Journal articles on the topic 'Williams, Serena'

Through the lens of women's tennis legend Serena Williams, this article examines the roles of masculinization and feminization as they relate to Black womanhood in sport. Over the course of much of her career, Williams was characterized as “aggressive,” someone who “bludgeoned her way” to success. But after the 2016 and 2017 announcements of her engagement and pregnancy, respectively, media characterizations shifted toward narratives traditionally aligned with femininity. Throughout, media discussion of Williams has been rooted in surveillance of her body, behavior, and closest relationships. Using feminist critical discourse analysis, this article argues that the noted shift in characterization was linked to Williams's strategic performance of docility and engagement with respectability politics, tied closely to her 2015 return to the Indian Wells Masters tennis tournament as well as her adoption of the traditionally feminized roles of wife and mother.

Serena Williams was involved in 2 major news stories in the summer of 2018—she wore a black catsuit at the French Open and was involved in an on-court controversy at the U.S. Open. Newspaper articles from this time frame were analyzed for the sex and race of the author, athletic descriptors of Williams (composure, emotionality, strength-based athletic skill), and framing of her maternity. Results indicated that Williams was framed differently by various groups of journalists and framed based on her public behavior.

O artigo propõe uma análise da charge publicada no jornal australiano Herald Sun, no dia 10 de setembro de 2018, de autoria do cartunista Mark Knight, que ironiza a tenista Serena Williams após perder a final do campeonato Us Open. A reflexão compreende aspectos dos estudos de comunicação, gênero e questões raciais, afim de analisar a construção da imagem da mulher negra na mídia e a repercussão da charge na imprensa brasileira. Concluímos que a ilustração apresenta a atleta de maneira exagerada e grotesca, reforçando o esteriótipo da mulher negra como “raivosa” e “agressiva”. Deste modo, entendemos que a mídia reproduz um discurso dominantemente machista e racista (SODRÉ, 2015) e que a mulher negra é atravessada por uma dupla opressão e, por isso, do ponto de vista social, dificilmente é reconhecida como sujeito, já que representa o outro do branco e o outro do homem (KILOMBA, 2012; RIBEIRO, 2018). PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Comunicação; Mídia, Charge, Mulher Negra; Serena Williams. ABSTRACT The article proposes an analysis of the cartoon published in the Australian newspaper Herald Sun, on September 10, 2018, by the cartoonist Mark Knight, who mocks the tennis player Serena Williams after losing the final of the Us Open championship. The reflection includes aspects of communication studies, gender and racial issues, in order to analyze the construction of the image of black women in the media and the impact of the cartoon on the Brazilian press. We conclude that the illustration presents the athlete in an exaggerated and grotesque way, reinforcing the stereotype of the black woman as "angry" and "aggressive". In this way, we understand that the media reproduces a dominant sexist and racist discourse (SODRÉ, 2015) and that the black woman is crossed by a double oppression and, from the social point of view, is hardly recognized as a subject, since it represents the other of white and the other of man (KILOMBA, 2012; RIBEIRO, 2018). KEYWORDS: Communication; Media, Charge, Black Woman; Serena Williams. RESUMEN El artículo propone un análisis de la caricatura publicada en el periódico australiano Herald Sun, el 10 de septiembre de 2018, por el dibujante Mark Knight, que ironiza a la tenista Serena Williams tras perder la final del campeonato del US Open. La reflexión incluye aspectos de estudios de comunicación, género y temas raciales, para analizar la construcción de la imagen de la mujer negra en los medios de comunicación y la repercusión del cargo en la prensa brasileña. Concluimos que la ilustración presenta al atleta de manera exagerada y grotesca, reforzando el estereotipo de la mujer negra como "enojada" y "agresiva". Así, entendemos que los medios de comunicación reproducen un discurso predominantemente machista y racista (SODRÉ, 2015) y que la mujer negra está atravesada por una doble opresión y, por lo tanto, desde el punto de vista social, apenas es reconocida como sujeto, ya que representa al otro del blanco y al otro del hombre (KILOMBA, 2012; RIBEIRO, 2018). PALABRAS CLAVE: Comunicación; Medios de comunicación, Encargada, Mujer negra; Serena Williams.

Abstract Rhetorical inquires have shown connections between representation and power, workplace fashion and development of ethos, and the rhetoric of glamour through women’s fashion and dress. One element absent from that conversation is how the life course, which typically differs for women because of existing power structures advantaging men, may impact the experience of women as they age, their choice of dress, and the rhetorical implications of those decisions. To explore dress and rhetoric from a life course perspective, this project traces the evolution of Serena Williams’ work apparel across her professional tennis career to the catsuit worn at the 2018 French Open, which is the focus of the project. Press reports on the 2018 catsuit by Nike, New York Times, Sports Illustrated, Business Insider, BBC Sport, Washington Post, and Los Angeles Times, interviews given by Williams, and the television documentary, Becoming Serena, will be analyzed for their treatment of Williams’ work attire and the life course. Responses to the catsuit emphasize attitudes about gender, race, and class, either discounting or ignoring the life course implications such as motherhood and changes in health status. Despite professional success, responses about the catsuit may reflect that Williams faces the same jeopardies, and invisibility, common to many women as they age, and the rhetorical perspective provides new methodological and pedagogical possibilities for instruction in aging.

By 2002 Venus and Serena Williams were the top two women players on the women’s professional tennis tour. Nevertheless, despite their spectacular success, there has been a decidedly ambivalent tenor toward their accomplishments. Applying Raymond Williams’ concept of “structures of feeling,” this essay considers how dominant cultural meanings and values are taken up and expressed through the atmosphere produced at a sport event. Drawing on the insights offered by critical race scholarship and critical whiteness studies, the following discussion examines the character and significance of the atmosphere produced at two tournaments (Indian Wells, CA, in 2001 and the French Open in 2003) in order to understand how white racial subjectivities are conceived and communicated in daily life.

Esse artigo se propõe a analisar a persistência e a reprodução da supremacia branca a partir de comentários na internet sobre esporte. Foram selecionados comentários de cinco textos publicados entre 2009 e 2016 que abordaram o Tênis, escolhido por ser historicamente um esporte com hegemonia de atletas brancos, e, mais especificamente, pelo desempenho da atleta Serena Williams. Como resultados, observamos que a supremacia branca se faz presente no esporte, mesmo quando não há referências diretas à raça-etnia. Ademais, contatou-se que o esporte é também local de produção de discursos sobre a supremacia branca, uma vez que a ênfase no biológico e nos essencialismos culturais incentiva interpretações sobre a presença/ausência e desempenho de atletas brancos e negros que revisitam mitos políticos construídos pelo racismo científico do século XIX.

Gerald Allen (‘Jerry’) Cohen was one of the most influential political philosophers of the latter half of the twentieth century. When he died in 2009 Cohen left behind not only a short book and various unpublished papers but an intellectual legacy that will remain alive for many years. Economics and Philosophy initially planned to organize a review symposium devoted to Cohen's posthumous publications (Cohen 2009, 2011, 2012). However, the reviews became articles and the original project turned into a larger symposium in memory of Cohen. The editors would like to thank Ian Carter, Paula Casal, Serena Olsaretti and Andrew Williams for working with us on that project as it gradually took shape. We all believe that this is a fitting way to honour a remarkable philosophical career inspired by an unrelenting political passion.

Understanding the development of talent has been a major challenge across the arts, education, and particularly sports. Here, we show that a dynamic network model predicts typical individual developmental patterns, which for a few athletes result in exceptional achievements. We first validated the model on individual trajectories of famous athletes (Roger Federer, Serena Williams, Sidney Crosby, and Lionel Messi). Second, we fitted the model on athletic achievements across sports, geographical scale, and gender. We show that the model provides good predictions for the distributions of grand slam victories in tennis (male players, n=1528; female players, n=1274), major wins in golf (male players, n=1011; female players, n=1183), and goals scored in the NHL (ice hockey, n=6677) and in FC Barcelona (soccer, n=585). The dynamic network model offers a new avenue toward understanding talent development in sports and other achievement domains.

Beriringan dengan maraknya aksi protes dan perbincangan mengenai isu-isu kesetaraan, juga bertepatan momentum Black History Month 2017 di Amerika Serikat, Nike--salah satu perusahaan pakaian olahraga terbesar dunia merilis sebuah kampanye bertajuk “Equality” melalui sebuah video hitam-putih berdurasi 1 menit yang diunggah melalui kanal YouTube resminya yang dibintangi oleh nama-nama besar seperti Michael B. Jordan, LeBron James, dan Serena Williams. Menggunakan pendekatan semiotika Roland Barthes, dengan metode kualitatif interpretif, peneliti hendak memahami makna dan pesan dalam video tersebut dengan mengungkap mitos yang dikonstruksi oleh pembuat video (Nike) berdasarkan simbol-simbol dan sistem signifikasi yang ada. Disertai gagasan-gagasan Jean Baudillard tentang iklan dan konsumsi sebagai pendukung teori utama, peneliti berhasil memahami bahwa melalui kampanye “Equality”, Nike berupaya menciptakan mitos dengan melambungkan nilai olahraga sebagai aktivitas yang lebih dari sekedar adu fisik ataupun menang-kalah. Nike hendak menciptakan mitos bahwa olahraga mencerminkan nilai-nilai kehidupan sosial seperti sikap saling hormat, persaudaraan, dan kesetaraan yang kemudian mitos ini dapat mempersuasi masyarakat untuk melakukan konsumsi.

AbstractBlack athletes have had to express a double consciousness of being American and being Black. By exploring the biographies of pioneering tennis figures—Althea Gibson, Arthur Ashe, and the Williams sisters—Venus and Serena—one can look at their encounters with racism and their quests for self-respect and explore the social implications of race in the USA. To understand race and its complications on the world in which black tennis players navigate, we broadly look at racial discrimination in their lives using the lens of sociological concepts such as “the color line” hypersegregation and “American Apartheid;” the controlling image thesis and respectability politics, and class mobility in and outside the black community. The concepts connect to illuminate the racial constructs and structures the players operated in and which shaped in the process of becoming a sports champion. Through their biographies, we argue that it is possible to interrogate the ways in which America’s longstanding racial policies, prejudices, and perspectives have had a persistent impact on not only the lives of black tennis players, but the lives of black Americans.

Review of European Studies wishes to acknowledge the following individuals for their assistance with peer review of manuscripts for this issue. Their help and contributions in maintaining the quality of the journal are greatly appreciated. Review of European Studies is recruiting reviewers for the journal. If you are interested in becoming a reviewer, we welcome you to join us. Please find the application form and details at http://recruitment.ccsenet.org and e-mail the completed application form to res@ccsenet.org. Reviewers for Volume 11, Number 1 Alejandra Moreno Alvarez, Universidad de Oviedo, Spain Arthur Becker-Weidman, Center For Family Development, USA Carmen Ramos, University of Oviedo, Spain Dave Williams, Dublin Institute of Technology, Ireland Efstathios Stefos, University of the Aegean, Greece Emilia Salvanou, Hellenic Open University, Greece Gabriela Gruber, Lucian Blaga University of Sibiu, Romania George Touche, Texas A&M University, USA Hyunsook Kang, Stephen F. Austin State University, United States Ifigeneia Vamvakidou, University of Western Macedonia, Greece Ioan-Gheorghe Rotaru, ‘Timotheus’ Brethren Theological Institute of Bucharest, Romania Ioanna Efstathiou, University of the Aegean, Greece Karen Ferreira-Meyers, University of Swaziland, Swaziland Macleans Mzumara, Bindura University of Science Education, Zimbabwe Maria-Eleni Syrmali, Panteion University, Greece Meenal Tula, University of Hyderabad, India Mehdi Ghasemi, University of Turku, Finland Mirosław Kowalski, University of Zielona Góra, Poland Nikos Christofis, Shaanxi Normal University, Greece Rebecca Burwell, Westfield State University, USA Rickey Ray, Northeast State Community College, USA Ronald James Scott, Leading-Edge Research Institute, USA Savanam Chandra Sekhar, St. Ann’s College of Engineering & Technology, Chirala, India Serena Kelly, University of Canterbury, New Zealand Smita M. Patil, School of Gender and Development Studies, India Szabolcs Blazsek, Universidad Francisco Marroquin, Guatemala

<p class='p1'>En este ensayo se analiza, de modo introductorio, uno de los aspectos más polémicos de la filosofía de James, su visión de la vida moral como una lucha de individuos alentados por energías que escapan a los controles sociales y que, reconducidas de cierta manera, pueden revertir en el bien común. Sin embargo, lejos de hacer valer una imagen del individuo autárquico y poderoso, dominado por una voluntad de poder, James reivindica las virtudes de individuos audaces pero muy conscientes de las contradicciones y debilidades de las acciones humanas. El ensayo, en definitiva, conecta el individualismo moral de James con su pluralismo y plantea interrogantes sobre la viabilidad de una ética que ensalza el antagonismo de los valores.</p>

Sweet William (Dianthus barbatus, Caryophyllaceae) is a biennial or short-lived perennial plant native to southern Europe, from the Pyrenees to the Carpathians and the Balkans. During the summers of 2012 and 2013, phytoplasma-like symptoms were observed on D. barbatus plants on a Serbian plantation (Pancevo, 44°51′49″ N, 20°39′33″ E, 80 m ASL). Only seven symptomatic plants were observed in the summer of 2012. Disease incidence in 2013 was estimated to be less than 1% but increased during 2014 to 4%. Affected plants, showing symptoms of leaf reddening, malformation, and proliferation; flower bud deficiency; and abnormal shoot production, were tested for phytoplasmas. Samples were collected from seven symptomatic and three symptomless plants each year (20 samples), and total nucleic acid was extracted from midrib tissue using a method that includes a phytoplasma enrichment step and DNA purification by chloroform/phenol (3). Oligonucleotide primers specific to the phytoplasma 16S to 23S rRNA intergenic spacer region were used in polymerase chain reaction (PCR) assays on DNA extracted from Sweet William plants (1,3). Using phytoplasma universal primer pairs P1/P7 and P1/16S-Sr, phytoplasma-specific 1.8- and 1.5-kb amplicons were obtained from four and six symptomatic plants collected in 2012 and 2013, respectively. Nested PCR with R16F2n/R2 primers yielded ~1.2-kb amplicons from DNAs of all symptomatic plants (1). No amplicon was generated in PCRs conducted with DNA templates from symptomless plants. Restriction fragment length polymorphism (RFLP) analysis of amplified 1.2-kb fragments was performed using four endonucleases (AluI, Tru1I, HhaI, and HpaII). Comparative analysis was done using RFLP patterns of Stolbur (Stol), Aster Yellows (AY), Flavescence Doree-C (FD-C), Poinsettia Branch-Inducing (PoiBI), and Clover Yellow Edge (CYE) phytoplasmas. PCR-RFLP patterns from tested samples were identical to those of the Stol reference strain, indicating that diseased Sweet William was affected by phytoplasma belonging to the 16SrXII-A (Stolbur) group. The sequence of a 1.2-kb rDNA PCR product derived from sample Tk9 (deposited under accession number KM401436 in NCBI GenBank) showed the closest identity (100%) to those of Bulgarian corn (KF907506.1), Iranian ‘Bois Noir’ (KJ637208.1), and two Serbian phytoplasmas (KJ174507.1 from Calendula officinalis and KF614623.1 from Paeonia tenuifolia), all belonging to the ‘Candidatus Phytoplasma solani’ Stolbur subgroup. Previously, Aster Yellows Phytoplasma (16SrI) had been detected in two Dianthus species: D. barbatus (Sweet William) and D. caryophyllus (carnation) (2). This is the first record of the 16SrXII-A phytoplasma subgroup being associated with yellowing and reddening of D. barbatus in Serbia. The Stolbur phytoplasma occurrence on Sweet William is significant for the management of the disease in Serbia. References: (1) I. M. Lee et al. Int. J. Syst. Bacteriol. 48:1153, 1998. (2) P. Northover et al. http://www.umanitoba.ca/faculties/afs/MAC_proceedings/proceedings/ 2007/Philip_Northover.pdf , 2007. (3) J. P. Prince et al. Phytopathology 83:1130, 1993.

This study presents the results of a multiple-year evaluation (1991-1996; 2005-2007) of susceptibility of more than 100 apple cultivars to Venturia inaequalis, Podosphaera leucotricha and Erwinia amylovora under agroecological conditions existing in Serbia. Some of the most popular cultivars were found highly susceptible to V. inaequalis (Cripps Pink, Mutsu, Gloster 69, Wellspur); while Golden Delicious, Richared, Gala, Cacanska pozna, Cadel and Jonagold were susceptible; Idared, Granny Smith and Jonathan moderately susceptible; Lord Lamburne and London Pepping, as well as several autochthonous cultivars were moderately resistant; and a group of resistant cultivars included Prima, Priscilla, Williams Pride, Dayton, Enterprise, Gold Rush, Golden Orange, many of the Re-cultivars (Germany), as well as Baujade, Selena, Duk?t, Produkta, Topaz, some older cvs. (Worcester Pearmain, Merton Worcester, James Grieve, Akane, Astilish, Astrachan Red and Discovery), some Co-op selections (USA) and NS hybrids (Serbia). Regarding powdery mildew, Idared and Jonathan were highly susceptible; Gala, Akane, Jonagold, Priscilla, Mutsu, Cacanska pozna, Golden Delicious, Granny Smith, Cadel and GoldRush were susceptible; Wellspur, Astrachan Red, Richared, Jonadel, Dayton and several autochthonous cultivars were moderately susceptible; Lord Lamburne, Astlisch, Prima, Champagne Reinette, Discovery and many autochthonous cultivars were moderately resistant; while most Re-cvs. (Germany), several cultivars from the Czech Republic, some selections from the USA and UK and most NS hybrids (Serbia) were resistant. Also, some cultivars showed variable susceptibility depending on location (Williams Pride, Gloster 69, Baujade and Produkta). E. amylovora was observed only in 2007 and at relatively low intensity (up to 12% infection). The highest disease severity was observed on cv. Elstar, then Granny Smith, Idared and Jonagored; while the lowest was found on Red Chief and Hapke apple trees.

