ruling party, ZANU/PF, because of its ‘seeming’ connections with the rebel politician Ndabiningi Sithole and the American religious right. By the 1990s ZAOGA and ZANU/PF had embraced, each drawing legitimacy from the other. However, this reciprocal assimilation of elites and the authoritarianism of ZAOGA’s leadership are in tension with the democratic egalitarian culture found in local assemblies, where the excesses of leaders are challenged. These alternative pentecostal practices are in symbiosis with radical township politics and progressive sources in civil society. Thus, while pentecostalism may renew the process of politics in Zimbabwe, it may itself be renewed by the outside forces of wider Zimbabwean society.
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Sixpence, Pedzisai, and Percyslage Chigora. "LAND COMPENSATION AND LAND CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN ZIMBABWE: CHALLENGES AND PROSPECTS FOR THE SECOND REPUBLIC’S RELATIONS WITH THE WEST." Journal of Public Administration and Development Alternatives 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.55190/rwfp7026.
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On 29 July 2020, the government of Zimbabwe and representatives of the former white farmers signed the Global Compensation Agreement (GCA) in which the government committed to paying a total of USD3.5billion to the farmers for the developments instituted on the farms before the Fast Track Land Reform Programme (FTLRP). The deal was guided by section 72(3) of the 2013 constitution of Zimbabwe. The GCA provides for the establishment of various joint committees for the evaluation of the developments in question, the fundraising process and the payment procedures. While this is seen as being a show of commitment by the government of Zimbabwe to close the land chapter amicably, there are mixed voices on the development notwithstanding that the decision was accepted by 94.49% of Zimbabweans who voted in the 2013 referendum (ZEC 2013). It is, therefore, the purpose of this article is to look at the challenges and prospects of the land compensation agreement as a conflict resolution move pursued by Zimbabwe’s second republic and its implications for relations with western countries and institutions. To achieve this, the article depended upon both primary and secondary sources of qualitative research. The primary sources used in this article are mainly the pieces of legislations (both colonial and post-colonial), reports by various commissions and the Zimbabwe constitution. Secondary sources, mainly published material, media reports, official institutional reports and websites, and interviews were used in this research. Keywords: Conflict resolution, Land compensation, Land reform, Second republic.
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Cox, James. "Land Crisis in Zimbabwe." Fieldwork in Religion 1, no. 1 (January 1, 2005): 35–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v1i1.35.
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Earlier this year, I received a small grant from the Edinburgh University Development Trust Fund to determine the feasibility of formulating a major research project exploring the religious dimensions within the recent land resettlement programme in Zimbabwe. Since spirit mediums had played such an important role in the first Shona uprising in 1896–97 against colonial occu¬pation (the so-called First Chimurenga) (Parsons, 1985: 50-51) and again in the war of liberation between 1972 and 1979 (the Second Chimurenga) (Lan, 1985), I suspected that these central points of contact between the spirit world and the living communities would be affecting the sometimes militant invasions of white commercial farms that began sporadically in 1998, but became systematic after the constitutional referendum of February 2000. Under the terms of the grant, I went with my colleague, Tabona Shoko of the University of Zimbabwe, in July and August 2004, to two regions of Zimbabwe: Mount Darwin in the northeast, where recent activities by war veterans and spirit mediums had been reported, and to the Mberengwa District, where land resettlement programmes have been widespread. This article reports on my preliminary findings in Mount Darwin, where I sought to determine if evidence could be found to link the role of Traditional Religion, particularly through spirit mediums, to the current land redistribution programme, and, if so, whether increasing levels of political intolerance within Zimbabwean society could be blamed, in part at least, on these customary beliefs and practices
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Seda, Abraham. "Fighting in the Shadow of an Apartheid State: Boxing and Colonialism in Zimbabwe." Kronos 48, no. 1 (September 5, 2022): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17159/2309-9585/2022/v48a3.
