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1
Hohlfelder, Robert L. "Images of Homage, Images of Power: King Herod and his Harbour, Sebastos." Antichthon 37 (November 2003): 13–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001398.
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As the tumultuous Triumviral decades of the Republic ended and the Augustan era began, the shadow of Rome's majesty continued to envelop the shores of Judaea some 2000km to the east. King Herod had survived the struggle for dominance between Octavian (Augustus after 27 B.C.) and his rivals, Mark Antony and his ally and wife Cleopatra VII, in part by not being at Actium in 31 B.C. where the final battle in Rome's long series of civil wars was fought. Although his fealty had been to Antony, he had managed to be east of his kingdom's borders conducting a military operation against Malichus I of Nabataea, who had been accused of disloyalty by Cleopatra and Herod (Joseph. AJ 15.110).
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San Vicente González de Aspuru, Jose Ignacio. "Antonio-Dioniso versus Octaviano-Apolo: propaganda y contrapropaganda en torno a los ritos dionisíacos." ARYS: Antigüedad, Religiones y Sociedades, no. 13 (October 5, 2017): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20318/arys.2017.2698.
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Resumen: El artículo analiza, por un lado, la relación establecida entre Antonio y Dioniso y entre Octaviano y Apolo. Ambos triunviros buscaron reforzar su poder utilizando la religión. Se presta especial atención a la identificación de Marco Antonio como “Neo Dioniso” en la zona oriental, después de la batalla de Filipos. Se sostiene que una de las consecuencias de este acto propagandístico fue la vinculación de Octaviano con Apolo y la de Sexto Pompeyo con Neptuno.De manera paralela, se examinan las acusaciones que los escritores de ambos bandos elaboraron con fines propagandísticos y con el objetivo último de denigrar al líder oponente. La identificación de Antonio con Dioniso y el vino terminó por perjudicar la figura del derrotado triunviro, que ha pasado a la historia como un dipsómano.Abstract: The article analyzes, on the one hand, the relationship between Antony and Dionysus and, on the other hand, Octavian and Apollo. Both triumvirs sought to reinforce their power by using religion. Special attention to the identification of Antony as Neo Dionysus in the east after the battle of Philippi is given. It is argued that one consequence of this propaganda act was to link Apollo to Octavian and Sextus Pompey to Neptune.In parallel, the accusations that writers on both sides prepared for propaganda purposes, with the ultimate goal to denigrate the opponent leader are discussed. Antonio link whit Dionysus and the wine ended up hurting the figure of the defeated triumvir, which has transcended in history as a dipsomaniac.Palabras clave: Accio, Apolo, Cicerón, Cleopatra, Dioniso, Marco Antonio, OctavianoKey words: Actium, Apollo, Cicero, Cleopatra, Dionysos, Mark Antony, Octavian
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Ramsey, John T. "The senate, Mark Antony, and Caesar's legislative legacy." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (May 1994): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017262.
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This paper seeks to dispel the notion that Mark Antony and the Senate indulged in a cat-and-mouse game over the control of Caesar's archives (his commentarii) in the weeks immediately following the Ides of March. At stake was whether unpublished documents drawn up by Caesar before his death should be ratified and put into force. The belief that the Senate and Antony contended over this issue and that Antony got the upper hand rests primarily on what I hope to show is a misinterpretation of two key passages in the Philippics. Moreover, since the standard interpretation of these two passages appears to be supported by Dio's account of how Antony cajoled the Senate into permitting him a freer hand to review and publish documents found in Caesar's archives, it will be necessary to have a closer look at Dio's probable sources for this particular section of his history.
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Łukaszewicz, Adam. "Mark Antony and the date of the Inimitables. A remark on an edited text." Journal of Juristic Papyrology, no. 50 (August 2, 2021): 223–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.36389/uw.jjurp.50.2020.pp.223-232.
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A Greek inscription on stone found in Alexandria in the nine- teenth century and exhibited in the Alexandrian Greco-Roman Museum contains an unusual dedicatory text in honour of Mark Antony. The text was edited several times. It contains useful information which agrees with the passage of Plutarch on the lifestyle of Antony and Cleopatra, and their entourage. In this paper the author suggests the date 34–30 bc for the activity of the ‘Inimitables’ and adds a further commentary on the history of Antony and Cleopatra.
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Harmer, J. "Mark Antony and The Nervii: Julius Caesar III.ii.168-71." Notes and Queries 57, no. 3 (June 29, 2010): 376–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gjq066.
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Mohamadi, Abolfazl. "Constructive Power and Discordant Discourses in Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 58 (September 2015): 18–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.58.18.
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The present paper aims to focus on how the circuit of different discourses in Alexandria and Rome contributes to the subject formation in Antony and Cleopatra. Identity, which acts as trap in this play, precipitates the characters from two different countries or contexts into a war through creating binarized categories with heterogeneous possibilities. Mark Antony – one of the Triumvirs of Rome in search for self-actualization strives against his country’s discourse in the beginning, he places himself in the warring discourses of Rome and Alexandria. When in Alexandria, he is inside the discourses of Rome, and when in Rome, he is inside the discourses of Alexandria. Like the nature of the signifier as it can happen and be determined by other contexts, Antony retains references to Rome when he is Alexandria, and establishes himself as a subject and makes his signification possible in this foreign country by relating himself to epicurean concepts other than his own former stoic attitudes. Thus, mark of the past element remains in him. Through discourse analysis, this study aims to analyze how the loop of self-hood is firmly tied by the signifiers, and how power, which is not solely negative and repressive, but positive and productive, shapes Antony’s capricious personality as he both challenges and is challenged by power. In the end it is revealed that Mark Anthony refashions his identity and perspective by admitting and embracing multiplicity between Rome’s stoicism and Alexandria’s Epicureanism.
