Journal articles on the topic 'Winnipeg neighbourhoods'

Objectives: Researchers have taken two different approaches to understanding high use of hospital services, one focusing on the large proportion of services used by a small minority and a second focusing on the poor health status and high hospital use of the poor. This work attempts to bridge these two widely researched approaches to understanding health care use. Methods: Administrative data from Winnipeg, Manitoba covering all hospitalizations in 1995 were combined with public use Census measures of socio-economic status (neighbourhood household income). High users were defined as the 1% of the population who spent the most days in hospital in 1995 ( n = 6487 hospital users out of population of 648 715 including non-users). Results: One per cent of the Winnipeg population consumed 69% of the hospital days in 1995. Thirty-one per cent of the highest users were among the 20% of residents of neighbourhoods with the lowest household incomes, and 10% of the highest users were among the 20% from neighbourhoods with the highest household incomes. However, on most other dimensions, including gender, age, average days in hospital, average admissions, percentage who died in hospital and diagnostic reasons for being hospitalized, the similarities between high users, regardless of their socio-economic group, were striking. Conclusions: The lower the socio-economic status, the more likely an individual is to make high demands on hospitals. However, patterns of use as well as the diseases and accidents that produce high use among residents of low income neighbourhoods are not much different from those that produce high use among residents of high income neighbourhoods.

Aboriginal families are highly overrepresented in child welfare caseloads. Major reasons for these high rates of involvement include poverty and housing issues, which contribute to perceptions of child neglect. In Winnipeg, the city with the highest proportion of Aboriginal peoples in Canada, low-cost housing is concentrated in core neighbourhoods. Homeless youth in these neighbourhoods, who are involved or have been involved in child welfare, were asked about their life experiences and the kind of housing that would help them. They talked about the need to be seen as resourceful, contributing members of the community, as well as their continued need of support from others, including friends and family. They wanted more than a place to sleep; they wanted a home that was safe, nurturing and long-term. The youth had school and work aspirations for themselves and wanted to help other youth reach their goals. There is a need for expansion of community-based and community-driven housing with youth who have been involved in the child welfare system.

ABSTRACTResearch has shown that the level of activity of the residents of a city's neighbourhood is related to the availability of activity-related resources. This study aimed to characterise the housing environment in which many older adults live by exploring what activity-related resources were available in senior apartment buildings in one Canadian city, Winnipeg. Of 195 senior apartment buildings in the city, 190 were surveyed to examine whether variation in the buildings' activity resources was related to neighbourhood characteristics, particularly socio-economic status. Resources were classified as those for physical activities (e.g. exercise classes), social activities (e.g. card games), and services (e.g. a grocery-store shuttle). The neighbourhood characteristics were taken from census data and included socio-economic and socio-demographic measures. The apartment buildings varied considerably in the resources available, and a positive relationship was found between neighbourhood income and physical and social activity programmes and services. Lower residential stability and a higher percentage of residents living alone were also related to the buildings' resource-richness, and senior apartment buildings with limited activity-related resources clustered in disadvantaged neighbourhoods. How senior apartments are resourced should be examined in relation to the neighbourhood in which they are located.

While criminologists have made the case that a “punitive turn,” spurred on by penal populism, is being witnessed in several Western countries, some have argued that Canada is the exception to this trend. But recent developments in Winnipeg, Manitoba suggest that a made-in-America crime control strategy—zero-tolerance policing—has been imported into the Winnipeg context to combat the pressing problems of drugs, gangs, and violence in inner-city communities. Can this development be interpreted as evidence of a punitive turn? Has penal populism found its way into a Canadian jurisdiction? Drawing on interviews with inner-city residents, businesspeople, and community workers, we show that people in Winnipeg’s inner city have a sophisticated understanding of the causes of social problems in their neighbourhoods and a very clear vision of what they believe the role of police in the inner city should be: one in which the police work with the community as part of a wider effort of community mobilization. These findings do not support the view that Winnipeg is a Canadian exception to the punitive turn. Rather, they suggest the presence of community resistance to aggressive “get tough” strategies of crime control, and of the potential to fashion radically different solutions to the complex problems confronting inner-city communities.
 
 Résumé. Bien que les criminologues aient établi le bien-fondé qu’un «virage punitif», incité par un populisme pénal, se manifeste dans plusieurs pays occidentaux, certains prétendent que le Canada fait exception à cette tendance. Or, les récents développements à Winnipeg, au Manitoba, portent à croire qu’une stratégie américaine de lutte contre le crime, c’est-à-dire un maintien de l’ordre avec tolérance zéro, a été importée à Winnipeg pour régler les problèmes pressants de drogues, de gangs de rue et de violence dans les communautés des quartiers centraux de la ville. Ce développement peut-il être interprété comme preuve d’un virage punitif? Le populisme pénal est-il entré dans la juridiction canadienne? À partir d’entrevues avec des résidents, des gens d’affaires et des travailleurs des communautés des quartiers centraux, nous démontrons que les habitants de ces quartiers de Winnipeg comprennent bien les causes des problèmes sociaux qui y existent et qu’ils ont une vision très claire de ce que le rôle de la police devrait être dans ces quartiers, à savoir que la police devrait travailler avec la communauté dans le cadre d’une mobilisation communautaire plus large. Ces conclusions ne prouvent pas que Winnipeg soit l’exception canadienne au virage punitif. Au contraire, elles suggèrent la présence d’une résistance communautaire aux stratégies disciplinaires agressives de lutte contre le crime et la possibilité d’arriver à des solutions tout à fait différentes aux problèmes complexes auxquels les communautés des quartiers centraux des villes font face.