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Boxing was arguably the most popular and controversial sport in colonial Zimbabwe. To tame the sport's violence, which was considered too extreme, colonial officials in Zimbabwe sought guidance and advice from South Africa from the mid-1930s on how best to regulate the sport. South Africa occupied a unique position in this regard, not only because of the relationship it had with colonial Zimbabwe as a neighbouring white settler colony, but also because of how sections of its white settler community responded to the triumphs of Black boxers over white opponents around the world. The colony of South Africa played a significant role in shaping the control of boxing in colonial Zimbabwe. The relationship between the two colonies culminated in the passage of the Boxing and Wrestling Control Act of 1956 in colonial Zimbabwe, an identical version to a similarly named law that South Africa had passed just two years prior.
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Chabikwa, Samuel, Nathan Mnjama, and Maitseo MM Bolaane. "Archiving white community historical manuscripts in postcolonial Zimbabwe." ESARBICA Journal: Journal of the Eastern and Southern Africa Regional Branch of the International Council on Archives 39, no. 1 (December 24, 2020): 133–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/esarjo.v39i1.9.
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This paper is premised on the observation that mainstream archival activities are the main cause and source of the “absences and silences” of the voices of the minority and the underrepresented in the archives. The aim of the study is to explain the context and documentation strategies of archiving and preservation of Historical Manuscripts (HM) of the white community in post-colonial Zimbabwe. In particular, the study seeks to: (a) Determine the legislative, regulatory framework for the management of HM in selected cultural heritage institutions in Zimbabwe; (b) Assess the acquisition policies and practices of mainstream cultural heritage institutions in Zimbabwe; (c) Describe the usage, purposes, and accessibility of both pre-archival and archival HM of the white community. The findings of the study revealed adequate provisions in the National Archives of Zimbabwe Act (2001) for the archiving of HM of the white community in Zimbabwe, although there were limitations of outdated policies for the institutions studied. The study also addressed the issue of limited funding and shrinking budgets which impeded on the operations of both selected cultural heritage institutions and white community associations. This resulted in failure to adhere to archiving/records management standards, and the upgrading of equipment and facilities, as well as the recruitment and retention of requisite and qualified staff. Overall, this endangers the HM collections to neglect and decay. HM were migrated from Zimbabwe to other countries regionally and abroad into private hands, and their extent, nature, condition of storage and status of preservation are undetermined.
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Mushore, Washington. "THE REPORTAGE OF LAND AND OWNERSHIP IN SELECTED PRIVATE MEDIA IN ZIMBABWE." Latin American Report 30, no. 2 (July 20, 2016): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-6060/1238.
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The aim of this article is to scrutinise how the concepts of land and land ownership were discussed in the private media in Zimbabwe during the Zimbabwe land reform exercise – dubbed ‘the third Chimurenga’ that took place in the period 2000–2008. Using textual analysis, the articles argues that ownership of land, according to the so called ‘private or independent’ newspapers in Zimbabwe was supposed to be accorded to the farmer or person, regardless of the racial bias, who was more productive on the land and who was contributing more to the economic well-being of the nation (Zimbabwe). Accordingly, the private newspapers in Zimbabwe regarded land as belonging to, or as the rightful property of the white commercial farmers/settlers because they perceived them to be more productive on the land than the native people of Zimbabwe who were ultimately seen and labelled as invaders on the so-called white commercial farms. In order to substantiate the above claims and arguments, a number of The Daily News stories of the period were purposively sampled and are used as examples.
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Musanga, Terrence. "White Zimbabwean farmers’ unstable mobilities, identity and history in Douglas Rogers’ The last resort: a memoir of Zimbabwe." National Identities 18, no. 4 (November 2, 2015): 397–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14608944.2015.1091812.
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Shaw, William H. "‘They Stole Our Land’: debating the expropriation of white farms in Zimbabwe." Journal of Modern African Studies 41, no. 1 (March 2003): 75–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004159.
