Journal articles: 'William Wilberforce'

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Hague, William, and Jane Bates. "William Wilberforce." Nursing Standard 27, no. 17 (2013): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.7748/ns.27.17.30.s42.

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Weidner, Hal. "William Wilberforce." Newman Studies Journal 5, no. 2 (2008): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/nsj20085223.

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Devereaux, Simon. "Inexperienced Humanitarians? William Wilberforce, William Pitt, and the Execution Crisis of the 1780s." Law and History Review 33, no. 4 (2015): 839–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248015000449.

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For most historians, William Wilberforce is not immediately associated with the history of capital punishment, at least not beyond his occasional efforts to solicit mercy for individuals sentenced to death, and his distinctly subaltern role in the decisive early nineteenth century parliamentary debates over the abolition of the death penalty in England. Most scholars concern themselves with the first of the two “great objects” of which, in a diary entry for October 28, 1787, Wilberforce declared that “God Almighty has set before me … the suppression of the slave trade and the reformation of manners.” That concern is easily justified: the abolition of the slave trade quickly became the central preoccupation of Wilberforce's public life, and its implications were of global significance. His second professed mission of 1787 onwards—to help launch and sustain the Society for Giving Effect to His Majesty's Proclamation against Vice and Immorality—has inspired a smaller, although no less rich, body of scholarship. Our broad perspective on Wilberforce's public life remains that which was first laid down half a century ago, and which has subsequently been reinforced by historians of gender such as Leonore Davidoff and Catherine Hall. Wilberforce and his associates are principally seen as the progenitors of nineteenth century moral earnestness and spiritual idealism, as well as the feminine ideal of “the Angel in the House.” They were, as Ford K. Brown suggested in 1961, the “Fathers of the Victorians.”

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Majonis, Joel. "William Wilberforce and Thomas Chalmers." Journal of Religion & Spirituality in Social Work: Social Thought 26, no. 2 (2007): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j377v26n02_04.

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Easterling, John F. "Book Review: William Wilberforce: A Biography." Missiology: An International Review 36, no. 3 (2008): 403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182960803600328.

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HIND, R. J. "WILLIAM WILBERFORCE: REFORMER AND SOCIAL EDUCATOR." Australian Journal of Politics & History 32, no. 3 (2008): 389–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1986.tb00885.x.

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Weidner, Rev Halbert. "William Wilberforce: A Biography by Stephen Tomkins." Newman Studies Journal 5, no. 2 (2008): 85–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/nsj.2008.0018.

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Hind, Robert J. "William Wilberforce and the Perceptions of the British People." Historical Research 60, no. 143 (1987): 321–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2281.1987.tb00500.x.

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Francis, Keith A. "William Paley, Samuel Wilberforce, Charles Darwin and the Natural World: An Anglican Conversation." Studies in Church History 46 (2010): 353–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s042420840000070x.

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Soapy Sam and the Devil’s Chaplain: even for an age in which public figures were regularly lampooned, the epithets are evocative. To call the recipients of the epithets, Samuel Wilberforce and Charles Darwin respectively, controversial figures of the nineteenth century is the intellectual equivalent of noting that the sky is blue. Without seemingly trying, both men were involved in controversy. Whether it was the Church of England’s response to Essays and Reviews or the creation of a government policy with regard to vivisection, for various reasons both men were regularly in the national spotlight in the mid-Victorian period.

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Hinchliff, Peter. "Ethics, Evolution and Biblical Criticism in the Thought of Benjamin Jowett and John William Colenso." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 37, no. 1 (1986): 91–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900031924.

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With one minor exception, it was not much more than a series of coincidences which linked Jowett and Colenso. The one exception was when Colenso was in England after being excommunicated by Robert Gray, bishop of Capetown, as metropolitan. Samuel Wilberforce refused to allow Colenso to function in the diocese of Oxford but Jowett invited him to preach in Balliol chapel, which was not under the bishop's jurisdiction. Apart from this there seems to be no evidence of direct personal contact between the two men.