Introduction “Food deserts” have emerged over the past 20 years as spaces of concern for communities, public health authorities and researchers because of their potential negative impact on dietary quality and subsequent health outcomes. Food deserts are residential geographic spaces, typically in urban settings, where low-income residents have limited or no access to retail food establishments with sufficient variety at affordable cost. Research on food deserts presents methodological challenges including retail food store identification and classification, identification of low-income populations, and transportation and proximity metrics. Furthermore, the complex methods often used in food desert research can be difficult to reproduce and communicate to key stakeholders. To address these challenges, this study sought to demonstrate the feasibility of implementing a simple and reproducible method of identifying food deserts using data easily available in the Canadian context. Methods This study was conducted in Winnipeg, Canada in 2014. Food retail establishments were identified from Yellow Pages and verified by public health dietitians. We calculated two scenarios of food deserts based on location of the lowest-income quintile population: (a) living ≥ 500 m from a national chain grocery store, or (b) living ≥ 500 m from a national chain grocery store or a full-service grocery store. Results The number of low-income residents living in a food desert ranged from 64 574 to 104 335, depending on the scenario used. Conclusion This study shows that food deserts affect a significant proportion of the Winnipeg population, and while concentrated in the urban core, exist in suburban neighbourhoods also. The methods utilized represent an accessible and transparent, reproducible process for identifying food deserts. These methods can be used for costeffective, periodic surveillance and meaningful engagement with communities, retailers and policy makers.

IntroductionAspects of the built environment that support physical activity are associated with better population health outcomes. Few experimental data exist to support these observations. This protocol describes the study of the creation of urban trials on cardiovascular disease (CVD)-related morbidity and mortality in a large urban centre.Methods and analysisBetween 2008 and 2010, the city of Winnipeg, Canada, built four, paved, multiuse (eg, cycling, walking and running), two-lane trails that are 5–8 km long and span ~60 neighbourhoods. Linking a population-based health data with census and environmental data, we will perform an interrupted time series analysis to assess the impact of this natural experiment on CVD-related morbidity and mortality among individuals 30–65 years of age residing within 400–1200 m of the trail. The primary outcome of interest is a composite measure of incident major adverse CVD events (ie, CVD-related mortality, ischaemic heart disease, stroke and congestive heart failure). The secondary outcome of interest is a composite measure of incident CVD-related risk factors (ie, diabetes, hypertension and dyslipidaemia). Outcomes will be assessed quarterly in the 10 years before the intervention and 5 years following the intervention, with a 4-year interruption. We will adjust analyses for differences in age, sex, ethnicity, immigration status, income, gentrification and other aspects of the built environment (ie, greenspace, fitness/recreation centres and walkability). We will also assess trail use and trail user profiles using field data collection methods.Ethics and disseminationEthical approvals for the study have been granted by the Health Research Ethics Board at the University of Manitoba and the Health Information Privacy Committee within the Winnipeg Regional Health Authority. We have adopted an integrated knowledge translation approach. Information will be disseminated with public and government partners.Trial registration numberNCT04057417.

OBJECTIVE: To investigate the geographical variation and small geographical area level factors associated with colorectal cancer (CRC) mortality.METHODS: Information regarding CRC mortality was obtained from the population-based Manitoba Cancer Registry, population counts were obtained from Manitoba’s universal health care plan Registry and characteristics of the area of residence were obtained from the 2001 Canadian census. Bayesian spatial Poisson mixed models were used to evaluate the geographical variation of CRC mortality and Poisson regression models for determining associations with CRC mortality. Time trends of CRC mortality according to income group were plotted using joinpoint regression.RESULTS: The southeast (mortality rate ratio [MRR] 1.31 [95% CI 1.12 to 1.54) and southcentral (MRR 1.62 [95% CI 1.35 to 1.92]) regions of Manitoba had higher CRC mortality rates than suburban Winnipeg (Manitoba’s capital city). Between 1985 and 1996, CRC mortality did not vary according to household income; however, between 1997 and 2009, individuals residing in the highest-income areas were less likely to die from CRC (MRR 0.77 [95% CI 0.65 to 0.89]). Divergence in CRC mortality among individuals residing in different income areas increased over time, with rising CRC mortality observed in the lowest income areas and declining CRC mortality observed in the higher income areas.CONCLUSIONS: Individuals residing in lower income neighbourhoods experienced rising CRC mortality despite residing in a jurisdiction with universal health care and should receive increased efforts to reduce CRC mortality. These findings should be of particular interest to the provincial CRC screening programs, which may be able to reduce the disparities in CRC mortality by reducing the disparities in CRC screening participation.