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Cheetham, Dominic. "Rhetorical Flaws in Brutus’ Forum Speech in Julius Caesar: A Carefully Controlled Weakness?" Advances in Language and Literary Studies 8, no. 3 (June 30, 2017): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.8n.3p.126.
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In Julius Caesar Shakespeare reproduces one of the pivotal moments in European history. Brutus and Mark Antony, through the medium of their forum speeches, compete for the support of the people of Rome. In the play, as in history, Mark Antony wins this contest of language. Critics are generally agreed that Antony has the better speech, but also that Brutus’ speech is still exceptionally good. Traditionally the question of how Antony’s speech is superior is argued by examining differences between the two speeches, however, this approach has not resulted in any critical consensus. This paper takes the opening lines of the speeches as the only point of direct convergence between the content and the rhetorical forms used by Brutus and Antony and argues that Brutus’ opening tricolon is structurally inferior to Marc Antony’s. Analysis of the following rhetorical schemes in Brutus’ speech reveals further structural weaknesses. Shakespeare gives Brutus a speech rich in perceptually salient rhetorical schemes but introduces small, less salient, structural weaknesses into those schemes. The tightly structured linguistic patterns which make up the majority of Brutus’ speech give an impression of great rhetorical skill. This skilful impression obscures the minor faults or weaknesses that quietly and subtly reduce the overall power of the speech. By identifying the weaknesses in Brutus’ forms we add an extra element to the discussion of these speeches and at the same time display how subtly and effectively Shakespeare uses rhetorical forms to control audience response and appreciation.
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Ramsey, John T. "Did Julius Caesar temporarily banish Mark Antony from his inner circle?" Classical Quarterly 54, no. 1 (May 2004): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/54.1.161.
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Tatum, W. Jeffrey. "Cherchez la femme? Fadia in Plutarch's Life of Antony." Antichthon 54 (2020): 127–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ann.2020.1.
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AbstractIn his Philippics Cicero more than once refers to Fadia, whom he depicts as Antony's wife, and to the children she bore him. He also discusses Fadia in his correspondence with Atticus. Plutarch was aware of the Philippics and much of Cicero's correspondence, and therefore of Fadia, and yet, in his Life of Antony, he says nothing about her. This paper examines three possible explanations for the biographer's silence: (i) an informed sensibility regarding the historical value of invective; (ii) the narrative design of this Life and its contribution to Plutarch's characterisation of Antony; (iii) Plutarch's (disturbing by contemporary standards) disapproval of an aristocrat's siring children on women of the lower orders – even by way of legitimate marriage or concubinage. It is, it appears, the ensemble of these factors which excludes Fadia from Plutarch's biography, and the pertinence of each adds to our appreciation of Plutarch's biographical principles.
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Hansen, Elaine Tuttle. "The wife of Bath and the mark of Adam." Women's Studies 15, no. 4 (December 1988): 399–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00497878.1988.9978742.
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Hodel, Christina H. "Mark antony and popular culture: Masculinity and the construction of an icon." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 35, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 684–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439685.2015.1102444.
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Pearson, Roberta. "The Triple Pillar of the World: Patrick Stewart Talks About Mark Antony." Shakespeare 3, no. 2 (August 2007): 256–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17450910701461203.
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Stevenson, Tom. "Antony as ‘Tyrant’ in Cicero's First Philippic." Ramus 38, no. 2 (2009): 174–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00000576.
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This paper is concerned with the impact made on Mark Antony by Cicero'sFirst Philippic. Although the speech outwardly maintains a conciliatory attitude, it certainly upset Antony. Scholars have noted criticism of Antony in theFirst Philippic, both political and personal in character, which would not have pleased him. The following discussion argues that there are numerous associations with the stock figure of the ‘tyrant’ which would have been displeasing too. Such a vein of criticism in effect bridges the personal and political dimensions in potentially devastating fashion.TheFirst Philippicwas delivered in difficult circumstances. Brutus and Cassius sent a letter to Antony on 4 August 44 BCE and concluded with a stark warning:neque, quam diu uixerit Caesar, sed quam non diu regnarit, fac cogites(‘keep in mind not the length of Caesar's life but the short time he ruled [sc. as a tyrant]’, Cic.Fam.11.3). On 1 September, the senate met to consider a proposal which would have seen an extra day in honour of the deified Caesar added to all public thanksgivings (Cic.Phil.1.13, 2.110). Antony was angered by Cicero's failure to attend the meeting. He apparently left Rome later that day for Tibur. His consular colleague Dolabella summoned a meeting of the senate ‘for the next day, and this time Cicero attended. It was at the meeting of 2 September that Cicero delivered hisFirst Philippic. In comparison to later speeches in thePhilippicscorpus, theFirst Philippichas seemed to many a moderate and polite speech that concentrated upon Antony's political behaviour and left the door ajar for future cooperation. It certainly contrasts greatly with theSecond Philippic, which is well known for its bitter and sustained personal invective. Nonetheless, theFirst Philippicwas enough to make Antony angry and it is worth re-examining the reasons for this reaction. In particular, allusions inPhilippic1 to Antony as a tyrant and to death as the fate of tyrants, especially in the wake of Caesar's assassination, were probably interpreted by contemporaries as more sinister threats than they have generally been recognised to be by modern readers.
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Silverman, Hugh J. "The Mark of Postmodernism: Reading Roger Rabbit." Cinémas 5, no. 3 (February 28, 2011): 151–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1001152ar.