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Ford, Charles H. "William Wilberforce: A Biography. By Stephen Tomkins. (Grand Rapids, Mich.: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 2007. Pp.238. $78.00.)." Historian 72, no. 2 (2010): 462–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.2010.00267_45.x.

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RITCHIE, DANIEL. "‘Justice Must Prevail’: The Presbyterian Review and Scottish Views of Slavery, 1831–1848." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 69, no. 3 (2017): 557–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046917001774.

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The Presbyterian Review (1831–48) was one of the most important sources for Evangelical thought within the Church of Scotland before the Disruption of 1843, and for Free Church opinion after the schism. However, its views concerning slavery have yet to be subjected to critical evaluation by historians. Initially, it reflected the radicalism of the Evangelical leader, Andrew Thomson, especially in its demand for the immediate, uncompensated abolition of West Indian slavery. It also used slavery as part of its polemics against High Church Anglicans and Tractarians over the legacy of William Wilberforce and in its disputes with the Scottish Voluntaries. Subsequently, during the ‘Send back the money’ controversy, its position moved closer to the moderation of Thomas Chalmers.

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Ungureanu, James C. "A Yankee at Oxford: John William Draper at the British Association for the Advancement of Science at Oxford, 30 June 1860." Notes and Records: the Royal Society Journal of the History of Science 70, no. 2 (2015): 135–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1098/rsnr.2015.0053.

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This paper contributes to the revisionist historiography on the legendary encounter between Samuel Wilberforce and Thomas Henry Huxley at the 1860 meeting in Oxford of the British Association for the Advancement of Science. It discusses the contents of a series of letters written by John William Draper and his family reflecting on his experience at that meeting. The letters have recently been rediscovered and have been neither published nor examined at full length. After a preliminary discussion on the historiography of the Oxford debate, the paper discloses the contents of the letters and then assesses them in the light of other contemporary accounts. The letters offer a nuanced reinterpretation of the event that supports the growing move towards a revisionist account.

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Kling, David W. "William Wilberforce: A Biography. By Stephen Tomkins. Grand Rapids, Mich.: Eerdmans, 2007. 238 pp. $18.00 paper." Church History 77, no. 4 (2008): 1081–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640708001868.

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Wickliff, Gregory A. "Draper, Darwin, and the Oxford evolution debate of 1860." Earth Sciences History 34, no. 1 (2015): 124–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/1944-6187-34.1.124.

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Historians of science have written much about the famous exchange over Darwinism in 1860 at the Oxford meeting of the British Association for the Advancement of Science between Bishop Samuel Wilberforce and Thomas Henry Huxley. The event is one of the most famous in nineteenth-century science. But little has been written about the paper that served as the occasion of that debate. The paper was one presented by John William Draper, a British-born American scientist and physician. A full transcription of Draper's paper is presented here, with a discussion of Draper's earlier writing and lectures on geology, evolution, and the philosophy of history. Together Draper's writings show his early adoption of key principles of the development hypothesis, his willingness to accept the principle of human evolution, and his claims for what he saw as the evolutionary nature of human society.

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Noll, Mark A. "Thomas Chalmers (1780–1847) in North America (ca. 1830–1917)." Church History 66, no. 4 (1997): 762–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169213.

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When in the spring of 1817 the thirty-seven-year-old Scottish minister, Thomas Chalmers, descended upon London, the world's greatest metropolis was transfixed. The four benefit sermons that Chalmers preached between 14 May and 25 May produced electrifying results. “All the world wild about Dr. Chalmers,” wrote William Wilberforce in his diary. At the sermon for the Hibernian Society, which distributed Bibles to the Irish poor, Viscount Castlereagh, moving British spirit at the Congress of Vienna, and the future prime minister George Canning were visibly moved. For his final appearance the throng was so intense that Chalmers, arriving shortly before he was to preach, could neither get into the church nor, at first, convince the crowd that he was the preacher, so far did his nondescript appearance fall short of his grand reputation. When friends inside finally recognized Chalmers, they secured his entrance by having him walk on a plank through an open window up to the pulpit itself.