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In Zimbabwe today, Robert Mugabe and his ZANU-PF colleagues are busy expropriating white-owned farms, and claiming the moral high ground while they do so. Indeed, many observers, inside Zimbabwe and elsewhere, take it for granted that, whatever Mugabe's excesses, there is justice in his cause. But is there? This paper examines three moral arguments that Mugabe and his supporters advance to justify their land policies: that the peasants need the land, that the war of liberation was fought for the land, and that Zimbabweans are only taking back land that was originally stolen from them. The last of these arguments, which rests on an implicit entitlement theory of justice, is the strongest, and this essay therefore scrutinises it closely. It argues, however, that despite their emotive appeal, all three arguments are flawed beyond repair. Debunking them should help pave the way for a more sensible and more viable approach to the land question in Zimbabwe.
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Horn, Alison Van. "Redefining “Property”: The Constitutional Battle over Land Redistribution in Zimbabwe." Journal of African Law 38, no. 2 (1994): 144–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021855300005490.
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This article is about the appropriate role of the judiciary in the constitutional debate over land redistribution in Zimbabwe. The possession of land in Zimbabwe has been the most volatile political issue since the war for independence. White ownership of the most productive land fuelled the war against Rhodesia. A constitutional settlement in 1979 resulted in a cease-fire, but the Declaration of Rights prohibited the new government from acquiring land for resettlement purposes except on a “willing seller, willing buyer” basis. With the expiration of the decade-long entrenchment of the Declaration of Rights in 1990, President Robert Mugabe declared his intention to honour a promise made eleven years before: to resettle peasant farmers on previously white-owned land. Since then, Parliament has amended the Constitution of Zimbabwe three times to allow the state to acquire property for resettlement and to give Parliament the power to fix the amount of compensation without judicial review.
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Rasch, Astrid. "The Family Connection: White Expatriate Memoirs of Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 44, no. 5 (September 3, 2018): 879–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2018.1500052.
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Pilossof, Rory. "Remaining Apolitical in a Political Crisis." Journal of Developing Societies 26, no. 1 (March 2010): 71–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0169796x1002600104.
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This article explores the fortunes of the leading farming periodical in Zimbabwe, The Farmer magazine, and how its parent body, the Commercial Farmers Union (CFU) sought to control, censor and manipulate The Farmer and the coverage it gave the deepening crises in Zimbabwe. Doing so gives voice to a part of the white experience in Zimbabwe and also shows that the farming community was far from a cohesive entity. The article also shows that there are parallels in the CFU’s attitude towards The Farmer’s post-2000, and to that it expressed in the 1980s during the years of Gukurahundi. The CFU’s policy of ‘apoliticism’ affected the freedom of The Farmer at both times and ultimately led to the magazines closure in 2002
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Musoni, Phillip, and Ezra Chitando. "Spiritualization of the Causes of Illness." Exchange 51, no. 4 (December 22, 2022): 361–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1572543x-bja10020.
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Abstract This study focused on the spiritualization of the causes and treatment of illness within the African Prophetic churches in Zimbabwe (and its diaspora) in the context of the Covid-19 pandemic. The study comes at a time when most prophetic churches seem to maintain a position that sicknesses and diseases are caused by evil spirits. While mainline/missionary churches are of the opinion that most sicknesses and diseases were caused by bacteria, viruses, fungi, and parasites, hence advocating for scientific health delivery systems for treatment, most Zimbabwean prophetic churches are identifying spiritual causes of sickness and advocating for spiritual methods of healing and deliverance. These African prophetic churches seem to have remained steadfast in maintaining their African traditional worldview on the causes and treatment of diseases that predates the advent of Christianity in Africa. Accordingly, this study selected the white garment churches (Vapositori) and their responses to Covid-19 to underscore the argument that spiritualisation of the causes of illness among most African prophetic churches has remained intact. Methodologically, a descriptive phenomenological approach was used for data collection, while an interpretive phenomenological analysis (IPA) was used to interpret data collected. Three main video clips on the church’s theology on the origin of Covid-19 posted on social media by white garment church members were transliterated. Interviews with the white garment church members were also carried out to triangulate data relating to these video clips posted on social media. Using this methodology, the major finding was that white garment churches operate within the African religio-cultural milieu where illness/disease has the cause-effect dichotomy. Unless the cause is diagnosed, holistic healing cannot be realised.