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Who Framed Roger Rabbit? (Zemeckis, 1988) beats the traces of postmodernity. Behind this simple animation film and its spectacular technology, behind these drawings of a cute little alcoholic rabbit anxious about the intentions of his voluptuous wife, lurks an "epistemological rupture." The author demonstrates how the film is caught up in a game of boundaries, conventions and genres transgressed, in multiple folds of codes looping back on themselves, in reiterations of ironic quotes. He shows how Roger Rabbit might be considered an obsolete figure transformed into a postmodern hero.
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Hüller, Stephan, and Daniel N. Gullotta. "Quentin Quesnell’s Secret Mark Secret." Vigiliae Christianae 71, no. 4 (August 17, 2017): 353–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341305.
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Unbeknownst to most, in June of 1983, Quentin Quesnell made a visit to Jerusalem in order to personally inspect the Mar Saba document known as the Letter to Theodore. This is significant because it adds Quesnell to a small group of people who have testified to have seen the Letter to Theodore in person, and an even smaller group who have commented on its appearance and contents first-hand. Following Quesnell’s death in 2012 many of his personal belongings were acquired by Smith College (Northampton) and recently released to the public for viewing. Among Quesnell’s belongings was a journal full of notes, along with photos and letters to his wife Jean Higgins, all relating to Morton Smith’s discovery of the Letter to Theodore at Mar Saba and to Quesnell’s 1983 visit to Jerusalem. On the basis of these documents the following article offers a summary of Quesnell’s part in the debate over Smith’s discovery and a report of his inspection of the manuscript.
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Low, Katherine. "Lot’s Wife is Still Standing: In Search of the Pillar of Salt." Journal of the Bible and its Reception 8, no. 1 (April 1, 2021): 79–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jbr-2020-0010.
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Abstract This article explores how readers search for Lot’s wife at the shore of the Dead Sea and how they use the pillar of salt as a destination, as a symbol, and as a lasting memorial. Whether Lot’s wife turned into a pillar of salt that travelers to the Dead Sea can visit today is not relevant for this analysis. Spanning many centuries, this reception history of Lot’s wife argues that readers use her for their own interests to address their own cultural concerns. Three chronological areas are addressed for a broad-sweeping coverage of some trends and traditions about Lot’s wife. While the Hebrew text remains ambivalent about memorializing Lot’s wife, Hellenistic Jewish and early Christian sources reveal a concern to remember Lot’s wife in terms of God’s final judgments. The article then turns to medieval Christian travel narratives and maps that use Lot’s wife to mark the borders of Christendom, with pilgrims seeking her amid Crusades-era concerns. Finally, modern sources are discussed that deal with Lot’s wife in terms of symbolizing sexual trauma, deviance, and danger. Gender theory and queer theory are utilized in the article as secondary ideological lenses through which to engage reception history. What results is a complex picture regarding how people use Lot’s wife to negotiate boundaries, engage biblical myth, and further their own agendas.
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Ramsey, John T. "Did Mark Antony Contemplate an Alliance with His Political Enemies in July 44 B. C. E.?" Classical Philology 96, no. 3 (July 2001): 253–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/449547.
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Low, Katie. "GERMANICUS ON TOUR: HISTORY, DIPLOMACY AND THE PROMOTION OF A DYNASTY." Classical Quarterly 66, no. 1 (April 18, 2016): 222–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838816000197.
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Towards the end of Book 2 of Tacitus' Annals, Germanicus, great-nephew of Augustus, grandson of Mark Antony, and nephew, adopted son and heir of the emperor Tiberius, falls ill and dies at Antioch (2.69-72). His travels in the eastern Mediterranean in a.d. 18 thus reach a sad conclusion. They had begun when, after being recalled from the wars of conquest in Germany described in detail in the opening books of the Annals (1.50-1, 1.55-71; 2.5.2-26), he was sent from Rome by Tiberius to preside over the installation of a new king of Armenia (2.43.1; cf. 2.3-5.1).
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Morgan, Llewelyn. "The Autopsy of C. Asinius Pollio." Journal of Roman Studies 90 (November 2000): 51–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/300200.
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The historical record of the Roman civil wars gives an unusual prominence to C. Asinius Pollio (76 b.c.–a.d. 4). There is more than one reason for the anomaly, not the least being that Pollio was himself largely responsible for creating that record in the form of his celebrated Historiae of the civil wars. It was this work which provided the authors we read — Appian, Dio, Plutarch, and Suetonius — with their major source for the period, and a characteristic feature of the work, as these later texts attest, was the emphasis which Pollio placed on his presence on the scene and immediate, eyewitness knowledge of much of the historical material he narrated.And yet Pollio had earned for himself at least a small place in history, independently of his historiographical activity. After the death of Caesar he played an important role in the manoeuvring which brought Mark Antony to power (three letters to Cicero survive from the period), and held the consulship in 40 B.C. (cf. Ecl. 4.1–17). Whilst consul he acted as co-sponsor of the pact of Brundisium between Antony and Octavian, and subsequently celebrated a triumph over the Parthini, a Balkan tribe.
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MESSENT, P. "MARK TWAIN, JOSEPHTWICHELL, AND RELIGION." Nineteenth-Century Literature 58, no. 3 (December 1, 2003): 368–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2003.58.3.368.