Home care settings remain a primary alternative for the community placement of individuals with chronic psychiatric disabilities. This exploratory study employed survey data collected from randomly selected sheltered care facilities in the City of Winnipeg. The intent was to study the influence operators of sheltered care facilities had both on levels of alienation experienced by their residents and as well, on the level of actual contact residents had with people living in the neighbourhood. It was found that alienation in residents was not related to the level of social alienation expressed by the operators of the board and care homes in which chronic patients resided, but seemed directly tied to the individual resident's level of psychopathology and sex. However, level of psychopathology was not found to be directly related to the degree of actual contact the chronically disabled had with people living in their immediate neighbourhood. Contact with neighbours achieved by the mentally ill was found to be directly related to the level of social alienation of the people operating their board and care residences. Overall, it appeared that women residents under the care of less socially alienated board and care operators, experienced the highest levels of neighbourhood contacts.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to explore the challenges and opportunities associated with attempting to maintain a healthy traditional diet for newcomers living in the North End neighbourhood of Winnipeg, Canada. Design/methodology/approach In this mixed-methods photovoice study the researcher used food photographs taken by participants to facilitate in-depth, semi-structured interviews with newcomers living in the area of interest. Community workers involved in food and newcomer programming were also interviewed. Qualitative data from the interviews were analysed using thematic analysis. Food security status of newcomer participants was also determined using The Household Food Security Survey Module. Findings Newcomer participants reported many struggles, including low incomes, gardening challenges and little access to culturally acceptable foods. Community worker interviews, field notes and an environmental scan of community resources also revealed a lack of social inclusion/support and few food and nutrition resources for newcomers. Originality/value Newcomers to Canada experience high rates of food insecurity and diminishing health status associated with length of time in Canada. This study demonstrates an imminent need for additional resources and programmes in this inner city community in order to decrease food security rates and help newcomers in Winnipeg to eat healthy traditional diets and avoid a decline in health.

PurposeThe study’s purpose was to determine individual-level and neighbourhood-level risk and protective factors for severe intentional injury among youth.MethodsWe conducted a multilevel case–control study using registry data to determine individual-level and neighbourhood-level social determinants associated with severe violent injury/homicide among youth from Winnipeg, Manitoba.ResultsThe study includes 13 206 youth, aged 12–24 years (1222 cases, 11 984 controls). Individual-level risk predictors of being a victim of violence were male sex (OR 5.72 (95% CI 4.77 to 6.86)) and First Nations (OR 2.76 (95% CI 2.32 to 3.29)). Education was inversely associated with victimisation for individuals under (OR 0.36 (95% CI 0.26 to 0.51)) and over (OR 0.58 (95% CI 0.49 to 0.69)) 18 years. Ever having been in protective care (OR 1.66 (95% CI 1.39 to 1.99)), receiving income assistance from the government (OR 1.26 (95% CI 1.05 to 1.51)) or ever having criminal charges (OR 4.76 (95% CI 4.08 to 5.56)) were also significant predictors of being a victim of violence. Neighbourhood-level risk factors for victimisation included low socioeconomic status (OR 1.14 (95% CI 1.04 to 1.25)) and high levels of assault (OR 1.07 (95% CI 1.04 to 1.10)).ConclusionsThis study demonstrates a complex web of risk and protective factors among youth injured by violence. It underscores the ongoing, injurious effects of historical trauma experienced by many Canadian First Nations people. Strong victim–perpetrator overlap suggests that intersectoral policies are needed to address these issues. Our findings highlight the need to improve education and family supports.

AbstractThe nature of capitalism in its neoliberal form is decreasing higher education’s exclusive domain of knowledge production by exposing students to and exploiting local knowledge production. This has created a paradox. Experiential learning is being supported as ‘academic’ because students learn skills, values and perspectives by engaging in communities of practice. Through community service learning and social justice oriented internships, students learn about emancipatory social movements while simultaneously providing their intellectual capital. Urban Semester Program students participate in the movement for affordable housing, with its origins in post-war Williamsburg, Brooklyn, where many Puerto Ricans settled. Engaged in a struggle against displacement, for self-determination and developing community sustainability by advocating and winning low and moderate income housing, residents are determined to remain in their neighbourhood. Students are engaged in this struggle and connect this exposure to their internships, and the globalising world economy, the role of the state, and corporate power.

IntroductionThe Boys & Girls Clubs of Winnipeg (BGCW) provide out-of-school programs to children and youth living in low-income neighbourhoods in Winnipeg, Canada. These programs aim to set participants on a path to success by supporting healthy behaviours, academic achievement and social skills. First Nation children and youth make up a substantial proportion of BGCW participants, but there are few empirical data available on how the programs influence health, social and education outcomes in this population.
 Objectives and ApproachWe linked BGCW attendance records for all Manitoba children born 1987-2010 to the individual-level administrative health, social and education data in the population-based Data Repository at the Manitoba Centre for Health Policy in Winnipeg. The comparison group of non-participants was matched on age and neighbourhood of residence. We narrowed the cohort to First Nation participants by linking to datasets containing First Nation identifiers. Education outcomes were examined using a generalized additive model, and health and justice system outcomes with a time-to-event model, adjusted for socioeconomic status, mother's mental health and age at first birth, and involvement in the child welfare system.
 Results3,754 First Nation children and youth participated in BGCW from 2005-2016. The comparison group comprised 23,593 First Nation children and youth. Greater BGCW participation was associated with higher likelihood of performing well in grade 3 numeracy, but not other education outcomes (grade 3 reading, grade 7 student engagement or mathematics, grade 7/8 reading/writing, or graduating high school). Greater BGCW participation was also associated with lower risk of becoming involved with the justice system among youth aged 12-17 (i.e., lower risk of being charged with a crime) and with lower risk of teen pregnancy.
 Conclusion / ImplicationsParticipation in BGCW programs may contribute to improved health, justice and education outcomes for First Nation children and youth in Winnipeg.