Este artículo presenta el Análisis de Descargas Parciales empleando Técnicas Neuronales. Las máquinas rotativas empleadas en la industria suelen presentar fallas en los aislamientos causadas por falta de mantenimiento y desconocimiento del estado de los mismos. Es importante la realización de pruebas periódicas y evaluaciones continuas del estado del aislamiento para garantizar el correcto funcionamiento de las máquinas. Uno de los métodos empleados para la detección de estas fallas es el de Descargas Parciales. Las cuales consisten en pequeñas descargas producidas en una porción de gas que queda disuelto en el aceite o dieléctrico que constituye el aislamiento de las máquinas eléctricas. En este trabajo de investigación se realiza un análisis de dos trabajos desarrollados en torno a las descargas parciales, donde se han implementado técnicas de inteligencia artificial. Los resultados mostraron una alta efectividad de las redes neuronales para lograr la clasificación de las descargas parciales y aportar en el mantenimiento de equipos eléctricos de alta potencia. Palabra Claves: equipos eléctricos de alta tensión, descargas parciales, redes neuronales, fallas. Referencias [1]Grimón, Y. (2012) Algoritmo de clasificación de imágenes usando redes neuronales. [2]Cadena, J. y Cadena J. (2008) Aplicación de redes neuronales probabilísticas en la detección de fallas incipientesen transformadores. Universidad Tecnológica de Pereira. [3]Carvajal, A. García y V. Asiaín, T. (2008) Diagnóstico en línea de motores de gran capacidad mediante la detección de descargas parciales utilizando técnicas de banda ultra ancha. Revista información tecnológica vol. 19 N° 1 enero 2008. Centro e información tecnológica, La Serena, Chile. [4]Krivda, A., Blackmore, P. y Birtwhistle, D. "Materials in overhead distribution networks. IEEETansactions on dielectrics and electrical insulation". Vol. 6. N°5 1999. [5]Magrashi, A. (1997) Pattern recognition of partial discharges using matlab tools. Sultan Qaboos University, Oman. [6]Suárez, F. “Proceso Neuronal para Análisis de Descargas Parciales en la empresa CORPOELEC, de Ciudad Guayana, Venezuela”. Rev. Hallazgos 21. Vol. 3, Num. 02. Pp 169-180. Junio 2018. [7]Suárez, F., Sucre, P., y Almeida, G., “Inteligencia artificial en el proceso de obtención de alumina”, Rev. Universidad,Ciencia y Tecnología. Vol. 22, Num. 88. Pp. 48-56. Julio 2019. [8]Gómez, M. (2007) “Ejemplo de aplicación de una red de retropropagación” [En línea] Disponible en www.iiia. CISC. es. [9]Nooraii, A. (2003) “Applying Multivariable Control Technology At Alcoa World Alumina” (Paper presented at the Honeywell User’s Group Annual Meeting, Brisbane, Australia. [10]Rumelhard, D., Hinton, G y Willians, R. (1986)“Learning representations by backpropagation errors”. Nature. [11]Bryson, A. HO, Y. (1969) “Applied optimal control” Blaisted. New York. [12]Mason, D. (1998) “Process Control Technology Saving Energy” Australian Energy News, 10.

El “rendimiento académico” ha sido aceptado como el factor determinante de la calidad en los procesos de enseñanza aprendizaje propios de cualquier academia formal. Las políticas nacionales e internacionales que promueven el aumento de la calidad educativa, han apostado a elevar dicho rendimiento, el cual se materializa en resultados numéricos y busca medir las capacidades de los individuos según determinadas áreas del conocimiento. No es de extrañar entonces, la lucha frontal de los gobiernos por atacar los fenómenos denominados “deserción escolar” o “fracaso escolar” que han sido vinculados al bajo rendimiento académico. Antes de unirnos a las políticas ya mencionadas, decidimos investigar la pertinencia del “rendimiento” como indicador de calidad en el ámbito académico, después de todo el vocablo “académico”, evoca procesos como la lectura de realidades, la reflexión, la duda, entre otros términos lejanos a las mediciones y a los valores absolutos descritos al inicio de este párrafo. Aprovechando la conformación de un grupo de investigación denominado “Maestros e Intelectuales en América Latina”, liderado por los docentes Ana Gloria Ríos y Germán Guarín de la universidad de Manizales, quisimos aumentar la apuesta y buscamos un grupo de intelectuales, quienes mediante entrevistas abiertas nos brindaron otras percepciones sobre el “rendimiento académico”. Para esta investigación, se escogieron aquellos intelectuales con una historia propia del llamado “fracaso escolar”, pues nos parece que dicha característica los hace un tanto ajenos a los cánones de calidad vigentes, según los criterios descritos inicialmente. Encontramos cuatro intelectuales (William Ospina, Bernardo Arango Mercado, Julián Serna Arango y Sergio Emilio Manosalva) con quienes construimos, a partir de un ejercicio hermenéutico, una propuesta de calidad educativa que nos ofrece una alternativa al “rendimiento académico” y pone en duda las denominaciones formales aceptadas en la historia oficial de la educación, entre ellas el llamado “fracaso escolar”. Propusimos cinco categorías clave que describen con mayor detalle la problemática educativa y cualificarán las bases filosóficas de futuras propuestas en este sentido: a) el monstruo burocrático institucional, b) la momificación curricular y el culto al almacenamiento de información, c) la eficiencia administrativa como falsa calidad, d) poco asombro y mucha codificación, e) carencia de propuestas para derrocar al imperio de la burocracia. Sumado a ello, logramos acordar unas líneas de acción y reflexión para abordar los temas de la calidad educativa desde un punto de vista más amplio, aceptando la existencia de diferentes juicios de calidad en los procesos educativos y renunciando definitivamente a las pretensiones de encontrar un criterio universal. Finalmente, construimos seis argumentos que denominamos “las calidades educativas”. Después de presentar esta síntesis, es hora de abrir paso a todas las consideraciones académicas, que ustedes como lectores realizarán a través de las siguientes páginas, en beneficio de las ciencias sociales y en especial del sector educativo.

Las revistas colombianas categorizadas en el Índice Bibliográfico Nacional — IBN Publindex están ad portas de experimentar un nuevo proceso de medición que implicará una nueva categorización, la cual dependerá del número de citaciones que tengan los autores de los artículos publicados. Un reto diferente que implica nuevas estrategias de difusión, procesos de selección y revisión, y posiblemente de financiación.Hay retos que no serán fáciles de enfrentar. Uno de ellos, es conservar nuestra identidad como revista latinoamericana con el idioma castellano como principal herramienta de comunicación, en un escenario donde el inglés es el idioma franco de mayor impacto y comunicación de la comunidad científica internacional, y donde no pocos proyectos editoriales y autores son exigidos para comunicarse en dicho idioma en función del impacto de la citación de sus resultados en escala global. El otro reto es mantener nuestra identidad como revista de Historia Regional y Local, en otro escenario donde se propende por la fusión de las revistas disciplinares en las áreas de las ciencias sociales o humanidades, cuando éstas no parecen ser la prioridad en materia de políticas públicas y financiación de la investigación. Y, otro aspecto, tiene relación con el sostenimiento del mismo proyecto editorial en un contexto de presión orientado a la fusión de revistas en el ámbito nacional y la desfinanciación de las universidades públicas en el país. ¿Podemos sobrevivir a los embates de las políticas de indexación y homologación manteniendo nuestros criterios de calidad y excelencia académica, pero sosteniendo nuestra proyección en función del impacto de nuestras comunidades académicas y de historiadores? Es difícil saberlo en este momento, si bien nos tranquiza identificar el deber y compromiso cumplido con el gremio y la comunidad de investigadores de la disciplina en el ámbito nacional e internacional.HiSTOReLo ha procurado, desde su fundación, mantener criterios de calidad en el proceso de revisión, e impulsar una política exogámica y de internacionalización, en particular buscando un impacto positivo en el ámbito latinoamericano de esa historia regional y local, pero sin descuidar su visibilización a escala global, a través de su registro en índices bibliográficos de citaciones, bases bibliográficas con comité de selección; y directorios, catálogos y redes internacionales.Los datos son evidentes: una categoría A2 en Publindex; un Q3 en Scimago (2014) y Q4 (2015); 79.186 usuarios y 337.736 visitas en Google Analytics, —68,78 % de Colombia y el restante del ámbito internacional, en especial de México (7,29 %), Argentina (5,09 %), Chile (2,2 %), Venezuela (2,20 %), Estados Unidos (2,15 %), España (2,12 %), entre otras 61 naciones—[1]; además de recibir 420 propuestas de publicación, de las cuales todas fueron revisadas pero sólo publicadas 214 del total, equivalente al 50 % del total recibidos. Con lo anterior, en el presente año 2017, esteremos identificando un escenario con nuevos indicadores que estaremos evaluando con miras a lograr sortear los retos anteriormente señalados y mantener vigente nuestro proyecto editorial.El presente número, HiSTOReLo. Revista de Historia Regional y Local (Enero-Junio, Vol. 9, núm. 17), ofrece diversos énfasis temáticos —Cultura, Actores y Política— relacionados con los casos de Colombia, Ecuador y México. El primero de ellos es la Cultura donde el teatro en Medellín y Bogotá en periodos distintos son abordados por Nancy Yohana Correa Serna y Paulo César León Palacios. En ese misma categoría y espacios locales urbanos, el arte moderno y en particular la exposición francesa de 1922 es tenido en cuenta por Carlos Arturo Fernández Uribe y Gustavo Villegas, a lo cual se adiciona el análisis histórico de la arquitectura ibaguereña centrada en el edificio de la Gobernación del Tolima por parte de Andrés Ernesto Francel Delgado.Extranjeros, mujeres, familias y esclavos son los principales actores históricos relacionados con el caso colombiano. Las expulsiones de extranjeros por Roger Pita Pico, la mujer y los negocios en la ciudad de Barranquilla por Tomás Caballero Truyol, el impacto del certificado médico prenupcial de las nuevas familias en Antioquia por Natalia María Gutiérrez Urquijo, y la manumisión de esclavos por compra y gracia en esa región por Karen Mejía Velásquez y Luis Miguel Córdoba Ochoa, constituyen los principales aportes.Ya en el plano político, zona andina central, al suroccidente colombiano y Ecuador, autores como William Alfredo Chapman Quevedo, Ángela Lucía Agudelo González y Alex Silgado Ramos estudian la relación de los impresos y la incidencia de grupos políticos en la opinión pública en la primera mitad del siglo diecinueve; mientras que en el escenario quiteño de finales de mismo siglo, Luis Esteban Vizuete Marcillo estudia las estrategias e iniciativas del clero contra la Revolución Liberal en 1895.Ese papel del Iglesia, en el caso del Obispado de Villarica en Chile, es analizado también según la reconstrucción de nuevos espacios de poder —zonas indígenas chilenas— a partir de la cartografía histórica por Hernán Leonel González Quitulef y Daniel Rodrigo Llancavil. Mientra que en el contexto mexicano, Ramón Goyas Mejía, estudia la desaparición de lo pueblos de indios en la costa sur de la Nueva Galicia durante el periodo colonial. Y, cerrando la Sección Artículos, Gustavo Lorenzana Duran estudia el reparto agrario en el valle del Yaqui (Sonora) a partir de un diferendo diplomático entre México y los Estados Unidos entre 1936 y 1938.En la Sección Artículos de Revisión, Renato de Mattos, ofrece en su versión portuguesa, una balance historiográfico de los estudios sobre la apertura de puertos brasileños en los comienzos del siglo diecinueve.Finalizan Juliana Martínez Londoño y Juan José Escobar López la Sección Reseñas, con dos lecturas críticas del libro de Diana Paola Pardo Pedraza (2011) Ellas y nosotras. Luchas y contradicciones en los modos de representar a la mujer (1930-1932); y el texto Memoria histórica del paro cívico del 12 de mayo de 1977 en La Ceja del Tambo, Antioquia. La lucha por la educación pública secundaria, de Diego Armando López Cardona (2015). San Sebastian de Palmitas, 26 de agosto de 2016[1] Los registros son para el periodo 01.07.1999-22.08.2016.