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In this essay I focus on Mark Twain's relationship with Joseph Hopkins Twichell, pastor of the Asylum Hill Congregationalist Church in Hartford, Connecticut, tracing the lifelong effects of the two men's friendship on Twain's "religious" life. This aspect of Twain's life divides into three stages that illustrate the larger patterns of his thinking and beliefs. Twain's courtship, and the role that Twichell played in his life at the time, shows the author at his most pious, seriously engaging with the task of spiritual reformation necessary to the successful fulÞllment of his relationship with Livy, his wife-to-be. The Hartford years following close after Twain's marriage show him living a relatively conventional life, regularly attending religious services and giving considerable support to Twichell's Asylum Hill church. The extensive and committed part that Twain played in this church community gives the lie to the view put forward by Alfred Bigelow Paine and others that Twain completely retreated from religious commitment after the early marriage years. Finally, in the years following Twain's departure from Hartford, Twichell takes the role of gentle and temperate respondent as Twain's attitude toward religious belief, and indeed toward human nature itself, becomes increasingly mordant. Predictably, their exchanges ended in stalemate, though the role that the minister played in deßecting the full public force of Twain's more intemperate outbursts was recognized by both men. I use previously unpublished material here to provide a type of "thick description" of the religious dimension of their relationship and to ßesh out what we already know of their friendship.
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Moberly, Walter. "Rethinking the Pentateuch: Prolegomena to the Theology of Ancient Israel – Antony F. Campbell and Mark A. O'Brien." Reviews in Religion and Theology 13, no. 4 (September 2006): 469–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9418.2006.00309_2.x.
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Manuwald, Gesine. "The speeches to the People in Cicero's oratorical corpora." Rhetorica 30, no. 2 (2012): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rh.2012.30.2.153.
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This paper discusses the function of speeches given by Cicero to the popular assembly (contio) as reports about recent political events or decrees. Several of the few extant examples are part of oratorical corpora consisting of speeches from politically difficult periods, namely from Cicero's consular year (63 BCE; Catilinarians) and from his fight against Mark Antony (44–43 BCE; Philippics). Cicero is shown to have applied his oratorical abilities in all these cases to exploit the contio speeches so as to present narrative accounts of political developments in his interpretation and thus to influence public opinion in the short term during the political process and particularly, within an edited corpus, in the long term.
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Albertson, Sandra. "Narratives on Pain and Comfort: Readings from Endings and Beginnings." Journal of Law, Medicine & Ethics 24, no. 4 (1996): 294–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-720x.1996.tb01870.x.
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At age twenty-nine, while a graduate student in computer science at the University of Pennsylvania, Mark Albertson was diagnosed with lymphosarcoma. He died four months later, leaving a wife and two young daughters—Robin, three years old, and Kim, three months. Sandra Albertson, a Quaker, writes about their family’s experience with death and renewal.The following is reprinted from Sandra Albertson, Endings and Beginnings (New York: Random House, 1980; Ballantine, 1983): chs. 9, 10.
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Abramzon, Tatiana Ye. "CICERO AND MARK ANTONY IN A POETIC DIALOGUE BETWEEN F. TYUTCHEV AND V. BRUSOV: THE DEBATE ABOUT BLISS." Journal of historical, philological and cultural studies 1, no. 51 (March 31, 2016): 348–254. http://dx.doi.org/10.18503/1992-0431-2016-1-51-348-354.
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Mwangi, Evan Maina. "Gender and the Erotics of Nationalism in Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o's Drama." TDR/The Drama Review 53, no. 2 (June 2009): 90–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram.2009.53.2.90.
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At the intersection of symbolic language, gender, and national politics, Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o uses sexual puns as a metaphor for land and political independence. Performance is central to all of Ngũgĩ's writing, and his oral performances in praise of his wife, Njeeri, mark the acme of his gendered use of language for political ends. Ngũgĩ's practice raises the question of whether the use of indigenous languages in African drama is liberating in and of itself, even when representations of gender roles are regressive.
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Stone, Martin. "Tribute to a Statesman: Cicero and Sallust." Antichthon 33 (November 1999): 48–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400002331.
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Sallust had something to say about Cicero. It could not be otherwise in the circumstances: the conspiracy of Catiline was the chosen subject of his first historical essay, and he agreed with Cicero that it was a crime unparalleled to that date. Cicero's activities in suppressing it would be central to the narrative, and his character relevant to anything in it covered by the term ‘human interest’. Even minimisation of Cicero would require preparation in the text for the natural questions of Sallust's readers. As he wrote, Cicero was either engaged in a political duel with Mark Antony or had recently succumbed. Was the orator a troublemaker or a hero? He would be the same man in 44-3 as he was in 63 unless the historian enforced a contrast; which he does not.
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Sanzsalazar, Jahel. "I Am Cleopatra: The Seduction and Stoicism of a Newly Identified Painting by Matthäus Merian the Younger (1621 – 1687)." Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 82, no. 1 (April 19, 2019): 71–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zkg-2019-0003.
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Abstract A previously anonymous Death of Cleopatra is here attributed to the Basel-born painter Matthäus Merian the Younger. Besides crucial stylistic connections with his known works, further evidence is given by a signed engraving, which was never associated with any known painting. The print is inscribed with a poem and a dedication to his patron Baron Septimus Jörger von Tollet. Word and image summarize the fascination and criticism that Cleopatra has aroused since antiquity. Presenting a warning against the power of her seduction while exhibiting her stoic death by virtue of the constancy of her love for Mark Antony, they respond to Merian’s adherence to the principles of Neostoicism. Merian creates a remarkably original Cleopatra that provides a key for future identifications of this lesser-known facet of his oeuvre.