IntroductionThe Boys & Girls Clubs of Winnipeg (BGCW) provide out-of-school programs to children and youth living in low-income neighbourhoods in Winnipeg, Canada. These programs aim to set participants on a path to success by supporting healthy behaviours, academic achievement and social skills. Metis children and youth make up a substantial proportion of BGCW participants, but there are few empirical data available on how the programs influence health, social and education outcomes in this population.
 Objectives and ApproachWe linked BGCW attendance records for all Manitoba children born 1987-2010 to the individual-level administrative health, social and education data in the population-based Data Repository at the Manitoba Centre for Health Policy in Winnipeg. The comparison group of non-participants was matched on age and neighbourhood of residence. We narrowed the cohort to Metis participants by linking to datasets containing Metis identifiers. Education outcomes were examined using a generalized additive model, and health and justice system outcomes with a time-to-event model, adjusted for socioeconomic status, mother's mental health and age at first birth, and involvement in the child welfare system.
 Results1,664 Metis children and youth participated in BGCW from 2005-2016. The comparison group comprised 9,248 Metis children and youth. Greater BGCW participation was associated with higher likelihood of performing well in grade 3 numeracy (boys and girls) and grade 7 student engagement (boys only), but not other education outcomes (grade 3 reading, grade 7 mathematics, grade 7/8 reading/writing, or graduating high school). Greater BGCW participation was also associated with lower risk of becoming involved with the justice system (i.e., lower risk of being charged with a crime) and with lower risk of teen pregnancy.
 Conclusion / ImplicationsParticipation in BGCW programs may contribute to improved health, justice and education outcomes for Metis children and youth in Winnipeg.

IntroductionOut-of-school programs for grade K-12 students support healthy behaviours, boost academic achievement, and strengthen social networks. The Boys and Girls Clubs of Winnipeg (BGCW) have been active for 40+ years; however, little is known about how participating in their programs influences students’ short- and long-term health, educational and social outcomes.
 Objectives and ApproachWe are investigating the association between participation in BGCW out-of-school programs using the individual-level data held in the population-based Manitoba Population Research Data Repository at the Manitoba Centre for Health Policy (MCHP). Data on BGCW program participation for children born 1987-2010 was linked with administrative records from the healthcare system, education system, and social services. The comparison group of non-participants was matched on age, sex, 3-digit postal code and school division. Outcomes of interest include health services use, teen pregnancy, grade repetition, high school graduation, enrollment in post-secondary institutions, receipt of income assistance, and involvement with the justice system.
 ResultsWe conducted analyses of children (K-8) attending the Community Schools Investigator (CSI) summer enrichment program, an academic and recreational program that aims to combat learning loss for children in low-income neighbourhoods. After one summer of CSI, participants (n=970) were significantly more likely to repeat a grade than the matched comparison group (n=783) (5.4% CSI students repeated a grade [95% CI 3.9, 6.8] vs 2.76% comparison students [95% CI 2.20, 3.32]). However, the likelihood of CSI students repeating a grade dropped to the level of the comparison group after two or more years of participation in CSI (2.91% CSI students repeated a grade [95% CI 1.26, 4.56]). Ongoing analyses are examining how participating in CSI and other BGCW programs is linked to health and social outcomes.
 Conclusion/ImplicationsOur findings suggest that engagement in a BGCW out-of-school summer program contributes to better educational outcomes for low-income students. Using the information-rich Data Repository at MCHP, we can examine additional outcomes across multiple sectors to demonstrate how out-of-school programs help young people achieve their full developmental potential.

Abstract Introduction Recent studies highlight synergies for families receiving early childhood literacy support from their health care provider and public library, with more reading at home and higher quality book-sharing interactions. Our primary objective was to determine the percentage of Children’s Hospital Winnipeg Ambulatory Clinic’s patients who had ever used a public library. The clinic has a longstanding early-childhood literacy program and serves remote communities and low-income Winnipeg families. Methods A structured survey was administered to parents or legal guardians by the first author. It explored library barriers and covariates that might affect library use. Analysis included descriptive statistics and a logistic regression model for predictors of library use. Results Ninety-seven nearly consecutive surveys were administered, half prior to the COVID-19 pandemic. Most respondents were female, from Winnipeg, and in the two lowest neighbourhood income quintiles. Roughly half (46.4%) of children had used a library. Most respondents wanted health care providers to promote literacy and provide information about public libraries, and more supported in-clinic distribution of books. The number of children per household positively predicted library use, possibly a proxy for experience with community resources. About 2/3 of respondents believed that library fines should be abolished. Most identified other barriers, for example, inconvenient hours, distance, or concerns about COVID-19. Conclusion Less than half of surveyed families used public libraries, citing multiple barriers, including fines. Moreover, not all health care providers can offer new books and anticipatory guidance. Clinics that promote use of public libraries may therefore represent a low-cost, stand-alone alternative.