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Smandych, Russell. "“To Soften the Extreme Rigor of Their Bondage”: James Stephen's Attempt to Reform the Criminal Slave Laws of the West Indies, 1813–1833." Law and History Review 23, no. 3 (2005): 537–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248000000572.

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In 1813, James Stephen, Jr., a twenty-four-year-old lawyer, was appointed part-time by the British Colonial Office to write legal opinions on the validity of colonial laws. In 1825, he began working full-time as legal advisor to the Colonial Office and held this position until 1836 when he was promoted to the top-ranking post of permanent under-secretary of the Colonial Office, which he held until 1847. During these years, Stephen frequently played a key role in influencing the direction taken by policies and reforms initiated through the Colonial Office. In particular, his important role in shaping Colonial Office “native policy” after the mid-1830s has been documented by several historians, and much has been written about his connection—through his anti-slavery father, Stephen, Sr., and his uncle William Wilberforce—to the famous Evangelical “Clapham Sect” that took a leading role in promoting a number of different humanitarian and social reform causes in the first half of the nineteenth century.

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Butler, James A. "Journey to the Lake District from Cambridge: A Summer Diary, 1779. William Wilberforce and Cuthbert Edward Wrangham, ed." Wordsworth Circle 16, no. 4 (1985): 201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/twc24041259.

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Racine, Karen. "“This England and This Now”: British Cultural and Intellectual Influence in the Spanish American Independence Era." Hispanic American Historical Review 90, no. 3 (2010): 423–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182168-2010-002.

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Abstract This essay argues that Great Britain provided the strongest and most relevant contemporary model for the Spanish American independence leaders. Over the course of two eventful decades, 1808 to 1826, over 70 patriot leaders made the long and difficult journey to London to seek political recognition, arms, recruits, and financial backing for their emancipation movements. Countless others remained at home in Spanish America but allied themselves with Britain through their commercial ventures, their ideological affiliation, or their enthusiastic emulation of British institutions, inventions, and practices such as the Lancasterian system of monitorial education, trial by jury, freedom of the press laws, steam engines, and mining technology. This generation of independence leaders carried on a purposeful correspondence with famous British figures such as abolitionist William Wilberforce, prison reformer Elizabeth Fry, utilitarian philosophers Jeremy Bentham and James Mill, scientist Humphrey Davy, and vaccination proponent Edward Jenner. Their conscious choice to draw closer to Great Britain, rather than Napoleonic France or the early republican United States, reveals much about the kind of cultural model the Spanish American independence leaders admired and their vision of the countries they wanted to create.

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Lucas, Peter. "Charles Darwin, “little Dawkins” and the platycnemic Yale men: introducing a bioarchaeological tale of the descent of man." Archives of Natural History 34, no. 2 (2007): 318–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/anh.2007.34.2.318.

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A small box of animal bones, forwarded by Charles Darwin from North Wales, led to excavations by William Boyd Dawkins in Denbighshire between 1869 and 1872 and in Flintshire in 1886. Neglected riches of the archival record allow glimpses of Darwin and his family and contribute to this first narrative account of a pioneering episode in prehistoric archaeology which resulted in the three most important discoveries of Neolithic human remains in North Wales (and their later apparently near total disappearance). Many of the leg bones had features of the flattening of tibia (platycnemia) and femur (platymeria) first noted by George Busk in Neolithic bones from Gibraltar in 1863, and by Paul Broca at Cro-Magnon in 1868. Within a few years flattened leg bones were recognised across the globe, subsequently in samples extending back to the Middle Palaeolithic and forward to modern hunter-gatherers; platymeric shafts have been found at early hominin sites. Busk's platycnemic index and understanding of flattening as related to muscular activity anticipate the work of modern bioarchaeologists. Dawkins was recipient of a much quoted account of the Huxley-Wilberforce confrontation at Oxford and opponent of Darwin's views on human origins: his work opens up instructive perspectives.