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Wandall, Rasmus H. "Rowan Cruft, Matthew H Kramer and Mark R Reiff (eds), Crime, Punishment, and Responsibility: The Jurisprudence of Antony Duff." Punishment & Society 16, no. 5 (December 2014): 620–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1462474514528846.
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Lee, Won W. "Rethinking the Pentateuch: Prolegomena to the Theology of Ancient Israel ? By Antony F. Campbell and Mark A. O?Brien." Religious Studies Review 33, no. 1 (January 2007): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-0922.2007.00149_21.x.
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Wright, Nicholas L. "Anazarbos and the Tarkondimotid kings of Kilikia." Anatolian Studies 58 (December 2008): 115–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066154600008693.
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AbstractIn the first century BC, the Tarkondimotidai, an indigenous dynasty ruling over Mount Amanos and the Pyramos basin, were officially recognised as kings by the Roman triumvir Mark Antony. The dynasty weathered the transformation from the Roman Republic to Principate and continued to rule until AD 17. Since the days of Barclay Head, it has been accepted that only two members of the dynasty issued coinage and that the royal mint was located at the kingdom's supposed capital Hieropolis-Kastabala. This paper attempts to fix the identity of the Tarkondimotid monarch who issued a series of regal bronzes in the name of ‘King Philopator’. In the process, it is shown that the location of the royal mint should be moved to the city of Anazarbos, away from Hieropolis which may never have been incorporated directly within the kingdom.
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Bishop, Catherine. "When Your Money Is Not Your Own: Coverture and Married Women In Business in Colonial New South Wales." Law and History Review 33, no. 1 (February 2015): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248014000510.
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In 1860 and again in 1864, Alexander Spiers appeared before the insolvency court in Sydney, endeavoring to explain his failure in business. He was described as a milliner in the records but he had never made a bonnet in his life. The real milliner and businesswoman was his wife, Ann Spiers, who had been running her business since her marriage in 1846. She made purchasing and pricing decisions, managed staff, was the front person in the shop, and advertised in newspapers. She told the insolvency court in 1860 that her husband “used to keep the books and attend to the house business but he never sold anything in the shop. He used to mark the goods occasionally.” Alexander Spiers similarly distanced himself. “My wife put the value upon the articles in our stock,” he said. “She is much better acquainted with their value than myself.” In spite of this, it was Alexander Spiers' name that was on the insolvency papers. Under the law of coverture, he was responsible for his wife's debts and her business legally belonged to him.
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Penwill, John L. "The Double Visions of Pompey and Caesar." Antichthon 43 (2009): 79–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0066477400001969.
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A small but significant aspect of Lucan's presentation of both Pompey and Caesar in the Bellum Civile is the use of complementary and contrasting doublets. In the case of Pompey, the doublet comprises the two dreams narrated at the beginning of Book 3 (of his dead wife Julia) and the beginning of Book 7 (of the crowd acclaiming him in his theatre); in the case of Caesar, it comprises the apparitions that mark the beginning and end of his presence in the poem, the first of the goddess Roma and the second of Scaeva, which because of their position have an obvious framing function.
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COLE, ROSS. "Popular Song and the Poetics of Experience." Journal of the Royal Musical Association 146, no. 1 (February 4, 2021): 81–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/rma.2020.25.
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AbstractThis article argues that songwriting can be an autobiographical activity. I trace a long-standing mistrust of self-expression in popular music through a branch of scholarship fixated with performance and personification, demonstrating its underlying affinities with post-structuralism and modernist dreams of impersonality. What we have lost as a result of this undue insistence on mediation is an awareness of the two-way traffic between life and lyrical craft. A poetics of song should pay increased attention to this intricate relationship – not reducing lyrics to biographical contingencies, but rather viewing autobiography itself as a complex process of self-reading, a public act of autobiographical making. My argument is illustrated with reference to three contemporary singer-songwriters who have interpreted aspects of their lives through song: Vic Chesnutt, Sun Kil Moon (Mark Kozelek) and Anohni (formerly of Antony and the Johnsons). Their work ultimately traverses and obscures the interstices between experience and imagination.
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Wurtele, Douglas. "The "Double Sorwe" of The Wife of Bath: Chaucer and the Misogynist Tradition." Florilegium 11, no. 1 (January 1992): 179–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.11.013.
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There are several historical approaches that might be taken to the lengthy discourse of Alisoun, Chaucer's Wife of Bath. From the dated one known as exegetical criticism, her revelations mark her as a "hopelessly carnal and literal" exegete of holy scripture (Robertson 317). In this view, she serves to represent and embody the very complaints that moralists were making about widows who re-marry and wives who demand sexual pleasure. Hence she rails against the admonitions of "clerkes," particularly the "cardinal, that highte Seint Jerome" (674).1 Chaucer, devoted to the poet's moral duty to set forth in his fictions examples of caritas and cupiditas, is thus exhibiting in Alisoun living proof of precisely those wrongdoings that the Wife, to her anger, has heard condemned by church authorities. The most minor of these is her own admitted tendency to gossip (531-42). Various authorities, among them Thomas Aquinas and Gulielmus Peraldus, whose Summa vitiorum figures in the Parson's Tale, "repeatedly denounced female chatter as the scource of the new age and called for its suppression" (Dalarun 40). When more serious charges are examined, she is seen in context as, supposedly, Chaucer means her to be seen: an offender against incontrovertible moral and social codes.
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Bridenstine, James B. "Been Reading." American Journal of Cosmetic Surgery 19, no. 4 (December 2002): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074880680201900401.