I-1 RESPUESTA PARADOJICA AL TRATAMIENTO ANTITUBERCULOSO EN UN PACIENTE CON TUBERCULOSIS MENINGEA Y ESPINAL, A PROPOSITO DE UN CASO (RESTREPO ANDREA, CLAVIJO ABSALÓN, GÓMEZ DIANA, AGUDELO CARLOS ANDRÉS) I-2 TRATAMIENTO EXITOSO CON FOSCARNET EN LESIONES ATÍPICAS DE VIRUS HERPES SIMPLE EN COINFECCIÓN CON VIRUS DE INMUNODEFICIENCIA HUMANA (RODRIGUEZ HERRERA DANIELA, PATIÑO GIRALDO SANTIAGO) I-3 LESIÓN RENAL AGUDA SECUNDARIO A TOXINA DE LONOMIA OBLIQUA (ARSANIOS DANIEL, QUINTERO ELIAS, SANTOYO NICOLÁS, MUÑOZ CARLOS) I-4 PIOMIOSITIS EN MUSLO POR PSEUDOMONAS (COGOLLO MARYSABEL, BORRÉ DIANA) I-5 SÍNDROME HEMOFAGOCÍTICO COMO MANIFESTACIÓN DE SÍNDROME DE WEIL (ARAGÓN DIANA, GUTIÉRREZ MARGARITA, CONCHA DIANA, OSPINA MARÍA, SÁNCHEZ ALEXANDER, ENCISO LEONARDO) I-6 DISFUNCION MULTIORGANICA POR ABSCESO PERINEFITICO BILATERAL MAS ABSCESO HEPATICO (COGOLLO GONZÁLEZ MARYSABEL, ALVARADO CUETO DANIEL, JULIO NARVAEZ LUIS CARLOS) I-7 ANGINA DE LUDWIG CON COMPROMISO DE VÍA AÉREA EN PACIENTE AÑOSA (ORDOÑEZ KARINA, ARTETA SHEILA) I-8 TUBERCULOSIS MENINGEA Y OTRAS MANIFESTACIONES INFRECUENTES DE TUBERCULOSIS DISEMINADA EN HUÉSPED INMUNOCOMPETENTE (DE LA VEGA FERNANDO, VARGAS-HERNÁNDEZ MARÍA, PACHECOCUMPLIDO ARNULFO, BLANCO-REYES SILVIA, RODRIGUEZ-YANEZ TOMÁS) I-9 ESPONDILODISCITIS INFECCIOSA SECUNDARIO A CUSHING FARMACOLOGICO (KARINA ORDOÑEZ, ALAN SEPÚLVEDA, GERMAN VICIOSO) I-10 ANAPLASMOSIS GRANULOCITOTRÓPICA HUMANA: ZOONOSIS EMERGENTE EN PACIENTE INMUNOSUPRIMIDO POR VIH (DE LA VEGA FERNANDO, GUTIÉRREZ-CUESTA JORGE, MARTÍNEZPINTO JUAN, PACHECO-CUMPLIDO ARNULFO, BLANCO-REYES SILVIA, RODRIGUEZ-YANEZ TOMÁS) I-11 VENTRICULITIS POR CITOMEGALOVIRUS EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPROMETIDO AFRICANO (LOPEZ FERNEY ALBEIRO, AFRICANO LOPEZ HOLMAN LEONARDO) I-12 ELEVACIÓN TRANSAMINASAS E INFECCION POR EPSTEIN-BARR, UNA ENTIDAD PARA NO OLVIDAR (GARCÍA DIANA, ALZA JHONGERT, POVEDA GUSTAVO, ALZA LYZINHAWER) I-13 TUBERCULOSIS HEPÁTICA AISLADA EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPETENTE: REPORTE DE CASO (OCAMPO MARIA ISABEL, ARENAS MAYRA, FONSECA JUAN FERNANDO, RUMBO JOSÉ ALEJANDRO, DAVID DAVID, SALAZAR LUKAS, BUSTOS MARLON) I-14 LOXOCELISMO CUTÁNEO NECRÓTICO (MARÍA ÁNGELA CASTELLANOS-GUTIÉRREZ, DEISY RODRIGUEZ-BERDUGO) I-15 BACTEREMIA POR ACINETOBACTER URSINGII EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPETENTE (MARTÍN DANIEL, BARRAGÁN ANDRÉS, GARZÓN DIANA) I-16 GLUCANTIME Y PROLONGACIÓN DEL QTC: UNA COMBINACIÓN FATAL (DUQUE LAURA, LÓPEZ HELBER, NARANJO SEBASTIÁN, ARISTIZÁBAL JULIÁN, DUQUE MAURICIO) I-17 ASPERIGILOSIS INVASIVA INTESTINAL, UN GERMEN UBICUO EN UNA LOCALIZACIÓN INUSUAL (NARANJO JULIÁN, ACOSTA MARÍA FERNANDA, ARAGÓN DIANA, GUERRA JOAQUÍN, NOREÑA IVÁN) I-18 ENDOCARDITIS INFECCIOSA POR GEMELLA SANGUINIS: PRIMER REPORTE DE CASO EN COLOMBIA (ESPINOSA-SERNA JUAN SEBASTIÁN, DUARTE LUISA, NOREÑA IVÁN. ) I-19 MENINGOENCEFALITIS AGUDA POR STREPTOCOCCUS AGALACTIAE EN ADULTO JOVEN (ÁLVAREZ CAMILO, RESTREPO CARLOS, NAVARRETE LINDA, PRIETO JAVIER, CUERVO JESSICA, MÉNDEZ JUAN) I-20 CANDIDIASIS ESOFAGICA EN PACIENTE CON INMUNODEFICIENCIA STAT-1 (CÁRDENAS LAURA, DONOSO LAURA, GÓMEZ PAULA, JOHNSON NATALIA, NOVA DORA, TORRALBA FELIPE) I-21 MASA OVÁRICA, ASCITIS Y CA 125 ELEVADO, TAMBIÉN PUEDE SER TUBERCULOSIS (NARANJO JULIO, MORALES XIMENA, CORTES CAMILO) I-22 CRIPTOCOCOSIS DISEMINADA POR CRYPTOCOCCUS GATTII (MÉNDEZ JORGE, RINCÓN SONIA, TOLE CAMILA, SANDOVAL LINA, BUSTOS MARLON) I-23 HISTOPLASMOSIS DISEMINADA EN PACIENTE DIABÉTICO (CONTRERAS ALEJANDRA, CORTÉS CAMILO) I-24 HISTOPLASMOSIS DISEMINADA EN INMUNOCOMPETENTES (TRUJILLO DANIELA, RUIZ LUIS MIGUEL, RESTREPO RICARDO, VEGA JULIANA) I-25 ABSCESO ESPLÉNICO DEBIDO A ENTEROBACTER AEROGENES (MAYORGA CAROL, CHAAR ALDAIR, CALDERÓN MAURICIO, VERA JUAN, MARTIN DANIEL, VESGA DANIEL) I-26 SÍNDROME DEL ABSCESO HEPÁTICO POR KLEBSIELLA PNEUMONIAE INVASORA (TORRES BUSTAMANTE ÁNGELA MARÍA, CASTAÑEDA CAMACHO HÉCTOR ANDRÉS. ) I-27 TUBERCULOSIS HEPATICA AISLADA: UNA CAUSA RARA DE TUMORES HEPATICOS (DE LA VEGA FERNANDO, CÓRDOBA-CABALLERO ANGIE, RODRIGUEZ-YANEZ TOMÁS, GARCÍA-PRADA CAMILO) I-28 HISTOPLASMOSIS PERITONEAL EN UN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPROMETIDO (SIERRA UMAÑA SEBASTIÁN FELIPE, ROSERO PAREDES SILVIO JAVIER, URRUTIA CORREDOR LAURA CAMILA, BARRIOS VILLEGAS JUAN ESTEBAN, ARCE CUERVO JULIANA) I-29 PRESENTACIÓN INUSUAL DE CRIPTOCOCOSIS CEREBRAL COMO LESIÓN TUMORAL INTRACRANEAL EN PACIENTE CON ANTECEDENTE DE GLIOBLASTOMA CEREBRAL (REYES TOLEDO RAÚL, MESA ZULUAGA MARIA, GÓMEZ QUINTERO CARLOS, RIVAS PILAR) I-30 EMPIEMA PLEURAL POR SALMONELLA EN PACIENTE CON LUPUS ERITEMATOSO SISTÉMICO (CONTRERAS ALEJANDRA, NOVOA DANNY) I-31 RECIDIVA DE LEPRA, EN PACIENTE INICIALMENTE DIAGNOSTICADO CON DERMATITIS EXFOLIATIVA ASOCIADA A MEDICACIÓN ANTITUBERCULOSA (MESA ZULUAGA MARÍA ALEJANDRA, MEDINA AHUMADA PATRICIA) I-32 MICOBACTERIA DE CRECIMIENTO RÁPIDO EN UN PACIENTE CON USO DE ANTI-TNF (GUTIÉRREZ-BOLAÑOS JOHANN, VARELA DIANA-CRISTINA, GARCÍA-RINCÓN CRISTIAN-IVÁN) I-33 PARACOCCIDIOIDOMICOSIS COMO CAUSA DE INSUFICIENCIA SUPRARRENAL, UN RETO DIAGNOSTICO PARA UNA CAUSA INSOSPECHADA (SANTACRUZ DEVIA JUAN CAMILO, PARAMO DÍAZ LAURA ISABEL, NARANJO JULIÁN, ARAGÓN DIANA MARCELA) I-34 HISTOPLASMOSIS DISEMINADA EN PACIENTE CON LUPUS ERITEMATOSO SISTEMICO (VISUALIZACIÓN DIRECTA EN MEDULA ÓSEA) (GRANELA KATYA, BROCHADO LEONARDO) I-35 PAPEL DEL VIRUS EPSTEIN BARR EN LA PATOGENIA DE LA ENCEFALOMIELITIS AGUDA DISEMINADA (LUIS DULCEY, JONATHAN PINEDA, WILLIAM GONZÁLEZ, RODOLFO MARTHEYN, RAIMONDO CALTAGIRONE, BELKIS MENONI, PEDRO QUIJADA. ) I-36 INFECCIÓN FÚNGICA INVASORA EN PACIENTE NO NEUTROPÉNICO (GÓMEZ PACHÓN CAMILO ANDRÉS, BRAVO OJEDA JUAN SEBASTIÁN, GONZÁLEZ SALEBE VÍCTOR MANUEL, RAMOS CUELLAR GINA ALEXANDRA, PÉREZ FRANCO JAIRO ENRIQUE) I-37 PROFILAXIS ANTIBIÓTICA EN PROCEDIMIENTOS ODONTOLÓGICOS PARA PREVENIR ENDOCARDITIS BACTERIANA: UNA REVISIÓN BIBLIOMÉTRICA (MUÑOZ LOMBO JENNY PATRICIA, GIL GUTIÉRREZ CARLOS ENRIQUE, GIL RODRÍGUEZ KARLA JOHANNA, GONZÁLEZ AROSEMENA JULIANA, GUERRERO REYNA FELIPE) I-38 EMPIEMA NECESSITATIS POR SALMONELLA CON COMPLICACION CON QUILOTORAX (PUENTES CASTRILLON MARIA ELCY, CORREA ALDANA JOHN JAIRO, DOMINGUEZ RUIZ JUAN DIEGO, PUENTES CASTRILLON JOSE JOVANY, SALINAS CORTES DIEGO, ZULUAGA BEDOYA MAURICIO) I-39 INFECCIÓN DE INJERTO VASCULAR AÓRTICO POR CÁNDIDA (AMAYA NICOLÁS, JARAMILLO PABLO, RUIZ PAULA) I-40 SÍNDROME INVASIVO POR KLEBSIELLA PNEUMONIAE HIPERMUCOVISCOSA. UNA VARIANTE CLINICA AGRESIVA (PUENTES CASTRILLON MARIA ELCY, TINJACA MONTAÑO KARENT MARGARITA, DOMINGUEZ RUIZ JUAN DIEGO, PUENTES CASTRILLON JOSE JOVANY, SALINAS CORTES DIEGO FERNANDO) I-41 FIEBRE DE ORIGEN DESCONOCIDO COMO MANIFESTACIÓN DE ENFERMEDAD DE CASTLEMAN Y SARCOMA DE KAPOSI EN PACIENTE CON VIH (AMAYA NICOLÁS, RUIZ PAULA, RUMBO JOSÉ) I-42 CROMOMICOSIS (PRETTEL JOSÉ, CAMACHO FRANCISCO, COGOLLO MARYSABEL, RAMÍREZ DIANA, BOLAÑO LUIS, BAZA LISBETH, DOMÍNGUEZ FABIÁN, RODRÍGUEZ REINHARD) I-43 MAL DE POTT EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPETENTE (BUSTOS MARLON, GARCÍA JUAN DAVID, SANCHEZ PAULA MARÍA, AGREDA DIANA) I-44 VASCULITIS DEL SISTEMA NERVIOSO CENTRAL POR CITOMEGALOVIRUS EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPETENTE (ALZATE JOHN ALEXANDER, ARIAS DANIEL RICARDO, LÓPEZ JESSICA ANDREA) I-45 CRIPTOCOCOSIS CEREBELOSA: UNA FORMA INUSUAL DE PRESENTACION (BRAVO PADILLA VÍCTOR, OCAMPO JOSÉ MAURICIO, CASANOVA MARÍA EUGENIA, OSORIO CINDY VERÓNICA) I-46 CARACTERIZACIÓN DEL PERFIL INFECCIOSO DE PACIENTES CON ENFERMEDADES AUTOINMUNES ATENDIDOS EN CENTRO ESPECIALIZADO (DÍAZ-CORONADO JUAN C, ROJAS-VILLARRAGA ADRIANA, HERNANDEZ-PARRA DEICY, PEREZ-ESTRADA PAULA, BETANCURVÁSQUEZ LAURA, LACOUTURE-FIERRO JORGE, GONZALEZHURTADO DANIEL, GONZALEZ- ARANGO JUANITA, URIBE- ARANGO LAURA, GAVIRIA-AGUILAR MARIA C, PINEDA-TAMAYO RICARDO A. ) I-47 SÍNDROME DE WEIL: A PROPÓSITO DE UN CASO DE LEPTOSPIROSIS (PATIÑO LUISA, BUSTOS MARLON, BUSTAMANTE ÁLVARO, RODRIGUEZ MARTHA PATRICIA) I-48 ENDOCARDITIS FUNGICA DE VÁLVULA TRICUSPIDEA PROTÉSICA EN PACIENTE INMUNOSUPRIMIDO NO USUARIO DE DROGAS ENDOVENOSAS (PLATA JUAN, ARAGÓN DIANA, NARANJO JULIÁN, NOREÑA IVAN) I-49 EPIDEMIOLOGIA DE LA LEPTOSPIROSIS EN EL DEPARTAMENTO DEL HUILA DURANTE LOS AÑOS 2011 A 2017 (ARCE POLO ANGIE VANESSA, CHICA POLANIA MARIA VALENTINA, CEDEÑO CHACÓN GUSTAVO, GÓMEZ-CERQUERA JUAN MANUEL, TAFURT-CARDONA YALIANA) I-50 ESPECTRO CLÍNICO DE LA SIMBIOSIS VIH Y CRIPTOCOCO EN UN HOSPITAL PÚBLICO DE ALTA COMPLEJIDAD DE LA CIUDAD DE MEDELLÍN (CALLE-ESTRADA MATEO, BERRIO-MEDINA INDIRA, JIMÉNEZTABARES JULIANA, JARAMILLO-ARROYAVE DANIEL) I-51 IDENTIFICACIÓN DE MYCOBATERIUM BOVIS EN PACIENTES CON DIAGNOSTICO DE SEROSITIS TUBERCULOSA EN UN HOSPITAL DE CONCENTRACIÓN DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO (YAMILE JURADO-HERNANDEZ, ALEJANDRO HERNÁNDEZ-SOLIS, MARIBEL GONZÁLEZ-VILLA, ERNESTO RAMÍREZ-GONZÁLEZ, HELEODORA GONZÁLEZ-GONZÁLEZ, RAÚL CÍCERO-SABIDO) I-52 UTILIDAD DE LOS MÉTODOS DIAGNÓSTICOS EN PACIENTES CON SEROSISTIS POR M. TUBERCULOSIS, EN UN HOSPITAL DE CONCENTRACIÓN DE LA CIUDAD DE MÉXICO (YAMILE JURADO-HERNANDEZ, ALEJANDRO HERNÁNDEZ-SOLIS, HELEODORA GONZÁLEZ-GONZÁLEZ, MARIBEL GONZÁLEZ-VILLA, ERNESTO RAMÍREZ-GONZÁLEZ, ARTURO REDING-BERNAL, RAÚL CÍCERO-SABIDO) I-53 HIPERINFECCIÓN POR STRONGYLOIDES EN PACIENTE CON TRASPLANTE DE HÍGADO (MANCERA PEDRO, MATEUS JUAN CAMILO, CASTAÑEDA XIMENA, MUGNIER JAQUELINE, HERNÁNDEZ ÁNGELA) I-54 HISTOPLASMA Y VIH: ANÁLISIS CLÍNICO Y DE LABORATORIO DE 20 PACIENTES EN HOSPITAL PUBLICO DE ALTA COMPLEJIDAD. (JIMÉNEZ-TABARES JULIANA, BERRIO-MEDINA INDIRA, CALLEESTRADA MATEO, JARAMILLO-ARROYAVE DANIEL) I-55 TUBERCULOSIS, RECONSTITUCION INMUNE E HISTOPLASMOSIS. UNA TRIADA POCO USUAL (GUERRA HAROL, BRICEÑO OSCAR, CORTES CAMILO) I-56 EMPIEMA NECESSITATIS POR ENTEROBACTERIAS (SALINAS-CORTES DIEGO FERNANDO, PERDOMO DANIELA, SALAMANCA-MONTILLA JHON F, MONDRAGÓN-CARDONA ALVARO) I-57 ASPERGILOSIS PULMONAR INVASIVA EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPETENTE (MEDINA AHUMADA PATRICIA, HERNÁNDEZ DANIEL) I-58 INFECCIÓN POR VARICELA ZOSTER DISEMINADA COMPLICADA CON HEPATITIS EN PACIENTE INMUNOCOMPETENTE (MEDINA AHUMADA PATRICIA, HERNÁNDEZ DANIEL) I-59 OSTEOMIELITIS DEL PUBIS (SIERRA UMAÑA SEBASTIÁN FELIPE, MUÑOZ ROSSI FELIPE ALEJANDRO, CASTILLO RODRÍGUEZ CRISTIAN ALEJANDRO, SALINAS MENDOZA SEBASTIAN, ALVEAR REALPE JONATHAN AMBROSIO, LÓPEZ DONATO DIEGO FERNANDO)

Abstract Combining Mikhail Bakhtin’s (1990) theoretical position on Architectonics and Erving Goffman’s (1979) writings on visual content analysis, the aim of this paper is to explore how female athletes are caught in a complex matrix of power, post – feminist neoliberalism, and self – presentation. The visual images they choose to portray are, therefore, perfect for determining how this cohort of women negotiates social discourses around identity and femininity. Appropriating the Bakhtinian notion of architectonic unity, not only provides an alternative theoretical lens for enquiries concerning the body, identity, and selfhood, but also initiates some thought provoking questions around neoliberal feminism and ‘new femininity.’ This paper advances on previous research by exemplifying how Serena Williams (considered the greatest female tennis player of all time) combines both her femininity and strong physicality to self – shape a myth – like persona, setting her apart from traditional stereotypes of femininity and ‘femaleness.’

Overt and subtle misogynoir (anti-Black misogyny) pervade sport and sport media, as women in the Black diaspora are rarely in control of sporting regulations or their media representations. One recourse racialized athletes have at their disposal, however, is active resistance. This paper provides a textual analysis of the intolerable misogynoir aimed at tennis professional Naomi Osaka, and key moments in her media (mis)representations. Results revealed three main themes: (1) ongoing misogynoir and colorism of sport media and athlete sponsors; (2) racial, national and diaspora media (mis)representations; and (3) resistance to gendered racism through self-representation. After Osaka’s historic win at the 2018 US Open, narratives of her Japanese nationality and Asian identity became the story that rendered her Blackness invisible, and enabled her to be read against her opponent Serena Williams. Some information and communication technologies (ICTs), including social media, presented counter-narratives and a recognition of the mainstream media vilification and erasure of Black women. At times, ICTs disrupted racist dominant narratives, and counter-narratives of Osaka’s Blackness and position as part of the Haitian jaspora (diaspora) prevailed.

Abstract In tennis, the Australian Open, French Open, Wimbledon, and US Open are the four most prestigious events (Grand Slams). These four Grand Slams differ in the composition of the court surfaces, when they are played in the year, and which city hosts the players. Individual Grand Slams come with different expectations, and it is often thought that some players achieve better results at some Grand Slams than others. It is also thought that differences in results may be attributed, at least partially, to surface type of the courts. For example, Rafael Nadal, Roger Federer, and Serena Williams have achieved their best results on clay, grass, and hard courts, respectively. This paper explores differences among Grand Slams, while adjusting for confounders such as tour, competitor strength, and player attributes. More specifically, we examine the effect of the Grand Slam on player performance for matches from 2013 to 2019. We take two approaches to modeling these data: (1) a mixed-effects model accounting for both player and tournament features and (2) models that emphasize individual performance. We identify differences across the Grand Slams at both the tournament and individual player level.

Beyoncé Knowles Carter had editorial power over the cover and content of her own story on a major mainstream magazine. Serena Williams did the same on the cover and 4 content of another one. The names of the magazines are not important because they didn’t even respond to my inquiry. Brown became beautiful in 2018 when major fashion magazines showcased it on their covers. Where were brown skinned people on the beauty spectrum before then? I mean I had heard the statement “Black is Beautiful” but was it really? This sent me on a journey which led to libraries and internet searches, but also contacting industry professionals to talk about their experiences with this. For this project I interviewed four men to talk about the beauty found in African American women along with researching different moments in history that stood out as defining. All four men worked in the fashion and design industry on projects that featured beautiful women by their industry standards. Three, I chatted with on the phone and transcribed the conversations, while with the fourth I exchanged emails. I learned that men are very dominant in this field and the way they see beauty determines how we see beauty.

Penelitian ini di latar belakangi oleh permasalahan kemiskinan pada lingkup keluarga. Salah satu upaya pemerintah untuk penanggulangan kemiskinan pada lingkup keluarga ialah dengan membentuk Program Terpadu Peningkatan Peranan Wanita Menuju Keluarga Sehat Dan Sejahtera (P2WKSS). Pada penelitian ini, peneliti memfokuskan pada bagiamana Evaluasi Program Terpadu Peningkatan Peranan Wanita Menuju Keluarga Sehat Dan Sejahtera (P2WKSS) Pada Dinas Tenaga Kerja dan Transmigrasi Kabupaten Serang Tahun 2017 Di Kecamatan Mancak yang mana seyogyannya program tersebut menjadi solusi dari permasalahan kemiskinan pada dilingkup desa binaan. Teori yang digunakan ialah teori Evaluasi William N Dunn (2008) yaitu Efektivitas, Efisiensi, Kecukupan, Pemerataan, Responsivitas, Ketepatan. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini ialah kualitatif deskriptif. Teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan wawancara, observasi dan dokumentasi. Teknik keabsahan data yang peneliti gunakan ialah triangulasi sumber. Pemilihan informan dilakukan dengan teknik purposive. Hasil penelitian ini menunjukan bahwa Program Pelatihan Menjahit yang dilaksanakan di Desa Sangiang dan Desa Bale Kencana belum optimal. Hal ini dikarenakan kegiatan pelatihan yang dilakasanakan hanya selama 25 hari, sehingga tidak maksimal. Selain itu, mesin jahit yang pakai pelatihan hanya mesin jahit biasa dan jumlahnya terbatas, sehingga kemampuan para peserta pun terbatas, dan menyebabkan keterampilan yang dimiliki belum cukup untuk membuka usaha sendiri maupun bekerja pada perusahaan.This research is based on the background of the problems poverty in the family sphere. One of the government's efforts to poverty countermeasures in the family sphere is to by forming Program Terpadu Peningkatan Peranan Wanita Menuju Keluarga Sehat Dan Sejahtera (P2WKSS). In this researching, researchers focused on how to Evalution Terpadu Peningkatan Peranan Wanita Menuju Keluarga Sehat Dan Sejahtera Program (P2WKSS) Departement of Labor and Transmigrastion Serang Regency 2017 in Mancak ,which is program the solution to the problem of poverty in the surrounding villages.Theory used in research is are theory of Evalution by William N Dunn in Nugroho (2008), The Effectiveness, Efficiency, Adequacy, Equity, Responsiveness, Accuracy. The method used this study is descriptive qualitative. Data collection techniques are carried by interview, observation and documentation. The validity technique that the researcher uses is source triangulation. The selection of informants by purposive technique.The results of this study indicate that the Tailoring Training Program implemented in Sangiang Village and Bale Kencana Village was not optimal. This is because the training carried out only for 25 days, is not optimal. In addition, sewing machines that can be used are only ordinary and limited, so that the participants' abilities are limited, and the ability needed to work in a company