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Tazudeen, Rasheed. "IMMANENT METAPHOR, BRANCHING FORM(S), AND THE UNMAKING OF THE HUMAN IN ALICE AND THE ORIGIN OF SPECIES." Victorian Literature and Culture 43, no. 3 (2015): 533–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1060150315000066.

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Forms are plastic, names cannot determine the essence of living things, and ceaselessly changing organisms cannot be conceived as elements within a signifying system. Each of these precepts of evolutionary theory finds itself reflected in Lewis Carroll's Alice books: Alice grows bigger and smaller without relation to any notion of a normal or standard size, fantastic organisms such as the “bread-and-butterfly” are generated out of metaphors and puns on taxonomic names, and the Queen's croquet game cannot function properly because the animals do not fulfill their prescribed roles. Lewis Carroll familiarized himself thoroughly with Darwinian theory in the years leading up to his composition of Alice's Adventures in Wonderland (1865) and Through the Looking-Glass (1871). He “read widely on the subject of evolution” (Woolf 191), possessing “nineteen books on Darwin, his theories and his critics” (Smith 8), as well as five works of social evolutionist Herbert Spencer, including First Principles (1862), which put Darwinian theory in dialogue with religious understandings of the world (Cohen 350; Stern 17). As a lecturer in mathematics at Christchurch Oxford from 1855 to 1881, he was present during the famous 1860 debate at Oxford University Museum between Thomas Henry Huxley, one of the main proponents of evolutionary theory in the late nineteenth century, and Bishop of Oxford William Wilberforce, one of its major critics.

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Butler, Ryan J. "Transatlantic Discontinuity? The Clapham Sect's Influence in the United States." Church History 88, no. 3 (2019): 672–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001847.

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William Wilberforce and his coterie of evangelical activists have regularly attracted research. Attention, however, has focused almost exclusively on the group's efforts in Britain, with little scholarly work to date on its connections and trajectories overseas. This article examines the influence of Clapham thought and activity in the early American republic. By tracing transatlantic correspondence and reconstructing international relationships, it unveils the direct influence of Clapham theological understandings, notably in their challenge to received interpretations of racial inequality and competing national virtues. Less directly, as Clapham principles shaped Britain's policing of the seas and became enacted in diplomatic decisions, British moralism created friction and resentment with the U.S. government. Although the threads of overt ideological influence by the Clapham Sect appear thin with respect to antislavery, more nuanced influences in terms of race, theology, and empire reveal profound contextual challenges. Yet, the factors limiting the Clapham Sect's impact are as instructive as the influences because they illuminate the contrasts across the Atlantic, which turn out in this case to be more important than the continuities. Transnational approaches to history have often erred by overlooking the transformation of religious and moral ideas across borders, leaving our understanding of transatlantic abolitionism theologically impoverished. By situating Britain's most famous abolitionist group in a wider context, this article exposes the neglected role of race and competing moralities in nineteenth-century international religious history, confounding notions of simple transference of ideas and intellectual continuity across the Atlantic.

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Sherman, Ben. "Moral Disagreement and Epistemic Advantages." Journal of Ethics and Social Philosophy 8, no. 3 (2017): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.26556/jesp.v8i3.82.

