Books on the topic 'Wise Use movement'

The main task of the author is to give a broad picture of the main processes of the revolutionary movement in several countries of Latin America of the XX century continental historical context. The author used primarily the original (Spanish) sources, among which a special place belongs to works by the famous French writer Régis Debray (Regis Debray).
 The book is intended for a wide audience, mainly for young people, for which the dramatic twentieth century already belongs to the annals of history.

Political imprisonment originated in the mid-nineteenth century, as European states turned away from the use of exile (to places such as Australia or Siberia) and increasingly placed opponents in state prisons for lengthy periods. At the same time, opposition movements became more organized around coherent ideologies and developed the capability of celebrating and publicizing their imprisoned comrades. This era would see the first concentration camps, the first genocides, and the first civilian refugees. It is not surprising that political prisoners would take their place on stage at the same time. The Fenian movement in Ireland, the socialists in the Russian Empire (especially in Poland), the British suffragettes, and Gandhi’s satyagraha resisters in British South Africa are the primary examples used.

This book provides a detailed account of verb movement across more than twenty standard and non-standard Romance varieties. It examines the position of the verb with respect to a wide selection of hierarchically ordered adverbs, as laid out in Cinque’s (1999) seminal work. The volume uses extensive empirical data to demonstrate that, contrary to traditional assumptions, it is possible to identify at least four distinct macro-typologies in the Romance languages: these macro-typologies stem from a compensatory mechanism between syntax and morphology in licensing the Tense, Aspect, and Mood interpretation of the verb. It adopts a hybrid cartographic / minimalist approach, in which cartography provides the empirical tools of investigation, and minimalist theory provides the technical motivations for the movement phenomena that are observed. It provides a valuable tool for the examination of fundamental morphosyntactic properties from a cross-Romance perspective, and constitutes a useful point of departure for further investigations into the nature and triggers of verb movement cross-linguistically.

Today, six out of ten Americans describe themselves as "active" environmentalists or as "sympathetic" to the movement's concerns. The movement, in turn, reflects this millions-strong support in its diversity, encompassing a wide spectrum of causes, groups, and sometimes conflicting special interests. For far-sighted activists and policy makers, the question is how this diversity affects the ability to achieve key goals in the battle against pollution, erosion, and out-of-control growth. This insightful book offers an overview of the movement -- its past as well as its present -- and issues the most persuasive call yet for a unified approach to solving environmental problems. Focusing on examples from resource use, pollution control, protection of species and habitats, and land use, the author shows how the dynamics of diversity have actually hindered environmentalists in the past, but also how a convergence of these interests around forward-looking policies can be effected, despite variance in value systems espoused. The book is thus not only an assessment of today's movement, but a blueprint for action that can help pull together many different concerns under a common banner. Anyone interested in environmental issues and active approaches to their solution will find the author's observations both astute and creative.

Liberal democracies claim to give constitutional and legal protection of varying degrees to the right to free speech of which political speech and the right to dissent are extensions. Within the right to freedom of expression, however, some category of speeches do not enjoy protection as they are believed to be ‘injurious’ to society. One such unprotected form of political speech is sedition which is criminalized for the repercussions it may have on the authority of the government and the state. The cases registered in India in recent months under the law against sedition show that the law in its wide and diverse deployment was used against agitators in a community-based pro-reservation movement, a group of university students for their alleged ‘anti-national’ statements, anti-liquor activists, to name a few. Set against its contemporary use, this book has used sedition as a lens to probe the fate of political speech in liberal democracies. The work is done in a comparative framework keeping the Indian experience as its focus, bringing in inferences from England, USA, and Australia to intervene and contribute to the debates on the concept of sedition within liberal democracies at large. On the basis of an analytical enquiry into the judicial discourse around sedition, the text of the sedition laws, their political uses, their quotidian existence, and their entanglement with the counter-terror legislations, the book theorizes upon the life of the law within liberal democracies.

Movements to end violence against women in the United States have brought the issues of rape, incest, wife-beating, and sexual harassment to public attention, given birth to community support systems for survivors, laid the foundation for research, and triggered significant cultural change. However, they have not been without their critics. After tracing the history of the battered women’s and the anti-rape movements, this chapter explores three areas of controversy surrounding both movements. The first is the charge that activists have abandoned their feminist political agendas and have become part of the social service mainstream. The second criticism is that the movements have excluded minority women and, as a result, have supported policies that do more harm than good. The third debate surrounds whether these movements have been co-opted by the state and are used more to regulate and control the poor and minorities than to challenge existing structures of power.