We need a clear, unified, and consistent voice to effect the complete dismantling, the abolition, of the mechanisms of animal exploitation.And that will only come from what we say and do, no matter who we are.— Gary L. Francione, animal rights theoristThe history of hashtags is relatively short but littered with the remnants of corporate hashtags which may have seemed a good idea at the time within the confines of the boardroom. It is difficult to understand the rationale behind the use of hashtags as an effective communications tactic in 2019 by corporations when a quick stroll through their recent past leaves behind the much-derided #qantasluxury (Glance), #McDstories (Hill), and #myNYPD (Tran).While hashtags have an obvious purpose in bringing together like-minded publics and facilitating conversation (Kwye et al. 1), they have also regularly been the subject of “hashtag takeovers” by activists and other interested parties, and even by trolls, as the Ecological Society of Australia found in 2015 when their seemingly innocuous #ESA15 hashtag was taken over with pornographic images (news.com.au). Hashtag takeovers have also been used as a dubious marketing tactic, where smaller and less well-known brands tag their products with trending hashtags such as #iphone in order to boost their audience (Social Garden). Hashtags are increasingly used as a way for activists or other interested parties to disrupt a message. It is, I argue, predictable that any hashtag related to an even slightly controversial topic will be subject to some form of activist hashtag takeover, with varying degrees of success.That veganism and the dairy industry should attract such conflict is unsurprising given that the two are natural enemies, with vegans in particular seeming to anticipate and actively engage in the battle for the opposing hashtag.Using a comparative analysis of the #Veganuary and #Februdairy hashtags and how they have been used by both pro-vegan and pro-dairy social media users, this article illustrates that the enthusiastic and well-meaning social media efforts of farmers and dairy supporters have so far been unable to counteract those of well-organised and equally passionate vegan activists. This analysis compares tweets in the first week of the respective campaigns, concluding that organisations, industries and their representatives should be extremely wary of engaging said activists who are not only highly-skilled but are also highly-motivated. Grassroots, ideology-driven activism is a formidable opponent in any public space, let alone when it takes place on the outspoken and unstructured landscape of social media which is sometimes described as the “wild West” (Fitch 5) where anything goes and authenticity and plain-speaking is key (Macnamara 12).I Say Hashtag, You Say Bashtag#Februdairy was launched in 2018 to promote the benefits of dairy. The idea was first mooted on Twitter in 2018 by academic Dr Jude Capper, a livestock sustainability consultant, who called for “28 days, 28 positive dairy posts” (@Bovidiva; Howell). It was a response to the popular Veganuary campaign which aimed to “inspire people to try vegan for January and throughout the rest of the year”, a campaign which had gained significant traction both online and in the traditional media since its inception in 2014 (Veganuary). Hopes were high: “#Februdairy will be one month of dairy people posting, liking and retweeting examples of what we do and why we do it” (Yates). However, the #Februdairy hashtag has been effectively disrupted and has now entered the realm of a bashtag, a hashtag appropriated by activists for their own purpose (Austin and Jin 341).The Dairy Industry (Look Out the Vegans Are Coming)It would appear that the dairy industry is experiencing difficulties in public perception. While milk consumption is declining, sales of plant-based milks are increasing (Kaiserman) and a growing body of health research has questioned whether dairy products and milk in particular do in fact “do a body good” (Saccaro; Harvard Milk Study). In the 2019 review of Canada’s food guide, its first revision since 2007, for instance, the focus is now on eating plant-based foods with dairy’s former place significantly downgraded. Dairy products no longer have their own distinct section and are instead placed alongside other proteins including lentils (Pippus).Nevertheless, the industry has persevered with its traditional marketing and public relations activities, choosing to largely avoid addressing animal welfare concerns brought to light by activists. They have instead focused their message towards countering concerns about the health benefits of milk. In the US, the Milk Processing Education Program’s long-running celebrity-driven Got Milk campaign has been updated with Milk Life, a health focused campaign, featuring images of children and young people living an active lifestyle and taking part in activities such as skateboarding, running, and playing basketball (Milk Life). Interestingly, and somewhat inexplicably, Milk Life’s home page features the prominent headline, “How Milk Can Bring You Closer to Your Loved Ones”.It is somewhat reflective of the current trend towards veganism that tennis aces Serena and Venus Williams, both former Got Milk ambassadors, are now proponents for the plant-based lifestyle, with Venus crediting her newly-adopted vegan diet as instrumental in her recovery from an auto-immune disease (Mango).The dairy industry’s health focus continues in Australia, as well as the use of the word love, with former AFL footballer Shane Crawford—the face of the 2017 campaign Milk Loves You Back, from Lion Dairy and Drinks—focusing on reminding Australians of the reputed nutritional benefits of milk (Dawson).Dairy Australia meanwhile launched their Legendairy campaign with a somewhat different focus, promoting and lauding Australia’s dairy families, and with a message that stated, in a nod to the current issues, that “Australia’s dairy farmers and farming communities are proud, resilient and innovative” (Dairy Australia). This campaign could be perceived as a morale-boosting exercise, featuring a nation-wide search to find Australia’s most legendairy farming community (Dairy Australia). That this was also an attempt to humanise the industry seems obvious, drawing on established goodwill felt towards farmers (University of Cambridge). Again, however, this strategy did not address activists’ messages of suffering animals, factory farms, and newborn calves being isolated from their grieving mothers, and it can be argued that consumers are being forced to make the choice between who (or what) they care about more: animals or the people making their livelihoods from them.Large-scale campaigns like Legendairy which use traditional channels are of course still vitally important in shaping public opinion, with statistics from 2016 showing 85.1% of Australians continue to watch free-to-air television (Roy Morgan, “1 in 7”). However, a focus and, arguably, an over-reliance on traditional platforms means vegans and animal activists are often unchallenged when spreading their message via social media. Indeed, when we consider the breakdown in age groups inherent in these statistics, with 18.8% of 14-24 year-olds not watching any commercial television at all, an increase from 7% in 2008 (Roy Morgan, “1 in 7”), it is a brave and arguably short-sighted organisation or industry that relies primarily on traditional channels to spread their message in 2019. That these large-scale campaigns do little to address the issues raised by vegans concerning animal welfare leaves these claims largely unanswered and momentum to grow.This growth in momentum is fuelled by activist groups such as the People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA) who are well-known in this space, with 5,494,545 Facebook followers, 1.06 million Twitter followers, 973,000 Instagram followers, and 453,729 You Tube subscribers (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals). They are also active on Pinterest, a visual-based platform suited to the kinds of images and memes particularly detrimental to the dairy industry. Although widely derided, PETA’s reach is large. A graphic video posted to Facebook on February 13 2019 and showing a suffering cow, captioned “your cheese is not worth this” was shared 1,244 times, and had 4.6 million views in just over 24 hours (People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals). With 95% of 12-24 year olds in Australia now using social networking sites (Statista), it is little wonder veganism is rapidly growing within this demographic (Bradbury), with The Guardian labelling the rise of veganism unstoppable (Hancox).Activist organisations are joined by prominent and charismatic vegan activists such as James Aspey (182,000 Facebook followers) and Earthling Ed (205,000 Facebook followers) in distributing information and images that are influential and often highly graphic or disturbing. Meanwhile Instagram influencers and You Tube lifestyle vloggers such as Ellen Fisher and FreeLee share information promoting vegan food and the vegan lifestyle (with 650,320 and 785,903 subscribers respectively). YouTube video Dairy Is Scary has over 5 million views (Janus) and What the Health, a follow-up documentary to Cowspiracy: The Sustainability Secret, promoting veganism, is now available on Netflix, which itself has 9.8 million Australian subscribers (Roy Morgan, “Netflix”). BOSH’s plant-based vegan cookbook was the fastest selling cookbook of 2018 (Chiorando).Additionally, the considerable influence of celebrities such as Miley Cyrus, Beyonce, Alicia Silverstone, Zac Efron, and Jessica Chastain, to name just a few, speaking publicly about their vegan lifestyle, encourages veganism to become mainstream and increases its widespread acceptance.However not all the dairy industry’s ills can be blamed on vegans. Rising costs, cheap imports, and other pressures (Lockhart, Donaghy and Gow) have all placed pressure on the industry. Nonetheless, in the battle for hearts and minds on social media, the vegans are leading the way.Qualitative research interviewing new vegans found converting to veganism was relatively easy, yet some respondents reported having to consult multiple resources and required additional support and education on how to be vegan (McDonald 17).Enter VeganuaryUsing a month, week or day to promote an idea or campaign, is a common public relations and marketing strategy, particularly in health communications. Dry July and Ocsober both promote alcohol abstinence, Frocktober raises funds for ovarian cancer, and Movember is an annual campaign raising awareness and funds for men’s health (Parnell). Vegans Matthew Glover and Jane Land were discussing the success of Movember when they raised the idea of creating a vegan version. Their initiative, Veganuary, urging people to try vegan for the month of January, launched in 2014 and since then 500,000 people have taken the Veganuary pledge (Veganuary).The Veganuary website is the largest of its kind on the internet. With vegan recipes, expert advice and information, it provides all the answers to Why go vegan, but it is the support offered to answer How to go vegan that truly sets Veganuary apart. (Veganuary)That Veganuary participants would use social media to discuss and share their experiences was a foregone conclusion. Twitter, Facebook, and Instagram are all utilised by participants, with the official Veganuary pages currently followed/liked by 159,000 Instagram followers, receiving 242,038 Facebook likes, and 45,600 Twitter followers (Veganuary). Both the Twitter and Instagram sites make effective use of hashtags to spread their reach, not only using #Veganuary but also other relevant hashtags such as #TryVegan, #VeganRecipes, and the more common #Vegan, #Farm, and #SaveAnimals.Februdairy Follows Veganuary, But Only on the CalendarCalling on farmers and dairy producers to create counter content and their own hashtag may have seemed like an idea that would achieve an overall positive response.Agricultural news sites and bloggers spread the word and even the BBC reported on the industry’s “fight back” against Veganuary (BBC). However the hashtag was quickly overwhelmed with anti-dairy activists mobilising online. Vegans issued a call to arms across social media. The Vegans in Australia Facebook group featured a number of posts urging its 58,949 members to “thunderclap” the Februdairy hashtag while the Project Calf anti-dairy campaign declared that Februdairy offered an “easy” way to spread their information (Sandhu).Februdairy farmers and dairy supporters were encouraged to tell their stories, sharing positive photographs and videos, and they did. However this content was limited. In this tweet (fig. 1) the issue of a lack of diverse content was succinctly addressed by an anti-Februdairy activist.Fig. 1: Content challenges. (#Februdairy, 2 Feb. 2019)MethodUtilising Twitter’s advanced search capability, I was able to search for #Veganuary tweets from 1 to 7 January 2019 and #Februdairy tweets from 1 to 7 February 2019. I analysed the top tweets provided by Twitter in terms of content, assessed whether the tweet was pro or anti Veganuary and Februdairy, and also categorised its content in terms of subject matter.Tweets were analysed to assess whether they were on message and aligned with the values of their associated hashtag. Veganuary tweets were considered to be on message if they promoted veganism or possessed an anti-dairy, anti-meat, or pro-animal sentiment. Februdairy tweets were assessed as on message if they promoted the consumption of dairy products, expressed sympathy or empathy towards the dairy industry, or possessed an anti-vegan sentiment. Tweets were also evaluated according to their clarity, emotional impact and coherence. The overall effectiveness of the hashtag was then evaluated based on the above criteria as well as whether they had been hijacked.Results and FindingsOverwhelmingly, the 213 #Veganuary tweets were on message. That is they were pro-Veganuary, supportive of veganism, and positive. The topics were varied and included humorous memes, environmental facts, information about the health benefits of veganism, as well as a strong focus on animals. The number of non-graphic tweets (12) concerning animals was double that of tweets featuring graphic or shocking imagery (6). Predominantly the tweets were focused on food and the sharing of recipes, with 44% of all pro #Veganuary tweets featuring recipes or images of food. Interestingly, a number of well-known corporations tweeted to promote their vegan food products, including Tesco, Aldi, Iceland, and M&S. The diversity of veganism is reflected in the tweets. Organisations used the hashtag to promote their products, including beauty and shoe products, social media influencers promoted their vegan podcasts and blogs, and, interestingly, the Ethiopian Embassy of the United Kingdom tweeted their support.There were 23 (11%) anti-Veganuary tweets. Of these, one was from Dr. Jude Capper, the founder of Februdairy. The others expressed support for farming and farmers, and a number were photographs of meat products, including sausages and fry-ups. One Australian journalist tweeted in favour of meat, stating it was yummy murder. These tweets could be described as entertaining and may perhaps serve as a means of preaching to the converted, but their ability to influence and persuade is negligible.Twitter’s search tool provided access to 141 top #Februdairy tweets. Of these 82 (52%) were a hijack of the hashtag and overtly anti-Februdairy. Vegan activists used the #Februdairy hashtag to their advantage with most of their tweets (33%) featuring non-graphic images of animals. They also tweeted about other subject matters, including environmental concerns, vegan food and products, and health issues related to dairy consumption.As noted by the activists (see fig. 1 above), most of the pro-Februdairy tweets were images of milk or dairy products (41%). Images of farms and farmers were the next most used (26%), followed by images of cows (17%) (see fig. 2). Fig. 2: An activist makes their anti-Februdairy point with a clear, engaging image and effective use of hashtags. (#Februdairy, 6 Feb. 2019)The juxtaposition between many of the tweets was also often glaring, with one contrasting message following another (see fig. 3). Fig. 3: An example of contrasting #Februdairy tweets with an image used by the activists to good effect, making their point known. (#Februdairy, 2 Feb. 2019)Storytelling is a powerful tool in public relations and marketing efforts. Yet, to be effective, high-quality content is required. That many of the Februdairy proponents had limited social media training was evident; images were blurred, film quality was poor, or they failed to make their meaning clear (see fig. 4). Fig. 4: A blurred photograph, reflective of some of the low-quality content provided by Februdairy supporters. (#Februdairy, 3 Feb. 2019)This image was tweeted in support of Februdairy. However the image and phrasing could also be used to argue against Februdairy. We can surmise that the tweeter was suggesting the cow was well looked after and seemingly content, but overall the message is as unclear as the image.While some pro-Februdairy supporters recognised the need for relevant hashtags, often their images were of a low-quality and not particularly engaging, a requirement for social media success. This requirement seems to be better understood by anti-Februdairy activists who used high-quality images and memes to create interest and gain the audience’s attention (see figs. 5 and 6). Fig. 5: An uninspiring image used to promote Februdairy. (#Februdairy, 6 Feb. 2019) Fig. 6: Anti-Februdairy activists made good use of memes, recognising the need for diverse content. (#Februdairy, 3 Feb. 2019)DiscussionWhat the #Februdairy case makes clear, then, is that in continuing its focus on traditional media, the dairy industry has left the battle online to largely untrained, non-social media savvy supporters.From a purely public relations perspective, one of the first things we ask our students to do in issues and crisis communication is to assess the risk. “What can hurt your organisation?” we ask. “What potential issues are on the horizon and what can you do to prevent them?” This is PR101 and it is difficult to understand why environmental scanning and resulting action has not been on the radar of the dairy industry long before now. It seems they have not fully anticipated or have significantly underestimated the emerging issue that public perception, animal cruelty, health concerns, and, ultimately, veganism has had on their industry and this is to their detriment. In Australia in 2015–16 the dairy industry was responsible for 8 per cent (A$4.3 billion) of the gross value of agricultural production and 7 per cent (A$3 billion) of agricultural export income (Department of Agriculture and Water Resources). When such large figures are involved and with so much at stake, it is hard to rationalise the decision not to engage in a more proactive online strategy, seeking to engage their publics, including, whether they like it or not, activists.Instead there are current attempts to address these issues with a legislative approach, lobbying for the introduction of ag-gag laws (Potter), and the limitation of terms such as milk and cheese (Worthington). However, these measures are undertaken while there is little attempt to engage with activists or to effectively counter their claims with a widespread authentic public relations campaign, and reflects a failure to understand the nature of the current online environment, momentum, and mood.That is not to say that the dairy industry is not operating in the online environment, but it does not appear to be a priority, and this is reflected in their low engagement and numbers of followers. For instance, Dairy Australia, the industry’s national service body, has a following of only 8,281 on Facebook, 6,981 on Twitter, and, crucially, they are not on Instagram. Their Twitter posts do not include hashtags and unsurprisingly they have little engagement on this platform with most tweets attracting no more than two likes. Surprisingly they have 21,013 subscribers on YouTube which featured professional and well-presented videos. This demonstrates some understanding of the importance of effective storytelling but not, as yet, trans-media storytelling.ConclusionSocial media activism is becoming more important and recognised as a legitimate voice in the public sphere. Many organisations, perhaps in recognition of this as well as a growing focus on responsible corporate behaviour, particularly in the treatment of animals, have adjusted their behaviour. From Unilever abandoning animal testing practices to ensure Dove products are certified cruelty free (Nussbaum), to Domino’s introducing vegan options, companies who are aware of emerging trends and values are changing the way they do business and are reaping the benefits of engaging with, and catering to, vegans. Domino’s sold out of vegan cheese within the first week and vegans were asked to phone ahead to their local store, so great was the demand. From their website:We knew the response was going to be big after the demand we saw for the product on social media but we had no idea it was going to be this big. (Domino’s Newsroom)As a public relations professional, I am baffled by the dairy industry’s failure to adopt a crisis-based strategy rather than largely rely on the traditional one-way communication that has served them well in the previous (golden?) pre-social media age. However, as a vegan, persuaded by the unravelling of the happy cow argument, I cannot help but hope this realisation continues to elude them.References@bovidiva. “Let’s Make #Februdairy Happen This Year. 28 Days, 28 Positive #dairy Posts. From Cute Calves and #cheese on Crumpets, to Belligerent Bulls and Juicy #beef #burgers – Who’s In?” Twitter post. 15 Jan. 2018. 1 Feb. 2019 <https://twitter.com/bovidiva/status/952910641840447488?lang=en>.Austin, Lucinda L., and Yan Jin. Social Media and Crisis Communication. 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Use of Social Networking Sites in Australia as of March 2017 by Age. 2019. 10 Feb. 2019 <https://www.statista.com/statistics/729928/australia-social-media-usage-by-age/>.Tran, Mark. “#myNYPD Twitter Callout Backfires for New York Police Department.” The Guardian 23 Apr. 2014. 10 Feb. 2019 <https://www.theguardian.com/world/2014/apr/23/mynypd-twitter-call-out-new-york-police-backfires>.University of Cambridge. “Farming Loved But Misunderstood, Survey Shows.” Cam.uc.uk 23 Aug. 2012. 10 Feb. 2019 <https://www.cam.ac.uk/research/news/farming-loved-but-misunderstood-survey-shows>.Veganuary. “About Veganuary.” 2019. 21 Feb. 2019 <https://veganuary.com/about/>.———. “Veganuary: Inspiring People to Try Vegan!” 2019. 10 Feb. 2019 <https://veganuary.com/>.What the Health. Dir. Kip Anderson, and Keegan Kuhn. A.U.M. Films, 2017.Worthington, Brett. “Federal Government Pushes to Stop Plant-Based Products Labelled as ‘Meat’ or ‘Milk’.” ABC News 11 Oct. 2018. 20 Feb. 2019 <https://www.abc.net.au/news/2018-10-11/federal-government-wants-food-standards-reviewed/10360200>.Yates, Jack. “Farmers Plan to Make #Februdairy Month of Dairy Celebration.” Farmers Weekly 20 Jan. 2018. 10 Feb. 2019 <https://www.fwi.co.uk/business/farmers-plan-make-februdairy-month-dairy-celebration>.