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KELETA-MAE, NAILA. "Workshop Negative: Political Theatre in Zimbabwe in the 1980s." Theatre Research International 44, no. 3 (October 2019): 262–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883319000300.
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In 1980 the Republic of Zimbabwe became recognized internationally as an independent state. This independence marked a shift from white minority rule to black majority rule in the form of ZANU–PF in a transition in government that was fraught with brutal violence, tense negotiations and tremendous hope for the democratic state that would emerge. This article begins with a brief overview of key political-theatre and public-arts funding practices that emerged in the newly independent Zimbabwe in the 1980s and continues with an examination of an influential political play from the era by Cont Mhlange entitled Workshop Negative (1986). This article's analysis of Workshop Negative considers how the economic pressures explored in the play mirror the precarious working conditions that arts-funding models placed on political-theatre practitioners in Zimbabwe at the time.
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Astrid Rasch. "Postcolonial Nostalgia: The Ambiguities of White Memoirs of Zimbabwe." History and Memory 30, no. 2 (2018): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2979/histmemo.30.2.06.
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Knife, Terlona Jude. "Toxic Roots: The Remnants of White Minority Rule in Zimbabwe." International Journal of Undergraduate Research and Creative Activities 10 (January 13, 2019): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.7710/2168-0620.1128.
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Gailey, Harry A., and Arthur Deppel-Jones. "Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Zimbabwe, 1884-1902." American Historical Review 90, no. 2 (April 1985): 473. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1852788.
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Parry, Richard, and Arthur Keppel-Jones. "Rhodes and Rhodesia: The White Conquest of Zimbabwe, 1884-1902." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 3 (1985): 669. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484540.
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Pape, John. "Black and white: The ‘perils of sex’ in colonial Zimbabwe." Journal of Southern African Studies 16, no. 4 (December 1990): 699–720. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03057079008708257.
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Chibanda, Tawanda William. "THIRD CHIMURENGA AND ITS IMPLICATIONS ON THE COMMERCIAL FARMERS UNION IN ZIMBABWE." Journal of Public Administration and Development Alternatives 5, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 36–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.55190/wbyj3702.
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This article focuses on how the white farmers responded to violent take-over of land. Having had a privileged status in society, the white farmers found themselves in a very fragile state as Third Chimurenga began. The violent take-over of land was spearheaded by war veterans. Images of white farmers who were beaten, killed, exiled and driven from their homes became synonymous with land invasions. Such events and acts of eviction became commonly referred to as Jambanja as more and more farmers suffered violent confrontations on their farms. The white farmers were portrayed as being in direct opposition to the government land distribution agenda that had given approval to the invasions and evictions. The article examine the effectiveness of Commercial Farmers Union in responding to the invasions, the new splinter groups and how they responded to the invasions and also the SADC tribunal petition by Mike Campbell. The article will also provide an analysis on how Jambanja spread and how it was carried out. Thus through reading library sources and literature in collections as well as carrying out interviews this article seeks to demonstrate that white farmers tried without much success to resist the sanctioned farm invasions. Ultimately the white farmers lost their prized possession that is the land. The article will highlight the dynamics of land politics in Zimbabwe. Keywords: Commercial Farmers Union, Implications, Jambanja, Land Politics, Third Chimurenga
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Tagwirei, Cuthbeth. "The Nucleation of White Zimbabwean Writing." Journal of Literary Studies 32, no. 3 (July 2, 2016): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564718.2016.1235377.