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Sarah McGrath (2008; 2011) argues that, when it comes to our controversial moral views, we have no reason to think that we are less likely to be in error than those who disagree with us. I refer to this position as the Moral Peer View (MPV). Under pressure from Nathan King (2011a; 2011b), McGrath admits that the MPV need not always have been true, though she maintains it is true now. Although King seems to think that there should be current counterexamples to the MPV, he holds back from actually proposing any. I argue that those of us who favor marriage equality and gender equality are currently in a position to reject the MPV with regard to these issues, and I propose conditions under which people can reasonably take their moral beliefs to be epistemically advantaged. King and McGrath agree that opponents of slavery like William Wilberforce could reasonably believe that they enjoyed an epistemic advantage over proponents of slavery, and I suggest that proponents of marriage equality and gender equality might make similar claims. I propose that we can make additional claims to epistemic advantages if we believe that (1) almost everyone who considers the matter admits that there are advantages, (2) those who disagree with us would admit that there are advantages and (3) we can give a plausible explanation as to why those who we think are epistemically disadvantaged have not noticed that they are disadvantaged. Finally, I argue that it is reasonable to think that our controversial beliefs are justified if we can find reasons to think that our opponents are mistaken, and do not see similar reasons to think ourselves mistaken. This is a better policy than supposing that we are just as prone to mistakes as our opponents, as the latter is both less defensible in theory, and more likely to stifle intellectual progress.

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Bubb, Alexander. "The Race for Hafiz: Scholarly and Popular Translations at the Fin de Siècle." Comparative Critical Studies 17, no. 2 (2020): 225–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/ccs.2020.0360.

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The great Persian lyric poet Hafiz was first translated into English by Sir William Jones in the 1780s. In the course of the nineteenth century many further translations would appear, initially intended for the use of oriental scholars and students of the Persian language, but increasingly also for the general reading public. The paraphrasers or ‘popularizers’ who devised the latter category of translation competed with professional scholars to shape the dissemination and popular perception of Persian poetry. Owing to a variety of factors, the middle of the nineteenth century saw a marked decline in the number of new Hafiz translations, and it is not until 1891 that a complete edition of Hafiz's works finally appeared in English. This led to an unusual situation, particular to Britain, in which scholars (Edward H. Palmer, Henry Wilberforce-Clarke, Gertrude Bell), and popularizers (Richard Burton, Herman Bicknell, Justin McCarthy, Richard Le Gallienne, John Payne) all jostled to fill the vacuum created by the absence of a definitive version. Their competition created, in short order, a diversity of versions presented to consumers, which allowed Hafiz's influence to be felt in twentieth-century poetry untrammelled by the impress (as became the case with Omar Khayyam) of one dominant translator. While the refraction of Hafiz through the biases and predispositions of multiple translators has been regarded as hopelessly distorting by Julie Scott Meisami, I argue instead that it highlights lyric, in the richness and diversity characteristic of Hafiz, as the Persian poetic mode which has been more influential on English writing and yet the most difficult to categorize and integrate. Lastly, by paying heed to the popular transmission of Hafiz in English, we might better understand the reception of Persian poetry in its generic, rather than only its formal character.

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Lovegrove, Deryck W. "Unity and Separation: Contrasting Elements in the Thought and Practice of Robert and James Alexander Haldane." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 7 (1990): 153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001381.