It seems nowadays that any aspect of collecting and displaying tangible or intangible material culture is labeled as curating: shopkeepers curate their wares; DJs curate their musical selections; magazine editors curate media stories; and hipsters curate their coffee tables. Given the increasing ubiquity and complexity of 21st-century notions of curatorship, the current issue of MC Journal, ‘curate’, provides an excellent opportunity to consider some of the changes that have occurred in professional practice since the emergence of the ‘digital turn’. There is no doubt that the internet and interactive media have transformed the way we live our daily lives—and for many cultural commentators it only makes sense that they should also transform our cultural experiences. In this paper, I want to examine the issue of curatorial practice in the postdigital age, looking some of the ways that curating has changed over the last twenty years—and some of the ways it has not. The term postdigital comes from the work of Ross Parry, and is used to references the ‘tipping point’ where the use of digital technologies became normative practice in museums (24). Overall, I contend that although new technologies have substantially facilitated the way that curators do their jobs, core business and values have not changed as the result of the digital turn. While, major paradigm shifts have occurred in the field of professional curatorship over the last twenty years, these shifts have been issue-driven rather than a result of new technologies. Everyone’s a Curator In a 2009 article in the New York Times, journalist Alex Williams commented on the growing trend in American consumer culture of labeling oneself a curator. “The word ‘curate’,’’ he observed, “has become a fashionable code word among the aesthetically minded, who seem to paste it onto any activity that involves culling and selecting” (1). Williams dated the origins of the popular adoption of the term ‘curating’ to a decade earlier; noting the strong association between the uptake and the rise of the internet (2). This association is not surprising. The development of increasingly interactive software such as Web 2.0 has led to a rapid rise in new technologies aimed at connecting people and information in ways that were previously unimaginable. In particular the internet has become a space in which people can collect, store and most importantly share vast quantities of information. This information is often about objects. According to sociologist Jyri Engeström, the most successful social network sites on the internet (such as Pinterest, Flickr, Houzz etc), use discrete objects, rather than educational content or interpersonal relationships, as the basis for social interaction. So objects become the node for inter-personal communication. In these and other sites, internet users can find, collate and display multiple images of objects on the same page, which can in turn be connected at the press of a button to other related sources of information in the form of text, commentary or more images. These sites are often seen as the opportunity to virtually curate mini-exhibitions, as well as to create mood boards or sites of virtual consumption. The idea of curating as selective aesthetic editing is also popular in online markets places such as Etsy where numerous sellers offer ‘curated’ selections from home wares, to prints, to (my personal favorite) a curated selection of cat toys. In all of these exercises there is an emphasis on the idea of connoisseurship. As part of his article on the new breed of ‘curators’, for example, Alex Williams interviewed Tom Kalendrain, the Fashion Director of a leading American department store, which had engaged in a collaboration with Scott Schuman of the fashion blog, the Sartorialist. According to Kalendrain the store had asked Schuman to ‘curate’ a collection of clothes for them to sell. He justified calling Schuman a curator by explaining: “It was precisely his eye that made the store want to work with him; it was about the right shade of blue, about the cut, about the width of a lapel” (cited in Williams 2). The interview reveals much about current popular notions of what it means to be a curator. The central emphasis of Kalendrain’s distinction was on connoisseurship: exerting a privileged authoritative voice based on intimate knowledge of the subject matter and the ability to discern the very best examples from a plethora of choices. Ironically, in terms of contemporary museum practice, this is a model of curating that museums have consciously been trying to move away from for at least the last three decades. We are now witnessing an interesting disconnect in which the extra-museum community (represented in particular by a postdigital generation of cultural bloggers, commentators and entrepreneurs) are re-vivifying an archaic model of curating, based on object-centric connoisseurship, just at the point where professional curators had thought they had successfully moved on. From Being about Something to Being for Somebody The rejection of the object-expert model of curating has been so persuasive that it has transformed the way museums conduct core business across all sectors of the institution. Over the last thirty to forty years museums have witnessed a major pedagogical shift in how curators approach their work and how museums conceptualise their core values. These paradigmatic and pedagogical shifts were best characterised by the museologist Stephen Weil in his seminal article “From being about something to being for somebody.” Weil, writing in the late 1990s, noted that museums had turned away from traditional models in which individual curators (by way of scholarship and connoisseurship) dictated how the rest of the world (the audience) apprehended and understood significant objects of art, science and history—towards an audience centered approach where curators worked collaboratively with a variety of interested communities to create a pluralist forum for social change. In museum parlance these changes are referred to under the general rubric of the ‘new museology’: a paradigm shift, which had its origins in the 1970s; its gestation in the 1980s; and began to substantially manifest by the 1990s. Although no longer ‘new’, these shifts continue to influence museum practices in the 2000s. In her article, “Curatorship as Social Practice’” museologist Christina Kreps outlined some of the developments over recent decades that have challenged the object-centric model. According to Kreps, the ‘new museology’ was a paradigm shift that emerged from a widespread dissatisfaction with conventional interpretations of the museum and its functions and sought to re-orient itself away from strongly method and technique driven object-focused approaches. “The ‘new museum’ was to be people-centered, action-oriented, and devoted to social change and development” (315). An integral contributor to the developing new museology was the subjection of the western museum in the 1980s and ‘90s to representational critique from academics and activists. Such a critique entailed, in the words of Sharon Macdonald, questioning and drawing attention to “how meanings come to be inscribed and by whom, and how some come to be regarded as ‘right’ or taken as given” (3). Macdonald notes that postcolonial and feminist academics were especially engaged in this critique and the growing “identity politics” of the era. A growing engagement with the concept that museological /curatorial work is what Kreps (2003b) calls a ‘social process’, a recognition that; “people’s relationships to objects are primarily social and cultural ones” (154). This shift has particularly impacted on the practice of museum curatorship. By way of illustration we can compare two scholarly definitions of what constitutes a curator; one written in 1984 and one from 2001. The Manual of Curatorship, written in 1994 by Gary Edson and David Dean define a curator as: “a staff member or consultant who is as specialist in a particular field on study and who provides information, does research and oversees the maintenance, use, and enhancement of collections” (290). Cash Cash writing in 2001 defines curatorship instead as “a social practice predicated on the principle of a fixed relation between material objects and the human environment” (140). The shift has been towards increased self-reflexivity and a focus on greater plurality–acknowledging the needs of their diverse audiences and community stakeholders. As part of this internal reflection the role of curator has shifted from sole authority to cultural mediator—from connoisseur to community facilitator as a conduit for greater community-based conversation and audience engagement resulting in new interpretations of what museums are, and what their purpose is. This shift—away from objects and towards audiences—has been so great that it has led some scholars to question the need for museums to have standing collections at all. Do Museums Need Objects? In his provocatively titled work Do Museums Still Need Objects? Historian Steven Conn observes that many contemporary museums are turning away from the authority of the object and towards mass entertainment (1). Conn notes that there has been an increasing retreat from object-based research in the fields of art; science and ethnography; that less object-based research seems to be occurring in museums and fewer objects are being put on display (2). The success of science centers with no standing collections, the reduction in the number of objects put on display in modern museums (23); the increasing phalanx of ‘starchitect’ designed museums where the building is more important than the objects in it (11), and the increase of virtual museums and collections online, all seems to indicate that conventional museum objects have had their day (1-2). Or have they? At the same time that all of the above is occurring, ongoing research suggests that in the digital age, more than ever, people are seeking the authenticity of the real. For example, a 2008 survey of 5,000 visitors to living history sites in the USA, found that those surveyed expressed a strong desire to commune with historically authentic objects: respondents felt that their lives had become so crazy, so complicated, so unreal that they were seeking something real and authentic in their lives by visiting these museums. (Wilkening and Donnis 1) A subsequent research survey aimed specifically at young audiences (in their early twenties) reported that: seeing stuff online only made them want to see the real objects in person even more, [and that] they felt that museums were inherently authentic, largely because they have authentic objects that are unique and wonderful. (Wilkening 2) Adding to the question ‘do museums need objects?’, Rainey Tisdale argues that in the current digital age we need real museum objects more than ever. “Many museum professionals,” she reports “have come to believe that the increase in digital versions of objects actually enhances the value of in-person encounters with tangible, real things” (20). Museums still need objects. Indeed, in any kind of corporate planning, one of the first thing business managers look for in a company is what is unique about it. What can it provide that the competition can’t? Despite the popularity of all sorts of info-tainments, the one thing that museums have (and other institutions don’t) is significant collections. Collections are a museum’s niche resource – in business speak they are the asset that gives them the advantage over their competitors. Despite the increasing importance of technology in delivering information, including collections online, there is still overwhelming evidence to suggest that we should not be too quick to dismiss the traditional preserve of museums – the numinous object. And in fact, this is precisely the final argument that Steven Conn reaches in his above-mentioned publication. Curating in the Postdigital Age While it is reassuring (but not particularly surprising) that generations Y and Z can still differentiate between virtual and real objects, this doesn’t mean that museum curators can bury their heads in the collection room hoping that the digital age will simply go away. The reality is that while digitally savvy audiences continue to feel the need to see and commune with authentic materially-present objects, the ways in which they access information about these objects (prior to, during, and after a museum visit) has changed substantially due to technological advances. In turn, the ways in which curators research and present these objects – and stories about them – has also changed. So what are some of the changes that have occurred in museum operations and visitor behavior due to technological advances over the last twenty years? The most obvious technological advances over the last twenty years have actually been in data management. Since the 1990s a number of specialist data management systems have been developed for use in the museum sector. In theory at least, a curator can now access the entire collections of an institution without leaving their desk. Moreover, the same database that tells the curator how many objects the institution holds from the Torres Strait Islands, can also tell her what they look like (through high quality images); which objects were exhibited in past exhibitions; what their prior labels were; what in-house research has been conducted on them; what the conservation requirements are; where they are stored; and who to contact for copyright clearance for display—to name just a few functions. In addition a curator can get on the internet to search the online collection databases from other museums to find what objects they have from the Torres Strait Islands. Thus, while our curator is at this point conducting the same type of exhibition research that she would have done twenty years ago, the ease in which she can access information is substantially greater. The major difference of course is that today, rather than in the past, the curator would be collaborating with members of the original source community to undertake this project. Despite the rise of the internet, this type of liaison still usually occurs face to face. The development of accessible digital databases through the Internet and capacity to download images and information at a rapid rate has also changed the way non-museum staff can access collections. Audiences can now visit museum websites through which they can easily access information about current and past exhibitions, public programs, and online collections. In many cases visitors can also contribute to general discussion forums and collections provenance data through various means such as ‘tagging’; commenting on blogs; message boards; and virtual ‘talk back’ walls. Again, however, this represents a change in how visitors access museums but not a fundamental shift in what they can access. In the past, museum visitors were still encouraged to access and comment upon the collections; it’s just that doing so took a lot more time and effort. The rise of interactivity and the internet—in particular through Web 2.0—has led many commentators to call for a radical change in the ways museums operate. Museum analyst Lynda Kelly (2009) has commented on the issue that: the demands of the ‘information age’ have raised new questions for museums. It has been argued that museums need to move from being suppliers of information to providing usable knowledge and tools for visitors to explore their own ideas and reach their own conclusions because of increasing access to technologies, such as the internet. Gordon Freedman for example argues that internet technologies such as computers, the World Wide Web, mobile phones and email “… have put the power of communication, information gathering, and analysis in the hands of the individuals of the world” (299). Freedman argued that museums need to “evolve into a new kind of beast” (300) in order to keep up with the changes opening up to the possibility of audiences becoming mediators of information and knowledge. Although we often hear about the possibilities of new technologies in opening up the possibilities of multiple authors for exhibitions, I have yet to hear of an example of this successfully taking place. This doesn’t mean, however, that it will never happen. At present most museums seem to be merely dipping their toes in the waters. A recent example from the Art Gallery of South Australia illustrates this point. In 2013, the Gallery mounted an exhibition that was, in theory at least, curated by the public. Labeled as “the ultimate people’s choice exhibition” the project was hosted in conjunction with ABC Radio Adelaide. The public was encouraged to go online to the gallery website and select from a range of artworks in different categories by voting for their favorites. The ‘winning’ works were to form the basis of the exhibition. While the media spin on the exhibition gave the illusion of a mass curated show, in reality very little actual control was given over to the audience-curators. The public was presented a range of artworks, which had already been pre-selected from the standing collections; the themes for the exhibition had also already been determined as they informed the 120 artworks that were offered up for voting. Thus, in the end the pre-selection of objects and themes, as well as the timing and execution of the exhibition remained entirely in the hand of the professional curators. Another recent innovation did not attempt to harness public authorship, but rather enhanced individual visitor connections to museum collections by harnessing new GPS technologies. The Streetmuseum was a free app program created by the Museum of London to bring geotagged historical street views to hand held or portable mobile devices. The program allowed user to undertake a self-guided tour of London. After programing in their route, users could then point their device at various significant sites along the way. Looking through their viewfinder they would see a 3D historic photograph overlayed on the live site – allowing user not only to see what the area looked like in the past but also to capture an image of the overlay. While many of the available tagging apps simply allow for the opportunity of adding more white noise, allowing viewers to add commentary, pics, links to a particular geo tagged site but with no particular focus, the Streetmuseum had a well-defined purpose to encourage their audience to get out and explore London; to share their archival photograph collection with a broader audience; and to teach people more about London’s unique history. A Second Golden Age? A few years ago the Steven Conn suggested that museums are experiencing an international ‘golden age’ with more museums being built and visited and talked about than ever before (1). In the United States, where Conn is based, there are more than 17,500 accredited museums, and more than two million people visit some sort of museum per day, averaging around 865 million museum visits per year (2). However, at the same time that museums are proliferating, the traditional areas of academic research and theory that feed into museums such as history, cultural studies, anthropology and art history are experiencing a period of intense self reflexivity. Conn writes: At the turn of the twenty-first century, more people are going to more museums than at any time in the past, and simultaneously more scholars, critics, and others are writing and talking about museums. The two phenomena are most certainly related but it does not seem to be a happy relationship. Even as museums enjoy more and more success…many who write about them express varying degrees of foreboding. (1) There is no doubt that the internet and increasingly interactive media has transformed the way we live our daily lives—it only makes sense that it should also transform our cultural experiences. At the same time Museums need to learn to ride the wave without getting dumped into it. The best new media acts as a bridge—connecting people to places and ideas—allowing them to learn more about museum objects and historical spaces, value-adding to museum visits rather than replacing them altogether. As museologust Elaine Gurian, has recently concluded, the core business of museums seems unchanged thus far by the adoption of internet based technology: “the museum field generally, its curators, and those academic departments focused on training curators remain at the core philosophically unchanged despite their new websites and shiny new technological reference centres” (97). Virtual life has not replaced real life and online collections and exhibitions have not replaced real life visitations. Visitors want access to credible information about museum objects and museum exhibitions, they are not looking for Wiki-Museums. Or if they are are, they are looking to the Internet community to provide that service rather than the employees of state and federally funded museums. Both provide legitimate services, but they don’t necessarily need to provide the same service. In the same vein, extra-museum ‘curating’ of object and ideas through social media sites such as Pinterest, Flikr, Instagram and Tumblr provide a valuable source of inspiration and a highly enjoyable form of virtual consumption. But the popular uptake of the term ‘curating’ remains as easily separable from professional practice as the prior uptake of the terms ‘doctor’ and ‘architect’. An individual who doctors an image, or is the architect of their destiny, is still not going to operate on a patient nor construct a building. While major ontological shifts have occurred within museum curatorship over the last thirty years, these changes have resulted from wider social shifts, not directly from technology. This is not to say that technology will not change the museum’s ‘way of being’ in my professional lifetime—it’s just to say it hasn’t happened yet. References Cash Cash, Phillip. “Medicine Bundles: An Indigenous Approach.” Ed. T. Bray. The Future of the Past: Archaeologists, Native Americans and Repatriation. New York and London: Garland Publishing (2001): 139-145. Conn, Steven. Do Museums Still Need Objects? Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2011. Edson, Gary, and David Dean. The Handbook for Museums. New York and London: Routledge, 1994. Engeström, Jyri. “Why Some Social Network Services Work and Others Don’t — Or: The Case for Object-Centered Sociality.” Zengestrom Apr. 2005. 17 June 2015 ‹http://www.zengestrom.com/blog/2005/04/why-some-social-network-services-work-and-others-dont-or-the-case-for-object-centered-sociality.html›. Freedman, Gordon. “The Changing Nature of Museums”. Curator 43.4 (2000): 295-306. Gurian, Elaine Heumann. “Curator: From Soloist to Impresario.” Eds. Fiona Cameron and Lynda Kelly. Hot Topics, Public Culture, Museums. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing, 2010. 95-111. Kelly, Lynda. “Museum Authority.” Blog 12 Nov. 2009. 25 June 2015 ‹http://australianmuseum.net.au/blogpost/museullaneous/museum-authority›. Kreps, Christina. “Curatorship as Social Practice.” Curator: The Museum Journal 46.3 (2003): 311-323. ———, Christina. Liberating Culture: Cross-Cultural Perspectives on Museums, Curation, and Heritage Preservation. London and New York: Routledge, 2003. Macdonald, Sharon. “Expanding Museum Studies: An Introduction.” Ed. Sharon MacDonald. A Companion to Museum Studies. Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2011. Parry, Ross. “The End of the Beginning: Normativity in the Postdigital Museum.” Museum Worlds: Advances in Research 1 (2013): 24-39. Tisdale, Rainey. “Do History Museums Still Need Objects?” History News (2011): 19-24. 18 June 2015 ‹http://aaslhcommunity.org/historynews/files/2011/08/RaineySmr11Links.pdf›. Suchy, Serene. Leading with Passion: Change Management in the Twenty-First Century Museum. Lanham: AltaMira Press, 2004. Weil, Stephen E. “From Being about Something to Being for Somebody: The Ongoing Transformation of the American Museum.” Daedalus, Journal of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 128.3 (1999): 229–258. Wilkening, Susie. “Community Engagement and Objects—Mutually Exclusive?” Museum Audience Insight 27 July 2009. 14 June 2015 ‹http://reachadvisors.typepad.com/museum_audience_insight/2009/07/community-engagement-and-objects-mutually-exclusive.html›. ———, and Erica Donnis. “Authenticity? It Means Everything.” History News (2008) 63:4. Williams, Alex. “On the Tip of Creative Tongues.” New York Times 4 Oct. 2009. 4 June 2015 ‹http://www.nytimes.com/2009/10/04/fashion/04curate.html›.