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Two California cosmetic surgeons are in the news. The first is Tony Ryan, a general plastic surgeon from Santa Barbara. We meet Tony and his wife, Montana, at the Little Nell Hotel in Aspen, Colo, where they are on a working ski vacation. Tony is the fictional creation of Mark Berman, Santa Monica cosmetic surgeon and chairman of the Academy's credentials committee. Mark's book, titled Substance of Abuse, is about Tony assuming the job of leading the country's first experimental legal drug program in Santa Barbara. It involves a murder, political corruption, a smart wife, and international travel and intrigue. It is reminiscent of John Grisham's novel The Firm. The underlying theme of the work is libertarian and points out the failure of the war on drugs. Illegal drugs cost us tens of billions of dollars a year because users commit crimes in order to keep buying, causing police and prosecutors to expend their time and resources chasing drug users instead of real criminals. Moreover, our overflowing prisons are full of criminals convicted of so-called victimless crimes, and those incarcerated drug criminals are taken out of the economy, often leaving their families wards of the state. Perhaps someday drug usage will be decriminalized and an effective system of rehabilitation will be in its place.
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Tarabrin, Roman. "Orthodox Perspectives on In Vitro Fertilization in Russia." Christian bioethics: Non-Ecumenical Studies in Medical Morality 26, no. 2 (April 16, 2020): 177–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cb/cbaa004.
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Abstract The views on in vitro fertilization (IVF) within Russian Orthodox Christian society are diverse. One reason for that variation is the ambiguity found in “The Basis of the Social Concept,” the document issued in 2000 by the Russian Orthodox Church and considered to be the primary guidelines for determining the Church’s stance on bioethics. This essay explores how the treatment of infertility reconciles with the Orthodox Christian faith and what methods of medical assistance for infertility may be appropriate for Orthodox Christians. The focus here is on IVF because it is among the most widely used methods to overcome childlessness, and the permissibility of IVF is the object of disagreement among Orthodox. The article defines criteria that can help to discern what is absolutely wrong and must be avoided from what only falls short of the mark, but not very far, for Orthodox Christians. If treatment of the underlying causes of infertility has failed or promises no hope and a husband and a wife do not feel able to carry the Cross of infertility, then from pastoral dispensation they might be blessed to use ethically acceptable variants of IVF. IVF has many variants that are different in their spiritual influence on a person. Orthodox Christians pursuing IVF should seek spiritual guidance and a blessing to pursue IVF. They must not form more embryos than will be transferred in the same cycle. Freezing, discarding, or reduction of embryos is forbidden. Infertile couples ought to use only their reproductive cells. The use of donor gametes is unacceptable. Any embryo formed ought to be transferred into the wife’s womb, and the use of surrogates is impermissible. Only a husband and wife who are able to maintain their marital union and where the wife is still of childbearing age should be blessed to use IVF.
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Redding, Nancy P., and William D. Dowling. "Rites of Passage Among Women Reentering Higher Education." Adult Education Quarterly 42, no. 4 (June 1992): 221–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/074171369204200402.
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The purpose of this article is to review the rites of passage concept; to describe the rites developing among reentry women in both university and home environments; and, finally, to discuss the purposes of and necessity for such rites. Nineteen adult women students were interviewed in depth on the campus of a major midwestern university. Analysis of the data indicates that reentry women and their families are fashioning rites of passage peculiar to their return to higher education in quest of a degree. These rituals facilitate the transition, offer approval, and mark progress during the passage from non-degreed to degreed status. Spontaneous development of ceremonies suggests there are some needs specific to women who are simultaneously student, wife, and mother that are not being met by traditional university rituals and familial practices.
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Geiger, Joseph. "Alan Roberts: Mark Antony: his Life and Times. Pp. lxxviii + 361; frontispiece; 7 maps. Upton-upon-Severn, Worcs.: The Malvern Publishing Company, 1988. £14.95." Classical Review 40, no. 1 (April 1990): 179–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00253018.
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Telotte, J. P. "Lewtonian space: Val Lewton's films and the new space of horror." Horror Studies 1, no. 2 (November 1, 2010): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1386/host.1.2.165_1.
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During the 1940s the Val Lewton unit at RKO Studios produced a string of horror films that were highly lauded for their subtle approach to the genre, which represented a distinct break from earlier horror films that were characterized by their emphasis on monstrous figures and exaggerated, expressionist-influenced imagery. A significant element of that influence, however, has so far gone unexplored, particularly what we might term the space of horror. Drawing on architectural developments and theory in the late modernist period, particularly as articulated by Anthony Vidler, this article examines how the Lewton films drew on this new sense of space, a space that emphasized not structures or containment, but rather the emerging psychological and social dimensions of the era. Because of wartime restrictions and the economical practices of B-film production, the Lewton films (and as illustrations this article draws examples from each of the three directors who worked in this unit Jacques Tourneur, Mark Robson and Robert Wise) almost had to function in a different register than the earlier wave of horror films with their emphases on old dark houses and castles, on werewolves and vampires. The new spatial strategy that they evolved, however, not only accommodated those period and industrial limitations, but also opened up a new possibility for representing narratives of power and dread one that mobilized space as a placeholder for all of our psychic projections and fears.
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Isaki, Fatmire, and Hyreme Gurra. "THE MOTIF OF RECOGNITION IN ENGLISH AND THE ALBANIAN BALLADS." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2345–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij28072345f.