Historical walks, literary walks, and walking book clubs – learn how Winnipeg Public Library is taking it outside. Rebecca Solnit in her book Wanderlust: A History of Walking writes: “Walking shares with making and working that crucial element of engagement of the body and the mind with the world, of knowing the world through the body and the body through the world.” As libraries work hard to share knowledge with their communities and to engage patrons in new ways, this presentation addresses the practicalities of creating a program that speaks uniquely to your own neighbourhood and patrons: Learn about the walking programs offered by various Winnipeg Public Library branches; recognize the benefits of these programs and how they can relate to library programming goals and strategic plans; and identify resources that can help you develop your own walking programs. This summary is based on a poster presentation given at the annual OLA Super Conference held in Toronto, Ontario on January 27-30, 2016. Les promenades historiques, les promenades littéraires et les clubs de marche littéraires - apprenez comment la bibliothèque publique de Winnipeg profite de l’extérieur. Dans son livre Wanderlust: A History of Walking Rebecca Solnit écrit: “Se promener partage avec faire et travailler cet élément crucial d’engagement du corps et de l’esprit avec le monde, de connaître le monde à travers le corps et le corps à travers le monde.” Comme des bibliothèques travaillent fort pour partager des informations avec leurs communautés et pour engager des clients de nouvelles façons, cette présentation porte sur l’applicabilité de créer un programme adapté aux particularités de votre propre quartier et de vos clients : renseignez-vous sur les programmes de marche offerts par des filiales différentes de la bibliothèque publique de Winnipeg; Reconnaissez des avantages de ces programmes et comment ils peuvent se rapporter aux objectifs de la programmation de bibliothèques et aux plans stratégiques; et identifiez des ressources qui peuvent vous aider à développer vos propres programmes de marche. Ce résumé est basé sur une présentation d’affiches qui a eu lieu à la Super Conference d’OLA (Association des bibliothèques de l’Ontario) à Toronto, Ontario du 27 au 30 janvier 2016.