This chapter examines how the political ideas that would come to shape the civil rights movement in America were fomented and sometimes nearly thwarted by focusing on the many visual encounters with the dead and disfigured body of Emmett Till—some in the flesh, some mediated by photography. The chapter analyzes how the decision of Mamie Till-Mobley, Emmett Till's mother, to have an open-casket funeral for her son made possible the wide-scale circulation of photographs of his body. An examination of the courtroom in which Till's murderers were tried makes clear the paradoxical uses of his image. This use demonstrates that the political utility of seeing another's disfigured body lies in recognizing that the violence enacted upon the Other is also violence enacted upon the Self. The chapter offers a psychoanalytic and deconstructionist interpretation of recognition, which is figured as a central project in the struggle for black liberation and civil rights.

Homeschooling as a self-consciously oppositional political movement emerged in the 1970s and 1980s among counterculturalists on both the left and the right due to a mix of historical trends, including the growth of suburbs, feminism, political polarization, and public school bureaucratization and secularization. In its early stages the movement saw cooperation between Christian conservatives and secular leftists, who worked together to relax homeschooling laws in every US state. By the late 1980s, however, a schism had developed and the much larger group of religious conservatives took control of the movement. Though very conservative Protestants continue to dominate the public face of the movement, in recent years homeschooling has grown increasingly common among a wide range of Americans. The historic antagonism between homeschooling and public education is also fading, as many hybrid forms have emerged that blur the boundaries between home and school.

This chapter focuses on the identity politics of social movements and uses the case study of gay and lesbian activism to examine how citizen media participation is mobilized in strategic projects of public visibility. It charts how citizens use mediated acts of self-labeling, such as changing profile pictures on social media, to announce the presence of their identities and attempt to influence perceptions of social and political reality. This model of “coming out” may have particular resonance for the LGBT community that has long sought to end its historical invisibility, yet it has also been adopted by a wide range of constituencies who seek to challenge notions of who “the people” truly are. Public visibility campaigns may also contribute to a flattening of differences as social identities become branded with a homogenized set of symbolic artifacts, suggesting the potential limits of visibility as a strategy for inducing social and political change.

This chapter traces the main pedagogical and political agendas that are implicit in medium of instruction (MOI) policies. It begins with an important worldwide effort to promote mother-tongue MOI: the Education for All initiative. Although this initiative has gained wide support among education scholars, MOI policies that privilege former colonial languages remain dominant in many contexts. The second section focuses on colonial and postcolonial contexts. In recent years debates about MOI in postcolonial education have focused on the spread of English MOI under globalization. The third section examines globalization, specifically with the examples of Malaysia, Hong Kong, China, and European higher education. The fourth section examines a major counterforce to English MOI: the language rights movement. Finally, the chapter ends with a discussion of explicit efforts to use MOI to reduce inequality.

International human rights instruments establish both a fundamental right to collective self-determination and a right of individuals to free movement. What principles and priorities should guide us when these two sets of claims come into conflict? When and under what conditions are political communities morally entitled to exclude those who wish to enter? And when, on the other side, do the rights of individuals seeking entry take priority? These issues are both philosophically contested and of great practical import, and this chapter seeks to illuminate them.

This chapter traces the expansion of industrial agricultural methods after the Second World War. Western governments and the Food and Agriculture Organization pushed for increased use of chemical fertilizers to aid development and resist Soviet encroachment. Meanwhile small groups of organic farmers and gardeners adopted Howard’s methods in the Anglo-sphere and elsewhere in the world. European movements paralleled these efforts and absorbed the basic principles of the Indore Method. British parliament debated the merits of organic farming, but Howard failed to persuade the government to adopt his policies. Southern Rhodesia, however, did implement his ideas in law. Desiccation theory aided his attempts in South Africa and elsewhere, and Louise Howard, after Albert’s death, kept alive a wide network of activists with her publications.