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In June 1799 the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland issued a Pastoral Admonition to its congregations denouncing the missionaries of the newly formed Society for Propagating the Gospel at Home (SPGH). They were, it alleged, ‘a set of men whose proceedings threatened] no small disorder to the country’. In issuing this warning the Assembly brought to public attention for the first time the work of two of the most prominent Scottish leaders of the Evangelical Revival, Robert and James Alexander Haldane. The Haldane brothers, two of the moving spirits behind the offending organization, were wealthy Presbyterian converts to an undenominational activism already much in evidence south of the border. For a decade spanning the turn of the century their religious enterprise challenged Scottish ecclesiastical conventions, provoking strong contemporary reactions and leading to a marked divergence in subsequent historical assessment. From ‘the Wesley and Whitefield of Scotland’, at one extreme, they have been described less fulsomely as the source of a movement which, though it alarmed all the Presbyterian churches, proved to be short-lived, dying away ‘among its own domestic quarrels’, ‘marred by bitterness of speech, obscurantism and fanaticism’. Contemporaries seem to have found it little easier to agree on the leaders’ personal qualities. In 1796 Thomas Jones, the minister of Lady Glenorchy’s Chapel in Edinburgh, commended Robert Haldane to William Wilberforce as ‘a man of strickt honour integrity religion prudence and virtue’, who being ‘possessed of a fortune from £50,000 to £60,000 … thinks it is his duty… to employ a considerable portion of it in promoting the cause of God’. By 1809 Haldane’s former friend and colleague, Greville Ewing, had become so disenchanted with his methods that, having referred to him scornfully as ‘the POPE of independents’, he accused him bitterly of ‘the greatest effort [he had ever seen] from any motive whatsoever, to ruin the comfort, and the usefulness, of a minister of the gospel’. Though his brother, James, appears to have inspired a more universal affection, the forcefulness of both personalities ensured that mere neutrality would never be easy.

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STOTT, ANNE. "Hannah More and the Blagdon Controversy, 1799–1802." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 51, no. 2 (2000): 319–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046999002869.

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The Blagdon controversy is the name given to the dispute between Hannah More, the conduct-book writer and prominent Evangelical, and Thomas Bere, the curate of Blagdon, a village in the Mendip hills in Somerset, where she had set up a Sunday school in 1795. It began quietly as a purely local affair in 1799, blazed into national notoriety in 1801, and petered out in the summer of 1802. It was the most problematic episode in More's career, seriously jeopardising her reputation as a loyalist. According to M. G. Jones, her most substantial biographer, the controversy centred on two issues: ‘ whether the lower orders should be educated, and if so, by whom?’, and ‘Was Miss More a Methodist? Were her schools Methodist schools? Had she established them with or without the consent of the clergy in whose parishes the schools were set up?’ To Ford K. Brown the controversy ‘was at first simply a dispute between a country parson and Mrs Hannah More over the alleged “Methodism” of the teacher of one of her schools”. However, ‘taken up by the London journals, it roused national interest when the Orthodox party saw it correctly as a symbol of Evangelical aggression’. Brown's analysis is part of his controversial thesis in which the Evangelicals are portrayed as an almost Leninist vanguard movement, intent on a fundamental revolution in Church and Nation. More recently, however, attention has focused on the gender issues behind the controversy. Viewed from this perspective, More has been seen as the embodiment of a revisionist female ideology, replacing the accommodating female ideal with an activist model: hence the virulent chauvinism of her opponents' attacks. Though the gender aspect of the controversy will be briefly mentioned, and its importance acknowledged, this article focuses on the theological and ecclesiological factors which, with the partial exception of Brown's tendentious account, have been neglected in previous studies. These are the light thrown on the inadequacies of diocesan structures; the particular problems of the Mendip parishes; the issues dividing Evangelicals and High Churchmen; the tensions between the Church and Methodism; the rival, but overlapping, agendas of Evangelical Sunday school pioneers and itinerant Methodist preachers; and ultra-loyalist fears of a cultural attack waged by William Wilberforce and his associates, interpreted as a front for ‘Jacobinism’. Three questions are posed about the controversy, all of which centre around Evangelical–High Church relationships. What aspects of More's work in the Mendips particularly disturbed some High Churchmen? Why, given these facts, did other High Church clergy rally to her defence? Why did her opponents retreat in the spring and early summer of 1802?

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Baker, Jean N. "The Proclamation Society, William Mainwaring and the Theatrical Representations Act of 1788." Historical Research 76, no. 193 (2003): 347–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1468-2281.00180.