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LEWIS-WILLIAMS, J. D. "ZIMBABWEAN ROCK ART The Hunter's Vision: The Prehistoric Art of Zimbabwe. By PETER GARLAKE. London: British Museum Press, 1995. Pp. 176. £16.99 (ISBN 0-7141-2518-0)." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (March 1997): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796256907.
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Peter Garlake's book is an admirable attempt to explicate the complexities and subtleties of Zimbabwean rock art. The development of his argument is well illustrated by 36 colour plates, some of startling clarity and beauty, and 185 black-and-white tracings that match well with the text, conveniently illustrating points as they are made. Although the book is a ‘digest’ (p. 9) of his Ph.D. thesis, the trajectory of his argument is well sustained.
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Musanga, Terrence. "GRAHAM LANG’S DEPICTION OF THE ZIMBABWEAN CRISIS, MIGRATION AND IDENTITY IN PLACE OF BIRTH (2006)." Imbizo 5, no. 2 (June 23, 2017): 61–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/2078-9785/2846.
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This paper explores Graham Lang’s depiction of the Zimbabwean crisis, migration and identity in Place of Birth (2006). The text, by foregrounding the experiences of a white Zimbabwean family’s attempts to survive the crisis, offers a hitherto marginalised discourse/narrative in Zimbabwean literature, which largely focuses on the experiences of black Zimbabweans. Lang’s understanding of the nexus between the Zimbabwean crisis, migration and identity is chiefly centred on the Zimbabwean government’s land reform programme. However, Lang’s depiction of the Zimbabwean crisis in general and the land reform programme in particular largely resonate with colonial perceptions of the African, which project him/her as inherently atavistic in nature.
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Kalaora, L. "Pioneers, Settlers, Aliens, Exiles: The decolonisation of white identity in Zimbabwe." African Affairs 110, no. 439 (February 22, 2011): 321–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adr013.
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Spierenburg, Marja. "Spirits and Land Reforms: Conflicts About Land in Dande, Northern Zimbabwe." Journal of Religion in Africa 35, no. 2 (2005): 197–231. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1570066054024703.
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AbstractDespite its present support for the invasion of (mainly white-owned) commercial farms and emphasis on 'fast-track resettlement', most interventions by the post-Independence government of Zimbabwe in agriculture aimed to confine African farmers to the Communal Areas. In Dande, northern Zimbabwe, a land reform programme was introduced in 1987 that sought to 'rationalise' local land use practices and render them more efficient. Such reforms were deemed necessary to reduce the pressure on commercial farms. This article describes how the reforms caused Mhondoro mediums in Dande to challenge the authority of the state over land, thereby referring to the role they and their spirits played in the struggle for Independence. Pressure on the mediums to revoke their criticism resulted in a complex process in which adherents challenged the reputation of mediums who were not steadfast in their resistance to the reforms.
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SHUTT, ALLISON K. "THE SETTLERS' CATTLE COMPLEX: THE ETIQUETTE OF CULLING CATTLE IN COLONIAL ZIMBABWE, 1938." Journal of African History 43, no. 2 (July 2002): 263–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853701008155.
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This paper examines the 1938 cattle culling and sales in Gutu and Victoria reserves, colonial Zimbabwe. What began as a routine culling very quickly became a crisis of authority for the Native Affairs Department since critics of the Department forced an inquiry into the sales. The criticism and defence of the culling facilitated a debate on state and personal justice, as well as a dialogue about the proper behaviour towards Africans, settlers and animals. The critics of the cullings as well as the colonial officers all believed themselves to be experts in African affairs. Thus what began as a criticism of cattle culling revealed tensions within white society, and in particular the need to refashion boundaries of expertise and authority within the Native Affairs Department. A close examination of the scope and development of the ensuing commission of inquiry reveals the importance of etiquette to the colonial enterprise in colonial Zimbabwe.