February 15, 1999 THE DIGITAL EXAM digital was such a sanitary hi-tech word until my urologist snuck up from behind and gave me the bird shocked and taken back I try to ignore the painful experience by pondering the conundrum of homosexuality there had to be more to it than that "You can get dressed now" was the good doctor’s way of saying "Pull up your pants, Dude, and I’ll see you back in my office." but his casual demeanor seemed to exude foreboding "There is a stiffness in the gland demanding further examination. I’d like to schedule a blood test, ultrasound and biopsy." the doctor’s lips kept moving but I couldn’t hear him through the sheet of white fear that guillotined between us CANCER! The big C! Me? I spent the rest of that day up to my genitals in the grave I was digging. Hamlet gazing full into the face of the skull "Alas poor Yorick, I knew him well, Horatio. Before scalpel took gland. Back when he sang in a bass baritone." desperate for encouragement I turn to the illustrated brochure the informative flyer detailing the upcoming procedure where in the ultrasound and biopsy probe resembled the head of a black water moccasin baring its fang "Dang!" says I jumping back relief came 36 hours later something about the PSA blood test the prostate specific-antigen results leading the doctor to now suspect infection prescribing an antibiotic of course five weeks from now the FOLLOW-UP APPOINTMENT! and as the date approaches tension will build like in those Mel Gibson Lethal Weapon films when you know there’s a snake in the grass and Danny Glover isn’t there to cover your ass *** April 2, 1999 As it turns out, at the follow-up appointment, things had worsened so the biopsy and bone scan were re-scheduled and it was discovered that I do have incurable metastatic advanced prostate cancer. Of course the doctor is most optimistic about all the new and miraculous treatments available. But before I go into that, I want you to know that I find myself experiencing a strange and wonderful kind of peace. Hell, I’ve lived 70 years already — done exactly what I wanted to do with my life. All worthwhile dreams have come true. Made my living since 1968 as a "Performance Poet" — Billie Barbara and I have been together for 47 years — growing closer with each passing day. We have four great kids, five neat and nifty grandchildren. All things considered, I’ve been truly blessed and whether my departure date is next year or 15 years from now I’m determined not to wreck my life by doing a lousy job with my death. LIKE HAROLD / LIKE HOWARD like Harold I don’t want to blow my death I don’t want to see a lifetime of pluck and courage rubbed out by five weeks of whiny fractious behavior granted Harold’s was a scary way to go from diagnosis to last breath the cancer moving fast but five weeks of bitching and moaning was more than enough to erase every trace of a man I have wanted to emulate his wife sending word that even she can’t remember what he was like before his undignified departure no — I don’t want to go like Harold like Howard let me come swimming up out of the deepening coma face serene as if seen through undisturbed water breaking the surface to eagerly take the hand of bedside well wishers unexpected behavior I must admit as Howard has always been a world class hypochondriac second only to me the two of us able to sit for hours discussing the subtle shade of a mole turning each other on with long drawn out organ recitals in the end one would have thought such a legendary self centered soul would cower and fold up completely like Harold but no — when my time comes let me go sweetly like Howard *** April 7, 1999 The treatment was decided upon. Next Monday, the good Doctor is going to pit my apricots. From here on the Sultan can rest easy when Masten hangs with his harem. Prognosis good. No more testosterone - no more growth. Now, don’t get me wrong, I’m not looking forward to giving up the family jewels. I must say that over the years they’ve done me proud and to be totally honest I don’t think Billie Barbara will be all that disappointed either. I’m told that Viagra will help in this area., However, I’m also told that the drug is very expensive. Something like twelve bucks a pop. But hell, Billie Barbara and I can afford twenty four dollars a year.. Some thoughts the morning of— Yesterday I did a program for the Unitarian Society of Livermore. About 60 people. I had a bet with the fellow who introduced me, that at least 7 out of the 60 would come up after the reading (which would include my recent prostate musings) and share a personal war story about prostate cancer. I was right. Exactly 7 approached with an encouraging tale about themselves, a husband, a brother, a son. I was told to prepare myself for hot flashes and water retention. To which Billie Barbara said "Join the club!" I ended the presentation with one of those inspirational poetic moments. A hot flash, if you will. "It just occurred to me," I said, " I’m going to get rich selling a bumper sticker I just thought of — REAL MEN DON’T NEED BALLS A couple of days after the event The Community Hospital of the Monterey Peninsula is referred to as CHOMP, and the afternoon of April 12th I must say this august institution certainly lived up to it’s name. The waiting room in the Out Patient Wing is an event unto itself. Patients huddled together with friends and family, everyone speaking in hushed voices. The doomed keeping a wary eye on the ominous swinging doors, where a big tough looking nurse appeared from time to time shouting: NEXT! Actually the woman was quite sweet and mild mannered, enunciating each patient’s name in a calm friendly manner. But waiting to have done to me what was going to be done to me - the chilling word "NEXT!" is what I heard and "Out Patient Wing" certainly seemed a misnomer to me. Wasn’t the "Out-Patient Wing" where you went to have splinters removed? Of course I knew better, because in the pre-op interview the young interviewer, upon reading "Bilateral Orchiectomy" winced visibly, exclaiming under her breath "Bummer!" I recently came across this haiku — bilateral orchiectomy the sound a patient makes when he learns what it is Our daughter April lives in New York and couldn’t join the Waiting Room rooting section so as her stand in she sent her best friend Molly Williams. Now, Molly works as a veterinarian in a local animal shelter and a when I told her my operation was supposed to take no more than half an hour, she laughed: "Heck Ric, I’ll do it in five minutes and not even use gloves." NEXT! My turn to be led through those swinging doors, pitifully looking back over my shoulder. Wife, family and friends, bravely giving me the thumbs up. Things blur and run together after that. I do remember telling the nurse who was prepping me that I was afraid of being put to sleep. "Not to worry" she said, I’d have a chance to express these fears to the anesthetist before the operation would begin. And as promised the man did drop by to assure me that I would get a little something to ease my anxiety before he put me under. When the moment finally arrived, he said that I might feel a slight prick as he gave me the relaxant. Of course, that is the last thing I remember - the prick! Obviously, I‘d been suckered in by the mask man’s modus operandi. On the other side of this I surface to begin the waiting. WAITING for the catheter to be removed — for the incision to heal — WAITING to see if the pain subsides and I can loose the cane — WAITING to learn if my PSA will respond to treatment. Waiting—waiting—waiting—and I’ve never been a cheerful waiter. *** May 7, 1999 The doctor tells me I must keep taking Casodex— one a day at eleven dollars a cap - for the rest of my life. And no more doctor freebees. No wonder the listed side effect of this pricey medication is depression. But the recent funk I’ve fallen into is much deeper than dollars and cents. In the past I’ve had my share of operations and illnesses and always during the recuperation I could look forward to being my old self again. But not this time .... Not this time. Funny bumper stickers can only hold reality at bay for a short while. And anyway Billie had me remove the homemade REAL MEN DON’T NEED BALLS bumper sticker from the back of our car — She didn’t like the dirty looks she got while driving around town alone. *** Eight months later BILATERAL ORCHECTOMY never could look up words in the dictionary in a high school assignment writing an autobiography I described my self as a unique person scribbled in the margin the teachers correction fairly chortled "unique" not "eunuch" how could he have known that one day I would actually become a misspelling backed against the wall by advanced prostate cancer I chose the operation over the enormous ongoing expense of chemical castration "No big deal." I thought at the time what’s the difference they both add up to the same thing but in the movies these days during the hot gratuitous sex scene I yawn…bored... wishing they’d quit dicking around and get on with the plot and on TV the buxom cuties that titillate around the products certainly arn’t selling me anything I realize now that although it would probably kill them the guys who went chemical still have an option I don’t philosophically I’m the same person but biologically I ‘m like the picture puzzle our family traditionally puts together over the holidays the French impressionist rendition of a flower shop interior in all it’s bright colorful confusion this season I didn’t work the puzzle quite as enthusiastically... and for good reason this year I know pieces are missing where the orchids used to be "So?" says I to myself "You’re still here to smell the roses." *** January 13, 2000 Real bad news! At the third routine follow-up appointment. My urologist informs me that my PSA has started rising again. The orchectomy and Casodex are no longer keeping the cancer in remission. In the vernacular, I have become "hormone refractory" and there was nothing more he, as a urologist could do for me. An appointment with a local oncologist was arranged and another bone scan scheduled. The "T" word having finally been said the ostrich pulled his head from the sand and began looking around. Knowing what I know now, I’m still annoyed at my urologist for not telling me when I was first diagnosed to either join a support group and radically change my diet or find another urologist. I immediately did both - becoming vegan and finding help on-line as well as at the local Prostate Cancer Support Group. This during the endless eighteen day wait before the oncologist could fit me in. *** IRON SOCKS time now for a bit of reverse prejudice I once purchased some stockings called "Iron Socks" guaranteed to last for five years they lasted ten! but when I went back for another pair the clerk had never heard of them as a cancer survivor… so far in an over populated world I consider the multi-billion dollar medical and pharmaceutical industries realizing that there is absolutely no incentive to come up with a permanent cure *** From here on, I’ll let the poems document the part of the journey that brings us up to the present. A place where I can say — spiritually speaking, that the best thing that ever happened to me is metastatic hormone refractory advanced prostate cancer. *** SUPPORT GROUPS included in this close fraternity... in this room full of brotherly love I wonder where I’ve been for the last 11 months no — that’s not quite right… I know where I’ve been I’ve been in denial after the shock of diagnosis the rude indignity of castration the quick fix of a Casodex why would I want to hang out with a bunch of old duffers dying of prostate cancer? ignoring the fact that everybody dies we all know it but few of us believe it those who do, however rack up more precious moments than the entire citizenry of the fools paradise not to mention studies showing that those who do choose to join a support group on average live years longer than the stiff upper lip recluse and while I’m on the subject I wonder where I’d be without the internet and the dear supportive spirits met there in cyber-space a place where aid care and concern are not determined by age, gender, race, physical appearance, economic situation or geological location and this from a die-hard like me who not ten years ago held the computer in great disdain convinced that poetry should be composed on the back of envelopes with a blunt pencil while riding on trains thank god I’m past these hang-ups because without a support system I doubt if this recent malignant flare-up could have been withstood how terrifying… the thought of being at my writing desk alone… disconnected typing out memos to myself on my dead father’s ancient Underwood *** PC SPES in the sea that is me the hormone blockade fails my urologist handing me over to a young oncologist who recently began practicing locally having retired from the stainless steel and white enamel of the high tech Stanford medical machine in the examination room numbly thumbing through a magazine I wait expecting to be treated like a link of sausage another appointment ground out in a fifteen minute interval what I got was an 18th century throw back a hands-on horse and buggy physician with seemingly all the time in the world it was decided that for the next three weeks (between blood tests) all treatment would cease to determine how my PSA was behaving this done, at the next appointment the next step would be decided upon and after more than an hour of genial give and take with every question answered all options covered it was I who stood up first to go for me a most unique experience in the annals of the modern medicine show however condemned to three weeks in limbo knowing the cancer was growing had me going online reaching out into cyberspace to see what I could find and what I found was PC SPES a botanical herbal alternative medicine well documented and researched but not approved by the FDA aware that the treatment was not one my doctor had mentioned (I have since learned that to do so would make him legally vulnerable) I decided to give it a try on my own sending off for a ten day supply taking the first dose as close after the second blood test as I could two days later back in the doctors office I confess expecting a slap on the wrist instead I receive a bouquet for holding off until after the second PSA then taking the PC SPES container from my hand and like a Native American medicine man he holds it high over his head shaking it "Okay then, this approach gets the first ride!" at the receptionist desk scheduling my next appointment I thought about how difficult it must be out here on the frontier practicing medicine with your hands tied *** PREJUDICE "It's a jungle out there!" Dr. J. George Taylor was fond of saying "And all chiropractors are quacks! Manipulating pocket pickers!" the old physician exposing his daughter to a prejudice so infectious I suspect it became part of her DNA and she a wannabe doctor herself infects me her son with the notion that if it wasn’t performed or prescribed by a licensed M.D. it had to be Medicine Show hoopla or snake oil elixir certainly today’s countless array of practitioners and patent remedies has both of them spinning in their grave but Ma you and Grandpa never heard the words hormone-refractory even the great white hunters of our prestigious cancer clinics don't know how to stop the tiger that is stalking me and so with a PSA rising again to 11.9 I get my oncologist to let me try PC SPES a Chinese herbal formula yes, the desperate do become gullible me, reading and re-reading the promotional material dutifully dosing myself between blood tests and this against the smirk of disapproval mother and grandfather wagging their heads in unison: "It won’t work." "It won’t work." having condemned myself beforehand the moment of truth finally arrives I pace the floor nervously the doctor appears at the door "How does it feel to be a man with a PSA falling to 4.8?" it seems that for the time being at least the tiger is content to play a waiting game which is simply great! Mother tell Grandpa I just may escape our families bigotry before it’s too late *** HELPLINE HARRY "Hi, how are you?" these days I'm never sure how to field routine grounders like this am I simply being greeted? or does the greeter actually want a list of grisly medical details my wife says it's easy she just waits to see if the "How is he?" is followed by a hushed "I mean… really?" for the former a simple "Fine, and how are you?" will do for the latter the news isn't great indications are that the miracle herbal treatment is beginning to fail my oncologist offering up a confusing array of clinical trials and treatments that flirt seductively but speak in a foreign language I don't fully understand so Harry, once again I call on you a savvy old tanker who has maneuvered his battle scared machine through years of malignant mine fields and metastatic mortar attacks true five star Generals know much about winning wars and such but the Command Post is usually so far removed from the front lines I suspect they haven't a clue as to what the dog-faces are going through down here in the trenches it's the seasoned campaigners who have my ear the tough tenacious lovable old survivors like you *** "POOR DEVIL!" in my early twenties I went along with Dylan Thomas boasting that I wanted to go out not gently but raging shaking my fist staring death down however this daring statement was somewhat revised when in my forties I realized that death does the staring I do the down so I began hoping it would happen to me like it happened to the sentry in all those John Wayne Fort Apache movies found dead in the morning face down — an arrow in the back "Poor devil." the Sergeant always said "Never knew what hit him." at the time I liked that... the end taking me completely by surprise the bravado left in the hands of a hard drinking Welshman still wet behind the ears older and wiser now over seventy and with a terminal disease the only thing right about what the Sergeant said was the "Poor devil" part "Poor devil" never used an opening to tell loved ones he loved them never seized the opportunity to give praise for the sun rise or drink in a sunset moment after moment passing him by while he marched through life staring straight ahead believing in tomorrow "Poor devil!" how much fuller richer and pleasing life becomes when you are lucky enough to see the arrow coming *** END LINE (Dedicated to Jim Fulks.) I’ve always been a yin / yang - life / death - up / down clear / blur - front / back kind of guy my own peculiar duality being philosopher slash hypochondriac win win characteristics when you’ve been diagnosed with advanced prostate cancer finally the hypochondriac has something more than windmills to tilt with the philosopher arming himself with exactly the proper petard an anonymous statement found in an e-mail message beneath the signature of a cancer survivor’s name a perfect end line wily and wise quote: I ask God: "How much time do I have before I die?" "Enough to make a difference." God replies *** STRUM lived experience taught them most of what they know so MD's treating men diagnosed with androgen-independent advanced prostate cancer tend to put us on death row and taking the past into account this negativity is understandable… these good hearted doctors watching us come and go honestly doing what they can like kindly prison guards attempting to make the life we have left as pleasant as possible to be otherwise a physician would have to be a bit delusional evangelical even… to work so diligently for and believe so completely in the last minute reprieve for those of us confined on cell block PC doing time with an executioner stalking it is exhilarating to find an oncologist willing to fly in the face of history refusing to call the likes of me "Dead man walking." *** BAG OF WOE there are always moments when I can almost hear the reader asking: "How can you use that as grist for your poetry mill? How can you dwell on such private property, at least without masking the details?" well... for the feedback of course the war stories that my stories prompt you to tell but perhaps the question can best be answered by the ‘bag of woe’ parable the "Once Upon a Time" tale about the troubled village of Contrary its harried citizens and the magical mystical miracle worker who showed up one dreary day saying: I am aware of your torment and woe and I am here to lighten your load! he then instructed the beleaguered citizens to go home and rummage through their harried lives bag up your troubles he said both large and small stuff them all in a sack and drag them down to the town square and stack them around on the wall and when everyone was back and every bag was there the magical mystical miracle worker said: "It’s true, just as I promised. You won’t have to take your sack of troubles home leave it behind when you go however, you will have to take along somebody’s bag of woe so the citizens of Contrary all went to find their own bag and shouldering the load discovered that it was magically and mystically much easier to carry --- End ---