Introduction: At the Crossroad Well, I’ve been an important pawn [in regeneration], for instance, changing doors and windows, enlarging them, eliminating shutters and thus having big open windows, light […] Then came the florist, through a common friend, who was the second huge pawn who trusted in this […] then came the pastry shop. (Alberto, 54, shop owner). Alberto is the owner of Pleasure Factory, one of two upmarket restaurants in a gentrifying crossroads area in northern Milan. He started buying apartments and empty stores in the 1980s, later becoming property manager of the building where he still lives. He also opened two restaurants, and then set up a neighbourhood commercial organisation. Alberto’s activities, and those of people like him, have been able to reverse the image and the usage of this public crossroad. This is something of which all of the involved actors are well aware. They have “bet,” as they say, and somehow “won” by changing people’s common understanding of, and approach to, this zone. This paper argues for the necessity of a closer look at the ways that place is produced through the multiple activities of small entrepreneurs and social actors, such as Alberto. This is because these activities represent the softer side of gentrification, and can create zones of pleasure and authenticity. Whilst market forces and multiple public interventions of gentrification’s “hard” side can lead to the displacement of people and uneven development, these softer zones of authenticity and pleasure have the power to shape the general neighbourhood brand (Atkinson 1830). Speaking rhetorically, these zones act as synecdoche for the surrounding environment. Places are in part built through the “atmosphere” that consumers seek throughout their daily routines. Following Gernot Böhme’s approach to spatial aesthetics, atmosphere can be viewed as the “relation between environmental qualities and human states” (114) and this relation is worked out daily in gentrified neighbourhoods. Not only do the passer-bys, local entrepreneurs, and sociologists contribute to the local making of atmosphere, but so does the production of the environmental qualities. These are the private and public interventions aimed at refurbishing, and somehow sanitising, specific zones of central neighbourhoods in order to make them suitable for middle class tastes (Julier 875). Not all gentrification processes are similar however, because of the unique influence of each city’s scalar rearrangements. The following section therefore briefly describes the changes in Milan in recent times. The paper will then describe the making of a zone of authentic pleasure at the Isola crossroads. I will show that soft gentrification happens through the making of specific zones where supply and demand match in ways that make for pleasant living. Milan, from Global to Local and Back Milan has a peculiar role in both the Italian and European contexts. Its metropolitan area, of 7.4 million inhabitants on a 12 000 km² surface, makes it the largest in Italy and the fifth in Europe (following Ruhr, Moscow, Paris and London). The municipal power has been pushing for a long-term strategy of population growth that would make Milan the “downtown” of the overall metropolitan area (Bricocoli and Savoldi 19), and take advantage of scalar rearrangements, such as State reconfigurations and setbacks. The overall goal of the government of Milan has been to increase the tax base and the local government’s political power. Milan also demonstrates the entrepreneurial turn adopted by many global cities, evident in the amount of project-based interventions, the involvement of international architecture studios (“La città della Moda” by Cesar Pelli; “Santa Giulia” by Norman Foster; “City-Life” and “the Fair” by Zaha Hadid and David Libeskind), and the hosting of mega-events, such as the Expo 2015. The Milan growth machine works then at different scales (global, national, city-region, neighbourhood) with several organisational actors involved, enormous investments and heavy political struggles to decide which coalition of winning actors will ride the tiger of uneven development. However, when we look at those transformations through the lens of the neighbourhood what we see is the making of zones within the larger texture of its streets and squares. This zone-making is similar to leopard’s spots within a contained urban space, it works for some time in specific streets and crossroads, then moves throughout the neighbourhood, as the process of gentrification goes on. The neighbourhood, which the zone of authentic pleasure I’m describing occurs, is called Isola (Island) because of its clustered shape between a railroad on the southern border and three major roads on the others. Isola was, until the 1980s, a working-class residential space with a strong tradition of left-wing political activism, with some small manufacturing businesses and minor commercial activities. This area remained quite removed from the overall urban development that radically shifted Milan towards a service economy in the 1960s and 1970s. However, during the 1980s and 1990s, the land price impacts of private activities and public policies in surrounding neighbourhoods increasingly pushed people and activities in the direction of Isola. Alberto explains this drift through the example of his first apartment: Just look at the evolution of my apartment. I bought it [in the 1980s] for 57 million lira, I remember, then sold it in 1992 for 160, then it was sold again for 200 000 euros, then four years ago for 250 000 and you have to understand that we’re talking about 47 square metres. If you consider the last price, 250 000, I’ll tell you that when I first came to the neighbourhood you could easily buy an entire building with that money. The building at number five in this street was entirely sold for 550 millions lira—you understand now why Isola is a huge real estate investment, people like it, its central, well served by the underground—well it still has to grow from a commercial standpoint… This evolution in land prices is clear when translated into the price for square metre: 2.4 euros for square meter in 1985, 3.4 in 1992, 4.2 in 2000 and 5.3 in 2006. The ratio increase is 120% in 20 years, demonstrating both the general boost in the economy of the area and also what is at stake within uneven development. What this paper argues is that parallel to this political economy dimension, which may be called the “hard side” of gentrification, there is also a “soft side” that deserves a closer attention. Pastry shops, cafés, bars, restaurants are as strategic as real estate investments (Zukin, Landscapes 195). The spatial concept that best captures the rationale of these activities is the zone, meaning a small and localised cluster of activities. I chose to add the features of pleasure and authenticity because of the role they play in ordinary consumption practices. In order to illustrate the specific relevance of soft gentrification I will now turn to the description of the Isola crossroad, a place that has been re-created through the interventions of several actors, such as Alberto above, and also Franca and her pastry shop. A Zone of Authentic Pleasure: Franca’s Pleasure Corner We’re walking through a small residential street and arrive at a crossroad. We turn to look to the four corners, one is occupied by a public school building, the second and the third by upmarket restaurants, and the last by a “typical” Sicilian pastry shop and café. We decide to enter here, find a seat and order a coffee together with a small cassata, a cake made with sweet cheese, almonds, pistachios and candied fruit. While we are experiencing this southern Italian breakfast at some thousand miles of spatial distance from its original site, a short man enters. He’s a well renowned TV comedian, best known for his would-be-magician gags. Everybody in the café recognises him but pretends to ignore his presence, he buys some pastries and leaves. Other customers come and go. The shop owner, an Italian lady in her forties called Franca, approaches to me and declares: “as you can see for yourself, we see elegant people here.” In this kind of neighbourhood it is common to see and share space with such “elegant” and well-known people, and to feel that a pleasant atmosphere is created through this public display. Franca opened the pastry shop three years ago, a short time after the upmarket restaurants on the other corners. However, when we interviewed her she wasn’t yet satisfied with the atmosphere: “when I go downtown and come back, I feel depressed … it’s developing but still has not grown enough … Isn’t one of the classic rich places in Milan—it’s kind of a weird place.” Through these and other similar statements she expressed a feeling of delusion toward the neighbourhood—a feeling on which she’s building her tale—that emerged in contrast to the kind of environment Franca would consider more apt for her shop. Franca’s a newcomer, but knows that the neighbourhood has been “sanitised.” “It really was a criminal area” she states, using overtly derogatory terms just like they were neutral: “riffraff” for the customers of ordinary bars, “dull” for the northern part of the neighbourhood where “there even are kebab shops.” In contrast she lists her beloved customers: journalists, architects, two tenors, people working at the theatre nearby, and the local TV celebrity described earlier. When she refers to the crossroad she speaks of it as, “maybe the gem of the neighbourhood.” At some point she declares what makes her proud: A place like this regenerates the neighbourhood—to be sure, if I ever open a harbour bar I’d attract riffraff who would discredit the place. In short it’s not, to make an example, a club where you play cards, that bring in the underworld, noise, nuisance—here the customer is the typical middle class, all right people. The term “all right people” reoccurs in several of Franca’s statements. Her initial economic sacrifices, relative though if, as she says, she’s able to open another shop in a more central place (“we would like to become a chain-store”), are now compensated by the recognition she gets from her more polished clients. She also expresses a personal satisfaction in the role she has played in the changes in Isola: “until now it’s just a matter of personal satisfaction—of