Organic farming is a major global movement that is changing land use and consumer habits around the world. This book tells the untold story of how the organic farming movement nearly faltered after an initial flurry of scientific interest and popular support. Drawing on newly unearthed archives, Barton argues that organic farming first gained popularity in an imperial milieu before shifting to the left of the political spectrum after decolonization and serving as a crucial middle stage of environmentalism. Modern organic protocols developed in British India under the guidance of Sir Albert Howard before spreading throughout parts of the British Empire, Europe, and the United States through the advocacy of his many followers and his second wife Louise. Organic farming advocates before and during the Second World War challenged the industrialization of agriculture and its reliance on chemical fertilizers. They came tantalizingly close to influencing government policy. The decolonization of the British Empire, the success of industrial agriculture, and the purging of holistic ideas from medicine sidelined organic farming advocates who were viewed increasingly as cranks and kooks. Organic farming advocates continued to spread their anti-chemical farming message through a small community that deeply influenced Rachel Carson’s ideas in Silent Spring, a book that helped to legitimize anti-chemical concerns. The organic farming movement re-entered the scientific mainstream in the 1980s only with the reluctant backing of government policy. It has continued to grow in popularity ever since and continues to inspire those who seek to align agriculture and health.

Anagarika Dharmapala was one of the most prominent public figures in late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Sri Lanka (then known as Ceylon). This book goes into a detailed exploration of Dharmapala’s multifaceted personal and public life. This analytical narration of the ethos in which he lived and worked provides an essential background. The author makes extensive use of Dharmapala’s assiduously kept diaries to weave his story. In its initial chapters, the book relates the confrontation and resistance of a nascent nationalist movement in the form of a renaissance of the country’s main traditional religion, Buddhism, against the all-pervading colonial ethos. Dharmapala, with all the enthusiasm of his youth, plunged into this movement, which received the support of American theosophists led by Col Henry Steel Olcott. He became the live wire of the Buddhist Theosophical Society, formed on the advice of the theosophists, and went around the country hectoring his compatriots to join a movement of national resurgence. Dharmapala eventually broadened the arena of his interests and action. The restoration of the prominent sacred places of Buddhism in India, while bringing them back to Buddhist custody, became his life’s mission. In this endeavour, he sought and received the support of the intellectual and professional nationalist elite of Bengali society. In pursuit of his cause, Dharmapala was single minded. But he had an even a wider interest—that of propagating Buddhism throughout the world. He devoted much of his energy in later life to establish Buddhist centres in Europe, and ended his life as a Buddhist monk.

The author offers a pragmatist definition of belief. To believe something at a given time is to be so disposed that you would use that information to guide those relatively attentive and self-controlled activities you might engage in at that time, whether these activities involve bodily movement or not. This definition is then unpacked and applied to examples. The analysis is relatively straightforward when applied to assertions, but the pragmatists insisted that our beliefs are manifested in a wide variety of non-discursive behaviors, many of which involve the dissociation of attention from control within the execution of a task. Neuroscientist M. Jeannerod’s experiments reveal this complexity. The author argues that these experiments complicate matters, but they do not support “will scepticism.” Contemporary cognitive neuroscience is compatible with a number of different analyses of belief, but it meshes at least as nicely with Bain’s pragmatic conception as any other.

This book is a collection of thirteen detailed studies on word order change within the framework of diachronic generative syntax. An initial chapter contextualizes them and introduces the theme in order to make clear from the onset its relevance and appeal. The sample of languages investigated is diverse and displays significant historical depth. Different branches of the Indo-European family are represented both through classical and living languages, namely: a wide range of Early Indo-European languages (Sanskrit, Greek, Indic, Avestan, Hittite, Tocharian, among others), Romance languages (Latin, Italian, European Portuguese, Brazilian Portuguese), Germanic languages (Dutch, English), and a Celtic language (Irish). Besides, three chapters are dedicated to Hungarian and one chapter deals with Coptic Egyptian. The essays in the book use the tools provided by the generative theory of grammar to investigate the constrained ways in which older linguistic variants give rise to new ones in the course of time, with the aim of contributing insights into the properties of natural language. Two ingredients of the generative framework make it especially appropriate to deal with word order phenomena, namely movement as a syntactic operation (embedded in the theory of grammar) and a richly articulated clausal architecture composed with lexical but also abstract functional categories. This collective volume is unique in the way it provides through in-depth language-internal or comparative studies new perspectives on the relation between word order change and syntactic movement, under the constraints imposed by particular instantiations of clausal architecture.