In PilsenTwenty-six Station Road,She climbed to the third floorUp stairs which were all that was leftOf the whole house,She opened her doorFull on to the sky,Stood gaping over the edge.For this was the placeThe world ended.Thenshe locked up carefullylest someone stealSiriusor Aldebaranfrom her kitchen,went back downstairsand settled herselfto waitfor the house to rise againand for her husband to rise from the ashesand for her children’s hands and feet to be stuck back in placeIn the morning they found herstill as stone, sparrows pecking her hands.Five Minutes after the Air Raidby Miroslav Holub(Calder 287) Holding Still Detonation. Affect. During the Second World War, London and other European cities were subjected to the terrors of aerial bombardment, rendered through nightmarish anticipations of the bomber (Gollin 7) and the material storm of the real air-raid. The fall of bombs plagued cities and their citizens with the terrible rain of explosives and incendiary weapons. A volatile landscape was formed as the urban environment was ‘unmade’ and urged into violent motion. Flying projectiles of shrapnel, debris and people; avalanches of collapsing factories and houses; the inhale and exhale of compressed air and firestorms; the scream of the explosion. All these composed an incredibly fluid urban traumatic, as atmospheres fell over the cities that was thick with smoke, dust, and ventilated only by terror (see for instance Sebald 10 and Mendieta’s 3 recent commentary). Vast craters were imprinted onto the charred morphologies of London and Berlin as well as Coventry, Hamburg and Dresden. Just as the punctuations of the bombing saw the psychic as well as the material give way, writers portraying Britain as an ‘volcano island’ (Spaight 5) witnessed eruptive projections – the volleys of the material air-war; the emotional signature of charged and bitter reprisals; pain, anguish and vengeance - counter-strikes of affect. In the midst of all of this molten violence and emotion it seems impossible that a simultaneous sense of quiescence could be at all possible. More than mere physical fixity or geographical stasis, a rather different sort of experience could take place. Preceding, during and following the excessive mobilisation of an air raid, ‘stillness’ was often used to describe certain plateuing stretches of time-space which were slowed and even stopped (Anderson 740). Between the eruptions appeared hollows of calm and even boredom. People’s nervous flinching under the reverberation of high-explosive blasts formed part of what Jordan Crandall might call a ‘bodily-inclination’ position. Slackened and taut feelings condensed around people listening out for the oncoming bomber. People found that they prepared for the dreadful wail of the siren, or relaxed in the aftermath of the attack. In these instances, states of tension and apprehension as well as calm and relief formed though stillness. The peculiar experiences of ‘stillness’ articulated in these events open out, I suggest, distinctive ways-of-being which undo our assumptions of perpetually fluid subjectivities and the primacy of the ‘body in motion’ even within the context of unparalleled movement and uncertainty (see Harrison 423 and also Rose and Wylie 477 for theoretical critique). The sorts of “musics of stillness and silence able to be discovered in a world of movement” (Thrift, Still 50), add to our understandings of the material geographies of war and terror (see for instance Graham 63; Gregory and Pred 3), whilst they gesture towards complex material-affective experiences of bodies and spaces. Stillness in this sense, denotes apprehending and anticipating spaces and events in ways that sees the body enveloped within the movement of the environment around it; bobbing along intensities that course their way through it; positioned towards pasts and futures that make themselves felt, and becoming capable of intense forms of experience and thought. These examples illustrate not a shutting down of the body to an inwardly focused position – albeit composed by complex relations and connections – but bodies finely attuned to their exteriors (see Bissell, Animating 277 and Conradson 33). In this paper I draw from a range of oral and written testimony archived at the Imperial War Museum and the Mass Observation wartime regular reports. Edited publications from these collections were also consulted. Detailing the experience of aerial bombing during the Blitz, particularly on London between September 1940 to May 1941, forms part of a wider project concerning the calculative and affective dimensions of the aeroplane’s relationship with the human body, especially through the spaces it has worked to construct (infrastructures such as airports) and destroy. While appearing extraordinary, the examples I use are actually fairly typical of the patternings of experience and the depth and clarity with which they are told. They could be taken to be representative of the population as a whole or coincidentally similar testimonials. Either way, they are couched within a specific cultural historical context of urgency, threat and unparalleled violence.Anticipations The complex material geographies of an air raid reveal the ecological interdependencies of populations and their often urban environments and metabolisms (Coward 419; Davis 3; Graham 63; Gregory The Colonial 19; Hewitt Place 257). Aerial warfare was an address of populations conceived at the register of their bio-rhythmical and metabolic relationship to their milieu (Adey). The Blitz and the subsequent Allied bombing campaign constituted Churchill’s ‘great experiment’ for governments attempting to assess the damage an air raid could inflict upon a population’s nerves and morale (Brittain 77; Gregory In Another 88). An anxious and uncertain landscape constructed before the war, perpetuated by public officials, commentators and members of parliament, saw background affects (Ngai 5) of urgency creating an atmosphere that pressurised and squeezed the population to prepare for the ‘gathering storm’. Attacks upon the atmosphere itself had been readily predicted in the form of threatening gas attacks ready to poison the medium upon which human and animal life depended (Haldane 111; Sloterdijk 41-57). One of the most talked of moments of the Blitz is not necessarily the action but the times of stillness that preceded it. Before and in-between an air raid stillness appears to describe a state rendered somewhere between the lulls and silences of the action and the warnings and the anticipatory feelings of what might happen. In the awaiting bodies, the materialites of silence could be felt as a kind-of-sound and as an atmospheric sense of imminence. At the onset of the first air-raids sound became a signifier of what was on the way (MO 408). Waiting – as both practice and sensation – imparted considerable inertia that went back and forth through time (Jeffrey 956; Massumi, Parables 3). For Geographer Kenneth Hewitt, sound “told of the coming raiders, the nearness of bombs, the plight of loved ones” (When the 16). The enormous social survey of Mass Observation concluded that “fear seems to be linked above all with noise” (original emphasis). As one report found, “It is the siren or the whistle or the explosion or the drone – these are the things that terrify. Fear seems to come to us most of all through our sense of hearing” (MO 378). Yet the power of the siren came not only from its capacity to propagate sound and to alert, but the warning held in its voice of ‘keeping silent’. “Prefacing in a dire prolepsis the post-apocalyptic event before the event”, as Bishop and Phillips (97) put it, the stillness of silence was incredibly virtual in its affects, disclosing - in its lack of life – the lives that would be later taken. Devastation was expected and rehearsed by civilians. Stillness formed a space and body ready to spring into movement – an ‘imminent mobility’ as John Armitage (204) has described it. Perched on the edge of devastation, space-times were felt through a sense of impending doom. Fatalistic yet composed expectations of a bomb heading straight down pervaded the thoughts and feelings of shelter dwellers (MO 253; MO 217). Waves of sound disrupted fragile tempers as they passed through the waiting bodies in the physical language of tensed muscles and gritted teeth (Gaskin 36). Silence helped form bodies inclined-to-attention, particularly sensitive to aural disturbances and vibrations from all around. Walls, floors and objects carried an urban bass-line of warning (Goodman). Stillness was forged through a body readied in advance of the violence these materialities signified. A calm and composed body was not necessarily an immobile body. Civilians who had prepared for the attacks were ready to snap into action - to dutifully wear their gas-mask or escape to shelter. ‘Backgrounds of expectation’ (Thrift, Still 36) were forged through non-too-subtle procedural and sequential movements which opened-out new modes of thinking and feeling. Folding one’s clothes and placing them on the dresser in-readiness; pillows and sheets prepared for a spell in the shelter, these were some of many orderly examples (IWM 14595). In the event of a gas attack air raid precautions instructions advised how to put on a gas mask (ARPD 90-92),i) Hold the breath. ii) Remove headgear and place between the knees. iii) Lift the flap of the haversack [ …] iv) Bring the face-piece towards the face’[…](v) Breathe out and continue to breathe in a normal manner The rational technologies of drill, dressage and operational research enabled poise in the face of an eventual air-raid. Through this ‘logistical-life’ (Reid 17), thought was directed towards simple tasks by minutely described instructions. Stilled LifeThe end of stillness was usually marked by a reactionary ‘flinch’, ‘start’ or ‘jump’. Such reactionary ‘urgent analogs’ (Ngai 94; Tomkins 96) often occurred as a response to sounds and movements that merely broke the tension rather than accurately mimicking an air raid. These atmospheres were brittle and easily disrupted. Cars back-firing and changing gear were often complained about (MO 371), just as bringing people out of the quiescence of sleep was a common effect of air-raids (Kraftl and Horton 509). Disorientation was usually fostered in this process while people found it very difficult to carry out the most simple of tasks. Putting one’s clothes on or even making their way out of the bedroom door became enormously problematic. Sirens awoke a ‘conditioned reflex’ to take cover (MO 364). Long periods of sleep deprivation brought on considerable fatigue and anxiety. ‘Sleep we Must’ wrote journalist Ritchie Calder (252) noticing the invigorating powers of sleep for both urban morale and the bare existence of survival. For other more traumatized members of the population, psychological studies found that the sustained concentration of shelling caused what was named ‘apathy-retreat’ (Harrisson, Living 65). This extreme form of acquiescence saw especially susceptible and vulnerable civilians suffer an overwhelming urge to sleep and to be cared-for ‘as if chronically ill’ (Janis 90). A class and racial politics of quiescent affect was enacted as several members of the population were believed far more liable to ‘give way’ to defeat and dangerous emotions (Brittain 77; Committee of Imperial Defence).In other cases it was only once an air-raid had started that sleep could be found (MO 253). The boredom of waiting could gather in its intensity deforming bodies with “the doom of depression” (Anderson 749). The stopped time-spaces in advance of a raid could be soaked with so much tension that the commencement of sirens, vibrations and explosions would allow a person overwhelming relief (MO 253). Quoting from a boy recalling his experiences in Hannover during 1943, Hewitt illustrates:I lie in bed. I am afraid. I strain my ears to hear something but still all is quiet. I hardly dare breathe, as if something horrible is knocking at the door, at the windows. Is it the beating of my heart? ... Suddenly there seems relief, the sirens howl into the night ... (Heimatbund Niedersachsen 1953: 185). (Cited in Hewitt, When 16)Once a state of still was lost getting it back required some effort (Bissell, Comfortable 1697). Cautious of preventing mass panic and public hysteria by allowing the body to erupt outwards into dangerous vectors of mobility, the British government’s schooling in the theories of panicology (Orr 12) and contagious affect (Le Bon 17; Tarde 278; Thrift, Intensities 57; Trotter 140), made air raid precautions (ARP) officers, police and civil defence teams enforce ‘stay put’ and ‘hold firm’ orders to protect the population (Jones et al, Civilian Morale 463, Public Panic 63-64; Thomas 16). Such orders were meant to shield against precisely the kinds of volatile bodies they were trying to compel with their own bombing strategies. Reactions to the Blitz were moralised and racialised. Becoming stilled required self-conscious work by a public anxious not to be seen to ‘panic’. This took the form of self-disciplination. People exhausted considerable energy to ‘settle’ themselves down. It required ‘holding’ themselves still and ‘together’ in order to accomplish this state, and to avoid going the same way as the buildings falling apart around them, as some people observed (MO 408). In Britain a cup of tea was often made as a spontaneous response in the event of the conclusion of a raid (Brown 686). As well as destroying bombing created spaces too – making space for stillness (Conradson 33). Many people found that they could recall their experiences in vivid detail, allocating a significant proportion of their memories to the recollection of the self and an awareness of their surroundings (IWM 19103). In this mode of stillness, contemplation did not turn-inwards but unfolded out towards the environment. The material processual movement of the shell-blast literally evacuated all sound and materials from its centre to leave a vacuum of negative pressure. Diaries and oral testimonies stretch out these millisecond events into discernable times and spaces of sensation, thought and the experience of experience (Massumi, Parables 2). Extraordinarily, survivors mention serene feelings of quiet within the eye of the blast (see Mortimer 239); they had, literally, ‘no time to be frightened’ (Crighton-Miller 6150). A shell explosion could create such intensities of stillness that a sudden and distinctive lessening of the person and world are expressed, constituting ‘stilling-slowing diminishments’ (Anderson 744). As if the blast-vacuum had sucked all the animation from their agency, recollections convey passivity and, paradoxically, a much more heightened and contemplative sense of the moment (Bourke 121; Thrift, Still 41). More lucid accounts describe a multitude of thoughts and an attention to minute detail. Alternatively, the enormous peaking of a waking blast subdued all later activities to relative obsolescence. The hurricane of sounds and air appear to overload into the flatness of an extended and calmed instantaneous present.Then the whistling stopped, then a terrific thump as it hit the ground, and everything seem to expand, then contract with deliberation and stillness seemed to be all around. (As recollected by Bill and Vi Reagan in Gaskin 17)On the other hand, as Schivelbusch (7) shows us in his exploration of defeat, the cessation of war could be met with an outburst of feeling. In these micro-moments a close encounter with death was often experienced with elation, a feeling of peace and well-being drawn through a much more heightened sense of the now (MO 253). These are not pre-formed or contemplative techniques of attunement as Thrift has tracked, but are the consequence of significant trauma and the primal reaction to extreme danger.TracesSusan Griffin’s haunting A Chorus of Stones documents what she describes as a private life of war (1). For Griffin, and as shown in these brief examples, stillness and being-stilled describe a series of diverse experiences endured during aerial bombing. Yet, as Griffin narrates, these are not-so private lives. A common representation of air war can be found in Henry Moore’s tube shelter sketches which convey sleeping tube-dwellers harboured in the London underground during the Blitz. The bodies are represented as much more than individuals being connected by Moore’s wave-like shapes into the turbulent aggregation of a choppy ocean. What we see in Moore’s portrayal and the examples discussed already are experiences with definite relations to both inner and outer worlds. They refer to more-than individuals who bear intimate relations to their outsides and the atmospheric and material environments enveloping and searing through them. Stillness was an unlikely state composed through these circulations just as it was formed as a means of address. It was required in order to apprehend sounds and possible events through techniques of listening or waiting. Alternatively being stilled could refer to pauses between air-strikes and the corresponding breaks of tension in the aftermath of a raid. Stillness was composed through a series of distributed yet interconnecting bodies, feelings, materials and atmospheres oriented towards the future and the past. The ruins of bombed-out building forms stand as traces even today. Just as Massumi (Sensing 16) describes in the context of architecture, the now static remainder of the explosion “envelops in its stillness a deformational field of which it stands as the trace”. The ruined forms left after the attack stand as a “monument” of the passing of the raid to be what it once was – house, factory, shop, restaurant, library - and to become something else. The experience of those ‘from below’ (Hewitt 2) suffering contemporary forms of air-warfare share many parallels with those of the Blitz. Air power continues to target, apparently more precisely, the affective tones of the body. Accessed by kinetic and non-kinetic forces, the signs of air-war are generated by the shelling of Kosovo, ‘shock and awe’ in Iraq, air-strikes in Afghanistan and by the simulated air-raids of IDF aircraft producing sonic-booms over sleeping Palestinian civilians, now becoming far more real as I write in the final days of 2008. Achieving stillness in the wake of aerial trauma remains, even now, a way to survive the (private) life of air war. AcknowledgementsI’d like to thank the editors and particularly the referees for such a close reading of the article; time did not permit the attention their suggestions demanded. Grateful acknowledgement is also made to the AHRC whose funding allowed me to research and write this paper. ReferencesAdey, Peter. Aerial Geographies: Mobilities, Bodies and Subjects. Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2010 (forthcoming). 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The traditional German tale of the Pied Piper of Hamelin inhabits an ambiguous narrative borderland, a liminal space between fact and fiction, fantasy and horror, concrete details and elusive mystery. In his study of the Pied Piper in Tradition and Innovation in Folk Literature, Wolfgang Mieder describes how manuscripts and other evidence appear to confirm the historical base of the story. Precise details from a fifteenth-century manuscript, based on earlier sources, specify that in 1284 on the 26th of June, the feast-day of Saints John and Paul, 130 children from Hamelin were led away by a piper clothed in many colours to the Koppen Hill, and there vanished (Mieder 48). Later manuscripts add details familiar today, such as a plague of rats and a broken bargain with burghers as a motive for the Piper’s actions, while in the seventeenth century the first English-language version advances what might also be the first attempt at a “rational” explanation for the children’s disappearance, claiming that they were taken to Transylvania. The uncommon pairing of such precise factual detail with enigmatic mystery has encouraged many theories. These have ranged from references to the Children’s Crusade, or other religious fervours, to the devastation caused by the Black Death, from the colonisation of Romania by young German migrants to a murderous rampage by a paedophile. Fictional interpretations of the story have multiplied, with the classic versions of the Brothers Grimm and Robert Browning being most widely known, but with contemporary creators exploring the theme too. This includes interpretations in Hamelin itself. On 26 June 2015, in Hamelin Museum, I watched a wordless five-minute play, entirely performed not by humans but by animatronic stylised figures built out of scrap iron, against a montage of multilingual, confused voices and eerie music, with the vanished children represented by a long line of small empty shirts floating by. The uncanny, liminal nature of the story was perfectly captured. Australia is a world away from German fairy tale mysteries, historically, geographically, and culturally. Yet, as Lisa M. Fiander has persuasively argued, contemporary Australian fiction has been more influenced by fairy tales than might be assumed, and in this essay it is proposed that major motifs from the Pied Piper appear in several Australian novels, transformed not only by distance of setting and time from that of the original narrative, but also by elements specific to the Australian imaginative space. These motifs are lost children, the enigmatic figure of the Piper himself, and the power of a very particular place (as Hamelin and its Koppen Hill are particularised in the original tale). Three major Australian novels will be examined in this essay: Joan Lindsay’s Picnic at Hanging Rock (1967), Christopher Koch’s The Doubleman (1985), and Ursula Dubosarsky’s The Golden Day (2011). Dubosarsky’s novel was written for children; both Koch’s and Lindsay’s novels were published as adult fiction. In each of these works of fiction, the original tale’s motifs have been developed and transformed to express unique evocations of the Pied Piper theme. As noted by Fiander, fiction writers are “most likely to draw upon fairy tales when they are framing, in writing, a subject that generates anxiety in their culture” (158). Her analysis is about anxieties of place within Australian fiction, but this insight could be usefully extended to the motifs which I have identified as inherent in the Pied Piper story. Prominent among these is the lost children motif, whose importance in the Australian imagination has been well-established by scholars such as Peter Pierce. Pierce’s The Country of Lost Children: An Australian Anxiety explores this preoccupation from the earliest beginnings of European settlement, through analysis of fiction, newspaper reports, paintings, and films. As Pierce observed in a later interview in the Sydney Morning Herald (Knox), over time the focus changed from rural children and the nineteenth-century fear of the vast impersonal nature of the bush, where children of colonists could easily get lost, to urban children and the contemporary fear of human predators.In each of the three novels under examination in this essay, lost children—whether literal or metaphorical—feature prominently. Writer Carmel Bird, whose fiction has also frequently centred on the theme of the lost child, observes in “Dreaming the Place” that the lost child, the stolen child – this must be a narrative that is lodged in the heart and imagination, nightmare and dream, of all human beings. In Australia the nightmare became reality. The child is the future, and if the