seeing, I’ve built this stuff.” Franca’s story demonstrates that the soft side of gentrification is also produced by individuals that have little in common with the huge capital investment that is at stake in real estate development, or the chain stores that are also opening in the neighbourhood. In one way, Franca is alone in her quest for regeneration, as most entrepreneurs are. In another way, though, she is not. Not only is she participating in the “upgrading” together with other small business owners and consumers who all agree on the direction to follow, thus building together a zone of authentic pleasure, but she can also rely on a “critical infrastructure” of architects, designers and consultants (Zukin, Landscapes 202) that knows perfectly how to do the job. With much pride in her interior design choices, Franca pointed out how her café mixes chic with classic and opposing them to a flashy and folk décor. She showed us the black-and-white pictures at the wall depicting Paris in the 1960s, the unique design coffee machine model she owns, and the flower vases conceived by a famous designer and filled by her neighbour florist. The colours chosen for the interior are orange, tied to oranges—a typical product of Sicily, whereas the brown colour relates to the land, and the gold is linked to elegance. The mixing of warm colours, Franca explained, makes the atmosphere cosy. Where did this owner get all these idea(l)s? Franca relied on an Italian interior design studio, which works at a global scale furnishing hotels, restaurants, bars, shops, bathing establishments, and airports in New York, Barcelona, Paris, and Milan. The architect with whom she dealt with let her “work together” in order to have an autonomous set of choices that match the brand’s offer. Authenticity thus becomes part of the décor in a systematic way, and the feeling of a pleasant atmosphere is constantly reproduced through the daily routines of consumption. Again, not alone in the regeneration process but feeling as if she is “on her own,” Franca struggles daily to protect the atmosphere she’s building: “My point is avoiding having kids or tramps as customers—I don’t want an indiscriminate presence, like people coming here for a glass of wine and maybe getting drunk. I mean, this is not the place to come and have a bianchino [cheap white wine]. People coming here have a spumante, and behave in a completely different fashion.” The opposition between a bianchino, the cheap white wine, and the spumante is one that clarifies the moral boundary between the targets of soft gentrification. In Italian popular culture, and especially in the past, it was a common male habit to have bianchino from late morning onwards. Bars therefore served as gendered public spaces where common people would rest from working activities and the family sphere. Franca, together with many new bars and cafes that construct zones of authentic pleasure in gentrifying neighbourhoods, is trying to update this cultural practice. The spumante adds a sparkling element to consumption and is branded as a trendy aperitif wine, which appeals to younger tastes and lifestyles. By utilising a global design studio, Franca connects to global patterns of urban development and the homogenising of local atmospheres. Furthermore, by preferencing different consumption behaviours she contributes to the social transformation of the neighbourhood by selecting customers. This tendency towards segregation, rather than mixing, is a relevant feature here, since the Franca’s favourite clientele are clearly “people like us” (Butler 2469). Zones like the one described above are thus places where uneven development shows its social, interactive and public façade. Pleasure and Authenticity in Soft Gentrification The production of “atmosphere” in a gentrifying neighbourhood goes together with customers’ taste and preferences. The supply-side of building the environmental landscape for a “pleasant” zone needs a demand-side, consumers buying, supporting, and appreciating the outcome of the activities of business people like Franca. The two are one, most of the time, because tastes and preferences are linked to class, gender, and ethnicity, which makes a sort of mutual redundancy. To put it abruptly: similar people, spending their time in the same places and in a similar way. As I have shown above, the pastry shop owner Franca went for mixing chic and classic in her interior design. That is distinctiveness and familiarity, individualisation and commonality in one unique environment. Seen from the consumer’s perspective, this leads to what has been depicted by Sharon Zukin in her account of the crisis of authenticity in New York. People, she says, are yearning for authenticity because this: reflects the separation between our experience of space and our sense of self that is so much a part of modern mentalities. Though we think authenticity refers to a neighbourhood’s innate qualities, it really expresses our own anxieties about how places change. The idea of authenticity is important because it connects our individual yearning to root ourselves in a singular time and place to a cosmic grasp or larger social forces that remake our world from many small and often invisible actions. (220) Among the “many small and invisible actions” are the ones made by Franca and the global interior design firm she hired, but also those done daily by her customers. For instance, Christian a young advertising executive who lives two blocks away from the pastry shop. He defines himself an “executive creative director” [in English, while the interview was in Italian]. Asked on cooking practices and the presentation he makes to his guests, he declares that the main effort is on: The mise en place—the mise en place with no doubt. The mise en place must be appropriate to what you’re doing. Sometimes you get the mise en place simply serving a plateau, when you correctly couple cheese and salami, even better when you couple fresh cheese with vegetables or you give a slightly creative touch with some fruit salad, like seitan with avocado, no? They become beautiful to see and the mise en place saves it, the aesthetics does its job …Do you feel there are foods, beverages or consumption occasions you consider not worth giving up at all? The only thing I wouldn’t give up is going out in the morning, and having a cappuccino down there in the tiny pastry shop and having some brioches while I’m at the bar. Those that are not frozen beforehand but cooked just in time and have a breakfast, for just two euros, two euros and ten […] cappuccino and fresh brioche, baked just then, otherwise I cannot even think—if I’m in Milan I hardly think correctly—I mean I can’t wake up really without a good cappuccino and a good brioche. Christian is one of the new residents that was attracted to this neighbourhood because of the benefits of its uneven development: relatively affordable rent prices, services, and atmosphere. Commonality is among them, but also distinctiveness. Each morning he can have his “good cappuccino and good brioche” freshly baked to suit his taste and that allows him to differentiate between other brioches, namely the industrialised ones, those “frozen beforehand.” More importantly, he can do this by simply crossing the street and entering one of the pleasure zones that are making Isola, there and now, the new gentrified Milanese neighbourhood. Zones of Authentic Pleasure In this paper I have argued that a closer attention to the softer side of gentrification can help to understand how taste and uneven development mesh together, to produce the common shape we find in gentrified neighbourhoods. These typical urban spaces are made of streets, sidewalks, squares, and walls, but also shop windows and signs, pavement cafés, planters, and the street-life that turns around all of this. Both built environment and interaction produces the atmosphere of authentic pleasure, which is offered by local entrepreneurs and sought by the people who go there. Pleasure is a central feature because of the increasing role of consumption activities in the city and the role of individual consumption practices. I f we observe closely the local scale where all of these practices take place, we can clearly distinguish one zone from another because of their localised effervescence. Neighbourhoods are not equally affected by gentrification. Internally specific zones emerge as those having the capacity to subsume the entire process. These are the ones I have described in this paper—zones of authentic pleasure, where the supply and demand for an authentic distinctive and communal atmosphere takes place. Ephemeral spaces; if one looks at the political economy of place through a macro lens. But if the aim is to understand why certain zones prove to be successful and others not, then exploring how soft gentrification is daily produced and consumed is fundamental.Acknowledgments This article draws on data produced by the research team for the CSS project ‘Middle Class and Consumption: Boundaries, Standards and Discourses’. The team comprised Marco Santoro, Roberta Sassatelli and Giovanni Semi (Coordinators), Davide Caselli, Federica Davolio, Paolo Magaudda, Chiara Marchetti, Federico Montanari and Francesca Pozzi (Research Fellows). The ethnographic data on Milan were mainly produced by Davide Caselli and by the Author. The author wishes to thank the anonymous referees for wise and kind remarks and Michelle Hall for editing and suggestions. References Atkinson, Rowland. “Domestication by Cappuccino or a Revenge on Urban Space? Control and Empowerment in the Management of Public Spaces.” Urban Studies 40.9 (2003): 1829–1843. Böhme, Gernot. “Atmosphere as the Fundamental Concept of a New Aesthetics.” Thesis Eleven 36 (1993): 113–126. Bricocoli, Massimo, and Savoldi Paola. Milano Downtown: Azione Pubblica e Luoghi dell’Abitare. Milano: et al./Edizioni, 2010. Butler, Tim. “Living in the Bubble: Gentrification and Its ‘Others’ in North London.” Urban Studies 40.12 (2003): 2469–2486. Julier, Guy. “Urban Designscapes and the Production of Aesthetic Consent.” Urban Studies 42.5/6 (2005): 869–887. Zukin, Sharon. Landscapes of Power. From Detroit to Disney World. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1991. ———. Naked City. The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places. New York: Oxford UP, 2010.