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Difficult war times and painful family events made people segregate. These events made folk singers create songs where they narrated how people recognized each other after a long time being far away from one another. This time period was known as a very dramatic process fulfilled with strong feelings. Different scops and bards created emotional songs with the motif of recognition between husband and wife (that will be explained with examples from Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri), between brother and sister (that will be explained with examples from Bonnie Farday and Gjon Petrika), and rarely between brother and brother. The aim of this paper is to make a comparative analysis with special emphasis on intersections and the dissimilar points of the English ballads and the Albanian ones which treat the motif of recognition. Since this papers goal is the comparative approach between ballads of two different literatures of different nations, our methods of analysis will be the narrative method and the comparative method. The narrative method will be used to point out the motif of recognition in each ballad particularly, while the comparative method will be used to make the comparison between ballads Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri where husband and wife recognize each other by a special sign as symbol of their true love, and between ballads Bonny Farday or Babylon and Gjon Petrika where with the help of a mark the identification of brother and sister occurs.
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Isaki, Fatmire, and Hyreme Gurra. "THE MOTIF OF RECOGNITION IN ENGLISH AND THE ALBANIAN BALLADS." Knowledge International Journal 28, no. 7 (December 10, 2018): 2345–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij29082345f.
Full textAbstract:
Difficult war times and painful family events made people segregate. These events made folk singers create songs where they narrated how people recognized each other after a long time being far away from one another. This time period was known as a very dramatic process fulfilled with strong feelings. Different scops and bards created emotional songs with the motif of recognition between husband and wife (that will be explained with examples from Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri), between brother and sister (that will be explained with examples from Bonnie Farday and Gjon Petrika), and rarely between brother and brother. The aim of this paper is to make a comparative analysis with special emphasis on intersections and the dissimilar points of the English ballads and the Albanian ones which treat the motif of recognition. Since this papers goal is the comparative approach between ballads of two different literatures of different nations, our methods of analysis will be the narrative method and the comparative method. The narrative method will be used to point out the motif of recognition in each ballad particularly, while the comparative method will be used to make the comparison between ballads Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri where husband and wife recognize each other by a special sign as symbol of their true love, and between ballads Bonny Farday or Babylon and Gjon Petrika where with the help of a mark the identification of brother and sister occurs.
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Nibiya, Niken Khusnul, Heri Dwi Santoso, and Yesika Maya Ocktarani. "Psychological motivation of Jim as a runaway slave in Mark Twain�s Adventures of Huckleberry Finn." EduLite: Journal of English Education, Literature and Culture 6, no. 1 (February 28, 2021): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.30659/e.6.1.134-146.
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�Adventures of Huckleberry Finn� is a great novel written in the nineteenth century by Mark Twain, the pen name of Samuel Langhorne Clemens. According to critics, this novel was written to criticise practices of slavery in the United States during his time, especially in states along the Mississippi river banks. This research aimed at explaining the hierarchy of needs of Jim and the motivations of his escape. The method used in this research was qualitative, with humans� hierarchy of needs by Abraham Maslow employed. The analysis showed that the needs of Jim were divided into three phases, i.e., the phase of Jim as a slave, the phase of Jim as a runaway slave, and the phase of Jim as a free man. The results showed that there were four reasons why Jim decided to escape from Mrs. Watson, his master, i.e., 1) the master�s anger at Jim, 2) Jim�s conscience about himself as the object for capital gain, 3) his freedom as a human, and 4) his own happiness. It is concluded from the research that as a slave, Jim feels that his life needs cannot be fulfilled even when he is already free as long as he can never be reunited with his wife and children, who he thinks will give happiness to him. Based on the theory of Maslow�s hierarchy of needs, Jim�s higher level of need is love-and-belonging need.�
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Pittard, A. J., and G. B. Cox. "Frank William Ernest Gibson. 22 July 1923 — 11 July 2008." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 56 (January 2010): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2009.0020.
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Frank Gibson rose from humble beginnings to become one of the most respected bacterial physiologists of his era. His identification of the elusive branch-point compound in the pathway of aromatic biosynthesis served as an initiation point for a sustained period of investigation in which the genes, enzymes and intermediates in the various pathways to phenylalanine and tyrosine, the quinones, enterochelin and 4-aminobenzoate were identified and examined in detail. studies on the function of ubiquinone led to an examination of oxidative phosphorylation and to the F 1 F 0 -ATPase of the bacterium Escherichia coli . With Graeme Cox he established a group of researchers who in the 1980s applied the various techniques of microbial genetics to construct a molecular profile of the proteins, which constituted the F 0 membrane- embedded part of the F 1 F 0 -ATPase. This work resulted in the formulation in 1986 of a rotational model and the identification of several residues that could comprise a pore through which the protons, which drove the rotation, could pass. He trained many research students during his lifetime and was an exemplary role model. Outside the laboratory he lived a full life, being an ardent skier, scuba diver and tennis player to name but a few of his pursuits. He is survived by his wife Robin and their son, Mark; by Frances, the daughter from his first marriage; and by grandchildren Teresa, Luke and Simon. His first wife, Margaret, and their second daughter, Ruth (mother of Teresa, Luke and Simon), are both deceased.
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Jones, R. Neil. "Hubert Rees DFC. 2 October 1923 — 13 September 2009." Biographical Memoirs of Fellows of the Royal Society 56 (January 2010): 359–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsbm.2010.0003.