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Abstract The Theatrical Representations Act of 1788 was a landmark in the annals of provincial theatre history as it was the immediate catalyst for the explosion of theatre building that took place at the end of the eighteenth century. This article investigates the evidence that William Wilberforce's Proclamation Society, set up in 1787 in response to the perceived ‘moral crisis’ of that period, was closely involved in the enactment of this legislation. The part played by William Mainwaring, a member of the Society and a Middlesex magistrate, in the events that culminated with this Act is also examined.

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Wolffe, John. "William Wilberforce’s Practical View (1797) and its Reception." Studies in Church History 44 (2008): 175–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400003570.

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Never, perhaps, did any volume by a layman, on a religious subject, produce a deeper or more sudden effect.This in 1826 was the judgement of Daniel Wilson, vicar of Islington and later bishop of Calcutta, looking back on the publication on 12 April 1797 of William Wilberforce’s Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians in the Higher and Middle Classes of this Country Contrasted with Real Christianity. Wilson went on to argue that the book ‘contributed in no small measure, to the progress of that general revival of religion which had already been begun’. It subsequently became a historiographical commonplace that the book was ‘the handbook of the Evangelicals’; but its impact on British religion also had other important dimensions that need to be explored.

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Tee, Louise. "For sale: caveat emptor!" Cambridge Law Journal 58, no. 3 (1999): 461–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008197399293014.

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THE system of land registration was, according to Lord Wilberforce in Williams&Glyn's Bank v. Boland [1981] A.C. 487, 503, “designed to free the purchaser from the hazards of notice–real or constructive–which, in the case of unregistered land, involved him in enquiries, often quite elaborate, failing which he might be bound by equities”. The hapless purchaser of land may well consider the remedy just as hazardous as the complaint. Certainly, in the light of Ferrishurst Ltd. v. Wallcite Ltd. [1999] 2 W.L.R. 667, no obituary can yet be written for elaborate enquiries.

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Olsen, Gerald Wayne. "From Parish to Palace: Working-Class Influences on Anglican Temperance Movements, 1835–1914." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 40, no. 2 (1989): 239–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002204690004286x.

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The history of Anglican temperance movements before the First World War reveals working-class influences on English vicarages (not yet recognised by historians) and a corresponding influence of the lower clergy on the Anglican establishment. A study of Anglican initiatives against drink may help provide missing links between the Biblethumping evangelicalism of wine-drinking William Wilberforce's time and the social gospel era of his grandsons, the clerical teetotallers, Basil and Ernest. After 1855, a significant minority of Anglican clergymen, obsessed with the estrangement of the lower orders from organised religion, accepted teetotalism, often at the urging of labourers. In so doing, they reversed somewhat the proposition enshrined in the evangelical tradition that true moral reform depended on the leadership of the privileged classes and the compliance of their social inferiors. Working-class teetotallers continued to exercise influence in parochial temperance organisations; more ambitiously, low-placed teetotal clergymen attempted, through the Church's teetotal society, to convert the highest Anglican dignitaries to total abstinence.

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Fischer, Benjamin L. "A Novel Resistance: Mission Narrative as the Anti-Novel in the Evangelical Assault on British Culture." Studies in Church History 48 (2012): 232–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001340.

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‘Their annual increase is counted by thousands; and they form a distinct people in the empire, having their peculiar laws and manners, a hierarchy, a costume, and even a physiognomy of their own’, wrote Robert Southey for the Quarterly Review in 1810, opening a balanced critique of what he called ‘the Evangelical Sects’. Leaders of the Evangelical Revival had taught in pulpit, pamphlet and periodical that to be truly Christian meant radical difference from others in society, even others professing faith; or, as Charles Simeon, the model and mentor for hundreds of Cambridge-educated evangelical ministers, stated it, ‘Christians are either nominal or real’. Following William Wilberforce’s urging in his Practical View of the Prevailing Religious System of Professed Christians… Contrasted with Real Christianity, Evangelicals strove in their separate spheres to accomplish a social revolution by which the mores, values and social practices received from the eighteenth century would be overturned by normalizing evangelical values in society. While working in their individual vocations, Evangelicals were also cooperating, ‘linked in a single, if multiform, social and religious phenomenon’. As Southey’s comments indicate, even by 1810 their revolution was proving noticeably effective.