child goes, there can be no future. The true stories and the folk tales on this theme are mirror images of each other. (7) The motif of lost children—and of children in danger—is not unique to the Pied Piper. Other fairy tales, such as Hansel and Gretel and Little Red Riding Hood, contain it, and it is those antecedents which Bird cites in her essay. But within the Pied Piper story it has three features which distinguish it from other traditional tales. First, unlike in the classic versions of Hansel and Gretel or Red Riding Hood, the children do not return. Neither are there bodies to find. The children have vanished into thin air, never to be seen again. Second, it is not only parents who have lost them, but an entire community whose future has been snatched away: a community once safe, ordered, even complacent, traumatised by loss. The lack of hope, of a happy ending for anyone, is striking. And thirdly, the children are not lost or abandoned or even, strictly speaking, stolen: they are lured away, semi-willingly, by the central yet curiously marginal figure of the Piper himself. In the original story there is no mention of motive and no indication of malice on the part of the Piper. There is only his inexplicable presence, a figure out of fairy folklore appearing in the midst of concrete historical dates and numbers. Clearly, he links to the liminal, complex world of the fairies, found in folklore around the world—beings from a world close to the human one, yet alien. Whimsical and unpredictable by human standards, such beings are nevertheless bound by mysteriously arbitrary rules and taboos, and haunt the borders of the human world, disturbing its rational edges and transforming lives forever. It is this sense of disturbance, that enchanting yet frightening sudden shifting of the border of reality and of the comforting order of things, the essence of transformation itself, which can also be seen at the core of the three novels under examination in this essay, with the Piper represented in each of them but in different ways. The third motif within the Pied Piper is a focus on place as a source of uncanny power, a theme which particularly resonates within an Australian context. Fiander argues that if contemporary British fiction writers use fairy tale to explore questions of community and alienation, and Canadian fiction writers use it to explore questions of identity, then Australian writers use it to explore the unease of place. She writes of the enduring legacy of Australia’s history “as a settler colony which invests the landscape with strangeness for many protagonists” (157). Furthermore, she suggests that “when Australian fiction writers, using fairy tales, describe the landscape as divorced from reality, they might be signalling anxiety about their own connection with the land which had already seen tens of thousands of years of occupation when Captain James Cook ‘found’ it in 1770” (160). I would argue, however, that in the case of the Pied Piper motifs, it is less clear that it is solely settler anxieties which are driving the depiction of the power of place in these three novels. There is no divorce from reality here, but rather an eruption of the metaphysical potency of place within the usual, “normal” order of reality. This follows the pattern of the original tale, where the Piper and all the children, except for one or two stragglers, disappear at Koppen Hill, vanishing literally into the hill itself. In traditional European folklore, hollow hills are associated with fairies and their uncanny power, but other places, especially those of water—springs, streams, even the sea—may also be associated with their liminal world (in the original tale, the River Weser is another important locus for power). In Joan Lindsay’s Picnic at Hanging Rock, it is another outcrop in the landscape which holds that power and claims the “lost children.” Inspired partly by a painting by nineteenth-century Australian artist William Ford, titled At the Hanging Rock (1875), depicting a group of elegant people picnicking in the bush, this influential novel, which inspired an equally successful film adaptation, revolves around an incident in 1900 when four girls from Appleyard College, an exclusive school in Victoria, disappear with one of their teachers whilst climbing Hanging Rock, where they have gone for a picnic. Only one of their number, a girl called Irma, is ever found, and she has no memory of how and why she found herself on the Rock, and what has happened to the others. This inexplicable event is the precursor to a string of tragedies which leads to the violent deaths of several people, and which transforms the sleepy and apparently content little community around Appleyard College into a centre of loss, horror, and scandal.Told in a way which makes it appear that the novelist is merely recounting a true story—Lindsay even tells readers in an author’s note that they must decide for themselves if it is fact or fiction—Picnic at Hanging Rock shares the disturbingly liminal fact-fiction territory of the Piper tale. Many readers did in fact believe that the novel was based on historical events and combed newspaper files, attempting to propound ingenious “rational” explanations for what happened on the Rock. Picnic at Hanging Rock has been the subject of many studies, with the novel being analysed through various prisms, including the Gothic, the pastoral, historiography, and philosophy. In “Fear and Loathing in the Australian Bush,” Kathleen Steele has depicted Picnic at Hanging Rock as embodying the idea that “Ordered ‘civilisation’ cannot overcome the gothic landscapes of settler imaginations: landscapes where time and people disappear” (44). She proposes that Lindsay intimates that the landscape swallows the “lost children” of the novel because there is a great absence in that place: that of Aboriginal people. In this reading of the novel, it is that absence which becomes, in a sense, a malevolent presence that will reach out beyond the initial disappearance of the three people on the Rock to destroy the bonds that held the settler community together. It is a powerfully-made argument, which has been taken up by other scholars and writers, including studies which link the theme of the novel with real-life lost-children cases such as that of Azaria Chamberlain, who disappeared near another “Rock” of great Indigenous metaphysical potency—Uluru, or Ayers Rock. However, to date there has been little exploration of the fairy tale quality of the novel, and none at all of the striking ways in which it evokes Pied Piper motifs, whilst transforming them to suit the exigencies of its particular narrative world. The motif of lost children disappearing from an ordered, safe, even complacent community into a place of mysterious power is extended into an exploration of the continued effects of those disappearances, depicting the disastrous impact on those left behind and the wider community in a way that the original tale does not. There is no literal Pied Piper figure in this novel, though various theories are evoked by characters as to who might have lured the girls and their teacher, and who might be responsible for the disappearances. Instead, there is a powerful atmosphere of inevitability and enchantment within the landscape itself which both illustrates the potency of place, and exemplifies the Piper’s hold on his followers. In Picnic at Hanging Rock, place and Piper are synonymous: the Piper has been transformed into the land itself. Yet this is not the “vast impersonal bush,” nor is it malevolent or vengeful. It is a living, seductive metaphysical presence: “Everything, if only you could see it clearly enough, is beautiful and complete . . .” (Lindsay 35). Just as in the original tale, the lost children follow the “Piper” willingly, without regret. Their disappearance is a happiness to them, in that moment, as it is for the lost children of Hamelin, and quite unlike how it must be for those torn apart by that loss—the community around Appleyard, the townspeople of Hamelin. Music, long associated with fairy “takings,” is also a subtle feature of the story. In the novel, just before the luring, Irma hears a sound like the beating of far-off drums. In the film, which more overtly evokes fairy tale elements than does the novel, it is noteworthy that the music at that point is based on traditional tunes for Pan-pipes, played by the great Romanian piper Gheorge Zamfir. The ending of the novel, with questions left unanswered, and lives blighted by the forever-inexplicable, may be seen as also following the trajectory of the original tale. Readers as much as the fictional characters are left with an enigma that continues to perplex and inspire. Picnic at Hanging Rock was one of the inspirations for another significant Australian fiction, this time a contemporary novel for children. Ursula Dubosarsky’s The Golden Day (2011) is an elegant and subtle short novel, set in Sydney at an exclusive girls’ school, in 1967. Like the earlier novel, The Golden Day is also partly inspired by visual art, in this case the Schoolgirl series of paintings by Charles Blackman. Combining a fairy tale atmosphere with historical details—the Vietnam War, the hanging of Ronald Ryan, the drowning of Harold Holt—the story is told through the eyes of several girls, especially one, known as Cubby. The Golden Day echoes the core narrative patterns of the earlier novel, but intriguingly transformed: a group of young girls goes with their teacher on an outing to a mysterious place (in this case, a cave on the beach—note the potent elements of rock and water, combined), and something inexplicable happens which results in a disappearance. Only this time, the girls are much younger than the characters of Lindsay’s novel, pre-pubertal in fact at eleven years old, and it is their teacher, a young, idealistic woman known only as Miss Renshaw, who disappears, apparently into thin air, with only an amber bead from her necklace ever found. But it is not only Miss Renshaw who vanishes: the other is a poet and gardener named Morgan who is also Miss Renshaw’s secret lover. Later, with the revelation of a dark past, he is suspected in absentia of being responsible for Miss Renshaw’s vanishment, with implications of rape and murder, though her body is never found. Morgan, who could partly figure as the Piper, is described early on in the novel as having “beautiful eyes, soft, brown, wet with tears, like a stuffed toy” (Dubosarsky 11). This disarming image may seem a world away from the ambiguously disturbing figure of the legendary Piper, yet not only does it fit with the children’s naïve perception of the world, it also echoes the fact that the children in the original story were not afraid of the Piper, but followed him willingly. However, that is complicated by the fact that Morgan does not lure the children; it is Miss Renshaw who follows him—and the children follow her, who could be seen as the other half of the Piper. The Golden Day similarly transforms the other Piper motifs in its own original way. The children are only literally lost for a short time, when their teacher vanishes and they are left to make their own way back from the cave; yet it could be argued that metaphorically, the girls are “lost” to childhood from that moment, in terms of never being able to go back to the state of innocence in which they were before that day. Their safe, ordered school community will never be the same again, haunted by the inexplicability of the events of that day. Meanwhile, the exploration of Australian place—the depiction of the Memorial Gardens where Miss Renshaw enjoins them to write poetry, the uncomfortable descent over rocks to the beach, and the fateful cave—is made through the eyes of children, not the adolescents and adults of Picnic at Hanging Rock. The girls are not yet in that liminal space which is adolescence and so their impressions of what the places represent are immediate, instinctive, yet confused. They don’t like the cave and can’t wait to get out of it, whereas the beach inspires them with a sense of freedom and the gardens with a sense of enchantment. But in each place, those feelings are mixed both with ordinary concerns and with seemingly random associations that are nevertheless potently evocative. For example, in the cave, Cubby senses a threateningly weightless atmosphere, a feeling of reality shifting, which she associates, apparently confusedly, with the hanging of Ronald Ryan, reported that very day. In this way, Dubosarsky subtly gestures towards the sinister inevitability of the following events, and creates a growing tension that will eventually fade but never fully dissipate. At the end, the novel takes an unexpected turn which is as destabilising as the ending of the Pied Piper story, and as open-ended in its transformative effects as the original tale: “And at that moment Cubby realised she was not going to turn into the person she had thought she would become. There was something inside her head now that would make her a different person, though she scarcely understood what it was” (Dubosarsky 148). The eruption of the uncanny into ordinary life will never leave her now, as it will never leave the other girls who followed Miss Renshaw and Morgan into the literally hollow hill of the cave and emerged alone into a transformed world. It isn’t just childhood that Cubby has lost but also any possibility of a comforting sense of the firm borders of reality. As in the Pied Piper, ambiguity and loss combine to create questions which cannot be logically answered, only dimly apprehended.Christopher Koch’s 1985 novel The Doubleman, winner of the Miles Franklin Award, also explores the power of place and the motif of lost children, but unlike the other two novels examined in this essay depicts an actual “incarnated” Piper motif in the mysteriously powerful figure of Clive Broderick, brilliant guitarist and charismatic teacher/guru, whose office, significantly, is situated in a subterranean space of knowledge—a basement room beneath a bookshop. Both central yet peripheral to the main action of the novel, touched with hints of the supernatural which never veer into overt fantasy, Broderick remains an enigma to the end. Set, like The Golden Day, in the 1960s, The Doubleman is narrated in the first person by Richard Miller, in adulthood a producer of a successful folk-rock group, the Rymers, but in childhood an imaginative, troubled polio survivor, with a crutch and a limp. It is noteworthy here that in the Grimms’ version of the Pied Piper, two children are left behind, despite following the Piper: one is blind, one is lame. And it is the lame boy who tells the townspeople what he glimpsed at Koppen Hill. In creating the character of Broderick, the author blends the traditional tropes of the Piper figure with Mephistophelian overtones and a strong influence from fairy lore, specifically the idea of the “doubleman,” here drawn from the writings of seventeenth-century Scottish pastor, the Reverend Robert Kirk of Aberfoyle. Kirk’s 1691 book The Secret Commonwealth of Elves, Fauns and Fairies is the earliest known serious attempt at objective description of the fairy beliefs of Gaelic-speaking Highlanders. His own precisely dated life-story and ambiguous end—it is said he did not die but is forever a prisoner of the fairies—has eerie parallels to the Piper story. “And there is the uncanny, powerful and ambiguous fact of the matter. Here is a man, named, born, lived, who lived a fairy story, really lived it: and in the popular imagination, he lives still” (Masson).Both in his creative and his non-fiction work Koch frequently evoked what he called “the Otherland,” which he depicted as a liminal, ambiguous, destabilising but nevertheless very real and potent presence only thinly veiled by the everyday world. This Otherland is not the same in all his fictions, but is always part of an actual place, whether that be Java in The Year of Living Dangerously, Hobart and Sydney in The Doubleman, Tasmania, Vietnam and Cambodia in Highways to a War, and Ireland and Tasmania in Out of Ireland. It is this sense of the “Otherland” below the surface, a fairy tale, mythical realm beyond logic or explanation, which gives his work its distinctive and particular power. And in The Doubleman, this motif, set within a vividly evoked real world, complete with precise period detail, transforms the Piper figure into one which could easily appear in a Hobart lane, yet which loses none of its uncanny potency. As Noel Henricksen writes in his study of Koch’s work, Island and Otherland, “Behind the membrane of Hobart is Otherland, its manifestations a spectrum stretched between the mystical and the spiritually perverted” (213).This is Broderick’s first appearance, described through twelve-year-old Richard Miller’s eyes: Tall and thin in his long dark overcoat, he studied me for the whole way as he approached, his face absolutely serious . . . The man made me uneasy to a degree for which there seemed to be no explanation . . . I was troubled by the notion that he was no ordinary man going to work at all: that he was not like other people, and that his interest couldn’t be explained so simply. (Koch, Doubleman 3)That first encounter is followed by another, more disturbing still, when Broderick speaks to the boy, eyes fixed on him: “. . . hooded by drooping lids, they were entirely without sympathy, yet nevertheless interested, and formidably intelligent” (5).The sense of danger that Broderick evokes in the boy could be explained by a sinister hint of paedophilia. But though Broderick is a predator of sorts on young people, nothing is what it seems; no rational explanation encompasses the strange effect of his presence. It is not until Richard is a young man, in the company of his musical friend Brian Brady, that he comes across Broderick again. The two young men are looking in the window of a music shop, when Broderick appears beside them, and as Richard observes, just as in a fairy tale, “He didn’t seem to have changed or aged . . .” (44). But the shock of his sudden re-appearance is mixed with something else now, as Broderick engages Brady in conversation, ignoring Richard, “. . . as though I had failed some test, all that time ago, and the man had no further use for me” (45).What happens next, as Broderick demonstrates his musical prowess, becomes Brady’s teacher, and introduces them to his disciple, young bass player Darcy Burr, will change the young men’s lives forever and set them on a path that leads both to great success and to living nightmare, even after Broderick’s apparent disappearance, for Burr will take on the Piper’s mantle. Koch’s depiction of the lost children motif is distinctively different to the other two novels examined in this essay. Their fate is not so much a mystery as a tragedy and a warning. The lost children of The Doubleman are also lost children of the sixties, bright, talented young people drawn through drugs, immersive music, and half-baked mysticism into darkness and horrifying violence. In his essay “California Dreaming,” published in the collection Crossing the Gap, Koch wrote about this subterranean aspect of the sixties, drawing a connection between it and such real-life sinister “Pipers” as Charles Manson (60). Broderick and Burr are not the same as the serial killer Manson, of course; but the spell they cast over the “lost children” who follow them is only different in degree, not in kind. In the end of the novel, the spell is broken and the world is again transformed. Yet fittingly it is a melancholy transformation: an end of childhood dreams of imaginative potential, as well as dangerous illusions: “And I knew now that it was all gone—like Harrigan Street, and Broderick, and the district of Second-Hand” (Koch, Doubleman 357). The power of place, the last of the Piper motifs, is also deeply embedded in The Doubleman. In fact, as with the idea of Otherland, place—or Island, as Henricksen evocatively puts it—is a recurring theme in Koch’s work. He identified primarily and specifically as a Tasmanian writer rather than as simply Australian, pointing out in an essay, “The Lost Hemisphere,” that because of its landscape and latitude, different to the mainland of Australia, Tasmania “genuinely belongs to a different region from the continent” (Crossing the Gap 92). In The Doubleman, Richard Miller imbues his familiar and deeply loved home landscape with great mystical power, a power which is both inherent within it as it is, but also expressive of the Otherland. In “A Tasmanian Tone,” another essay from Crossing the Gap, Koch describes that tone as springing “from a sense of waiting in the landscape: the tense yet serene expectancy of some nameless revelation” (118). But Koch could also write evocatively of landscapes other than Tasmanian ones. The unnerving climax of The Doubleman takes place in Sydney—significantly, as in The Golden Day, in a liminal, metaphysically charged place of rocks and water. That place, which is real, is called Point Piper. In conclusion, the original tale’s three main motifs—lost children, the enigma of the Piper, and the power of place—have been explored in distinctive ways in each of the three novels examined in this article. Contemporary Australia may be a world away from medieval Germany, but the uncanny liminality and capacious ambiguity of the Pied Piper tale has made it resonate potently within these major Australian fictions. Transformed and transformative within the Australian imagination, the theme of the Pied Piper threads like a faintly-heard snatch of unearthly music through the apparently mimetic realism of the novels, destabilising readers’ expectations and leaving them with subversively unanswered questions. ReferencesBird, Carmel. “Dreaming the Place: An Exploration of Antipodean Narratives.” Griffith Review 42 (2013). 1 May 2016 <https://griffithreview.com/articles/dreaming-the-place/>.Dubosarsky, Ursula. The Golden Day. Sydney: Allen and Unwin, 2011.Fiander, Lisa M. “Writing in A Fairy Story Landscape: Fairy Tales and Contemporary Australian Fiction.” Journal of the Association for the Study of Australian Literature 2 (2003). 30 April 2016 <http://openjournals.library.usyd.edu.au/index.php/JASAL/index>.Henricksen, Noel. Island and Otherland: Christopher Koch and His Books. Melbourne: Educare, 2003.Knox, Malcolm. “A Country of Lost Children.” Sydney Morning Herald 15 Aug. 2009. 1 May 2016 <http://www.smh.com.au/national/a-country-of-lost-children-20090814-el8d.html>.Koch, Christopher. The Doubleman. 1985. Sydney: Minerva, 1996.Koch, Christopher. Crossing the Gap: Memories and Reflections. 1987. Sydney: Vintage, 2000. Lindsay, Joan. Picnic at Hanging Rock. 1967. Melbourne: Penguin, 1977.Masson, Sophie. “Captive in Fairyland: The Strange Case of Robert Kirk of Aberfoyle.” Nation and Federation in the Celtic World: Papers from the Fourth Australian Conference of Celtic Studies, University of Sydney, June–July 2001. Ed. Pamela O’Neil. Sydney: University of Sydney Celtic Studies Foundation, 2003. Mieder, Wolfgang. “The Pied Piper: Origin, History, and Survival of a Legend.” Tradition and Innovation in Folk Literature. 1987. London: Routledge Revivals, 2015.Pierce, Peter. The Country of Lost Children: An Australian Anxiety. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1999.Steele, Kathleen. “Fear and Loathing in the Australian Bush: Gothic Landscapes in Bush Studies and Picnic at Hanging Rock.” Colloquy 20 (2010): 33–56. 27 July 2016 <http://artsonline.monash.edu.au/wp-content/arts/files/colloquy/colloquy_issue_20_december_2010/steele.pdf>.