Credibly identifying how the built environment shapes behaviour is empirically challenging, because people select residential locations based on differing constraints and preferences for site amenities. Our study overcomes these research barriers by leveraging San Francisco’s affordable housing lotteries, which randomly allow specific households to move to specific residences. Using administrative data, we demonstrate that lottery-winning households’ baseline preferences are uncorrelated with their allotted residential features such as public transportation accessibility, parking availability and bicycle infrastructure – meaning that neighbourhood attributes and a building’s parking supply are effectively assigned at random. Surveying the households, we find that these attributes significantly affect transportation mode choices. Most notably, we show that essentially random variation in on-site parking availability greatly changes households’ car ownership decisions and driving frequency, with substitution away from public transport. In contrast, we find that parking availability does not affect employment or job mobility. Overall, the evidence from our study robustly supports that local features of the built environment are important determinants of transportation behaviour.

Pearson, Kit. Awake and Dreaming. Toronto: Puffin Classics, 2013. Print.Recently published in a new edition by Puffin Classics, Awake and Dreaming feels just as relevant to lonely children as it did when it was first published in 1996. One of Canada’s favourite authors of junior fiction, Pearson’s award-winning tale of a lonely girl, Theo, will wrench at the heartstrings of readers of all ages.Nine-year-old Theo longs to be part of a large family, with brothers and sisters to play with, living a stable life that does not involve moving from apartment to apartment. Her young mother works long hours for low pay, and is focused on her own problems and wants, neglectful, at times, of Theo’s desire to be cared for. Theo uses books as an escape from her dreary and lonely life, daydreaming during school of the kind of large, caring family she reads about in library books.Shortly after Theo and her mother move to their new Vancouver neighbourhood, her mother, Rae, runs into an old friend and they begin to date. Soon Theo is shuttled onto a ferry to Victoria to live with an aunt she barely remembers, until Rae and her boyfriend can “get used to living with each other” and she can return to her mother. While on the ferry, Theo meets her perfect idea of a family, and they welcome her into her home. She lives a wonderful, stable life for a few months, before she starts to be ignored again, this time by the only people whom she thought truly cared about her. A sharp return to her old life leaves her feeling miserable and more lonely than ever. Was her dream family just that, a dream? Will she ever find them again? Who was that strange woman staring at her on the ferry? Readers will have to finish the book to discover the startling and intricate tale behind Theo’s unusual circumstances.Awake and Dreaming is similar in tone to some of Pearson’s other works, which tend to feature lonely and, at times, frightened children, who are forced to confront the harsh realities of the world in which they live. Although this book was published almost twenty years ago, the majority of the content is still relevant and applicable to children growing up across Canada today. Though the magic in the plot twist is dubious even for those die-hard believers in magic, the message of hope and of Theo’s desperation to belong to her peer group are strongly enforced throughout the novel. A new introduction written by Kenneth Oppel, as well as a character list, author profile, and discussion questions are included in this edition, making it a useful addition to classrooms, libraries, and book clubs.Reviewer: Carlene SlobodianRecommended: 3 stars out of 4Carlene Slobodian is an MLIS candidate at the University of Alberta with a lifelong passion for children’s literature. When not devouring books, she can be found knitting, cooking, or discovering new kinds of tea to sample.