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Pedersen, Susan. "Hannah More Meets Simple Simon: Tracts, Chapbooks, and Popular Culture in Late Eighteenth-Century England." Journal of British Studies 25, no. 1 (1986): 84–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/385855.

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During the winter of scarcity of 1794, Hannah More wrote “a few moral stories,” drew up a plan for publication and distribution, and sent the package around to her evangelical and bluestocking friends. Their response was enthusiastic; even Horace Walpole abandoned his usual teasing to write back, “I will never more complain of your silence; for I am perfectly convinced that you have no idle, no unemployed moments. Your indefatigable benevolence is incessantly occupied in good works; and your head and your heart make the utmost use of the excellent qualities of both…. Thank you a thousand times for your most ingenious plan; may great success reward you!” Walpole then sent off copies of the plan to the duchess of Gloucester and other aristocratic friends. Following Wilberforce's example, such wealthy philanthropists subscribed over 1,000 pounds to support the project during its first year. Henry Thornton agreed to act as treasurer and Zachary Macaulay as agent, and the ball was rolling.In March 1795, the Cheap Repository of Moral and Religious Tracts issued its first publications. Prominent evangelicals and gentry worked to distribute them to the rural poor, booksellers, and hawkers and among Sunday schools and charity children. During the Repository's three-year existence, the fifty or so tracts written by Hannah More were supplemented by contributions from fellow evangelicals Thornton, Macaulay, John Venn, and John Newton, the poet William Mason, More's literary friend Mrs. Chapone, her protégée Selina Mills, and her sisters Sally and Patty More and by reprints of old favorites by Isaac Watts and Justice John Fielding.

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Brazier, Paul. "Evangelicals & Tradition: The Formative Influence of the Early Church (Evangelical Ressourcement - Ancient Sources for the Church's Future). By D. H. Williams The Expansion of Evangelicalism: The Age of Wilberforce, More, Chalmers & Finney (A History of E." Heythrop Journal 49, no. 1 (2007): 137–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2265.2007.00361_6.x.

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"William Wilberforce: a biography." Choice Reviews Online 46, no. 03 (2008): 46–1695. http://dx.doi.org/10.5860/choice.46-1695.

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Pelletier, Miria. "White Women Poets: The Fight Towards the Abolition of the Slave Trade in Eighteenth-Century Britain." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 6 (April 6, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v6i1.2637.

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The British Parliament passed the act to abolish the slave trade in 1807. Many historians focus on the powerful men that challenged Parliament such as Thomas Clarkson and William Wilberforce, but rarely do they acknowledge the active role that British white women played in the abolition campaign. Women raised awareness of the slave trade by supporting abolition societies, promoting the boycott of slave-grown sugar, and creating anti-slavery writing. Poetry, in particular, was the most common type of anti-slavery writing done by white women. This paper explores the use of poetry as a tool to promote the abolition of the slave trade by examining Mary Birkett Card’s A Poem on the African Slave Trade, Hannah More’s Slavery, A Poem and Sorrows of Yamba, and Ann Yearsley’s A Poem on the Inhumanity of the Slave Trade. These poems highlight three key themes including the separation of family, Christianity, and the luxuries the British possessed at the expense of the Africans suffering.

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"David Wynne Davies Magdolna ("Magda") Erdohazi Thomas Evans Philip Golding-Wood Charles Hezzy Goodliffe Dennis Malcolm Stanley Frederick Marshall William Edward Smith Marshall Robert Maxwell Geoffrey Wilberforce Milledge John Moss." BMJ 314, no. 7098 (1997): 1909. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/bmj.314.7098.1909.

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Journal articles on the topic 'William Wilberforce'

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