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Hubert Rees was born on 2 October 1923 in Llangennech, Carmarthenshire, in Wales, and died on 13 September 2009 in Aberystwyth. Hugh, as he was known to his wide circle of friends and colleagues, was educated at Llandovery and Llanelli grammar schools. After leaving school he joined the Royal Air Force (RAF) and in 1944 he became a Lancaster bomber pilot. On demobilization in 1946 he enrolled as a student at Aberystwyth University, graduating with first-class honours in agricultural botany in 1950. After a short secondment to the John Innes Horticultural Institution at Bayfordbury he took up an appointment as Lecturer in Cytology at the newly-formed Department of Genetics at Birmingham University. In 1958 he returned to Aberystwyth as Senior Lecturer in Agricultural Botany, being promoted to Reader in 1966 and ultimately Professor and Head of Department. He rapidly built up an internationally acclaimed school of study into the genetic control of chromosome behaviour in plants, and on evolutionary changes in chromosome organization. Hugh Rees had an impressive intellect and was an inspirational teacher who left his mark on all who came under his supervision. In 1983 he was appointed Vice Principal at Aberystwyth. He retired in 1991 and then pursued his many interests and hobbies. Together with his wife, Mavis, he was well known to many friends and colleagues for his generous hospitality, his love of good food and wine, and as a raconteur. Hugh is survived by his wife, a son and two daughters. Another son predeceased him.
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McCourt, Frank. "Teacher Man." Scenario: A Journal of Performative Teaching, Learning, Research II, no. 2 (July 1, 2008): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.33178/scenario.2.2.1.
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I went to O'Mahony's Bookshop to buy the first book in my life, the one I brought to America in the suitcase. It was The Works of William Shakespeare: Gathered into One Volume, published by the Shakespeare Head Press, Oldhams Press Ltd. and Basil Blackwood, MCMXLVII. Here it is, cover crumbling, separating from the book, hanging on through the kindness of tape. A well-thumbed book, well marked. There are passages underlined that once meant something to me though I look at them now and hardly know why. Along the margins notes, remarks, appreciative comments, congratulations to Shakespeare on his genius, exclamation marks indicating my appreciation and befuddlement. Inside the cover I wrote, 'Oh, that this too, too solid flesh, etc.' It proves I was a gloomy youth. When I was thirteen/fourteen I listened to Shakespeare plays on the radio of Mrs. Purcell, the blind woman next door. She told me Sheakespeare was an Irishman ashamed of what he came from. A fuse blew the night we listened to Julius Caesar and I was so eager to find out what happened to Brutus and Mark Antony I went to O'Mahony's Bookshop to get the rest of the story. A sales clerk ...
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Da Rold, O. "MARK ALLEN and JOHN H. FISHER (eds.) [with the assistance of Joseph Trahern.] The Canterbury Tales: Wife of Bath's Prologue and Tale." Review of English Studies 64, no. 263 (August 11, 2012): 148–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/res/hgs072.
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Derrett, J. Duncan M. "The Picnic, The Buddha, and St Matthew." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 14, no. 1 (April 2004): 75–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s135618630400358x.
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Once upon a time twenty nine upper middle-class friends and their wives entered a thicket where the Buddha happened to be and began to play. Another friend had no wife, so a prostitute was brought for him. While they were “disporting themselves” she took his things and ran away. The remainder joined in a search for her. Roaming in that thicket they found the Buddha seated at the root of a tree. They asked, “Lord, has the Blessed One seen a certain woman (ekam itthim)?” “What have you, young men, to do with the woman?”, he exclaimed. They explained. “Now what do you, young men, think?”, he asked, “Which is better for you, to search for a woman or to search for yourselves?” “That, Lord, would be preferable – to search for ourselves.” So he preached and gave them ordination. The story is contrived as a setting for the rhetorical question (like Mark 12:13–17).
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Milewski, Ireneusz. "The Economic Condition of the Bishopric of Gaza (Palestine) during the Rule of Bishop Porphyry (circa 395–420)." Studia Ceranea 8 (December 30, 2018): 193–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.08.11.
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The study attempts to determine the economic condition of a small provincial bishopric, namely the church of Gaza (Palestine) during the rule of bishop Porphyry (circa 395–420 AD). All of the information on the subject comes from the Vita Porphyrii by Mark the Deacon – a source whose historical value has often been disputed. Although the information on the wealth of the church in Gaza at the turn of the 4th and 5th centuries is not particularly vast or illuminating, it is nevertheless possible to identify several spheres of economic activity of the Gaza bishopric. These are, among other things, the property owned by the bishopric (real estate), its cash reserves (mostly at the beginning of the 5th century), the endowments of the imperial court (given by emperor Arcadius and his wife, empress Aelia Eudoxia), as well as the charitable activity of the bishopric (especially on the occasion of erecting the Eudoxiane, probably in 407).
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Saxonhouse, Arlene. "Xanthippe: Shrew or Muse." Hypatia 33, no. 4 (2018): 610–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hypa.12440.
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Socrates's wife Xanthippe has entered the popular imagination as a shrewish character who dumps water on the inattentive Socrates. Such popular portrayals are intended largely to highlight what makes Socrates such an appealing character. But she also appears briefly in Plato's dialogue the Phaedo, the dialogue that takes place in Socrates's prison cell, recounts the conversation about death and immortality that took place there, and then reports the events surrounding Socrates's death after drinking the hemlock. After a review of the ancient anecdotes about Xanthippe and possible readings of those anecdotes, this article considers the significance of Xanthippe's presence early in the Phaedo for our understanding of the conversation between Socrates and his companions. In this way, Xanthippe moves from the role of the shrew to—if not exactly a muse—at least a question mark. That we even know her name may indicate a force of personality too readily scorned by those highlighting her shrewish nature.
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Daloz, Dominique. "Metals and Alloys: Industrial Applications. By Mark Antony Benvenuto. DeGruyter, 2016. Pp. 153. Price EUR 69.95, USD 98.00, GBP 52.99. ISBN 978-3-11-040784-6." Journal of Applied Crystallography 51, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 231–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1107/s1600576717018179.
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