Is populism “the ideology of democracy” (Margaret Canovan), a danger to democracy that entails “a claim to exclusive moral representation” (Jan-Werner Müller), or rather a “series of discursive resources which can be put to very different uses” (Ernesto Laclau)? This is the first German-language edited volume bringing together discursive approaches to populism in a broad sense. The book features conceptually sound as well as empirically nuanced analyses of populist discourses in the context of different states, public spheres as well as political parties and movements. It presents a wide range of theoretical positions on the democratic and authoritarian uses of populism and develops them in the form of country case studies. With contributions by Aristotelis Agridopoulos, Bianca de Freitas Linhares, Paolo Gerbaudo, Ybiskay González Torres, Marius Hildebrand, Seongcheol Kim, Jürgen Link, Conrad Lluis, Daniel de Mendonça, Jan-Werner Müller, Yannis Stavrakakis, Liv Sunnercrantz and Thomás Zicman de Barros.

Essentials of Landscape Ecology is a new, comprehensive text that presents the principles, theory, methods, and applications of landscape ecology in an engaging and accessible format, supplemented by numerous examples and case studies from a variety of systems, including freshwater and marine “scapes.” Human activity has transformed landscapes worldwide on a scale that rivals or exceeds even the largest of natural forces, giving rise to a new geological age, the Anthropocene. As humans alter the structure and function of landscapes, the biological diversity and ecological relationships within those landscapes are also inevitably altered, to the extent that this may interfere with humanity’s efforts to sustain the productivity and multifunctional use of these landscapes. Landscape ecology has thus emerged as a new, multidisciplinary science to investigate the effects of human land use and environmental heterogeneity on ecological processes across a wide range of scales and systems: from the effects of habitat or resource distributions on the individual movements, gene flow, and population dynamics of plants and animals; to the human alteration of landscapes affecting the structure of biological communities and the functioning of entire ecosystems; to the sustainable management of natural resources and the ecosystem goods and services upon which society depends.

This chapter examines how labor and environmental activists initially came together to broaden a labor-environmental rights frame during the fight over fast-track reauthorization in Congress. It explores how environmental activists utilized framing strategies to legitimize environmental critiques of trade liberalization and then to construct an expanded labor-environmental rights frame with labor activists that strengthened both movements’ anti-NAFTA message. The chapter looks at how anti-NAFTA organizations built their grassroots coalition and promulgated the new labor-environmental rights frame across a wide spectrum of organizations within it. It then examines how environmentalists used their alliances with other members of the anti-NAFTA coalition and members of Congress to gain legitimacy and concessions among trade officials and negotiators, ultimately forcing them to recognize and include environmental protections in the trade agreement itself.

Neoliberalism--the doctrine that market exchange is an ethic in itself, capable of acting as a guide for all human action--has become dominant in both thought and practice throughout much of the world since 1970 or so. Writing for a wide audience, David Harvey, author of The New Imperialism and The Condition of Postmodernity, here tells the political-economic story of where neoliberalization came from and how it proliferated on the world stage. Through critical engagement with this history, he constructs a framework, not only for analyzing the political and economic dangers that now surround us, but also for assessing the prospects for the more socially just alternatives being advocated by many oppositional movements.

This chapter discusses the poor working conditions for Negroes and those within the labor movement trying to improve them after emancipation, as reflected in the so-called “slave market” in a Chicago street in 1938. As Negro migrants came from the South, they were often excluded from unions. However, some in the meatpacking and garment industries allowed Negroes into their unions after seeing them used as strikebreakers. This chapter considers some important developments that spoke of advancements for Negro laborers, including the establishment in 1925 of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, made up entirely of Negro porters, in Chicago and eventually admitted into the American Federation of Labor; the formation of the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO), which organized workers industry-wide and openly recruited Negroes; and the creation of the Fair Employment Practices Commission (FEPC), which conducted a hearing in Chicago early in 1942 to investigate allegations that several firms practiced discrimination in their employment practices.

Embedded within the globalization movement, the internationalization of testing and assessment has encouraged scholars, professionals, and practitioners to work together to enhance our research and practice in the cross-cultural context. The International Test Commission (ITC) was formed to serve this need. The ITC seeks to facilitate the exchange of information among members and stimulate cooperation on problems related to the construction, distribution, and use of psychological tests and other psycho-diagnostic tools. The ITC has also sought to advance knowledge and best practices related to international testing by the publication of guidelines and of a journal, the International Journal of Testing. Consistent with these aims, the executive council of the ITC decided to launch a Handbook to present a state-of-the-art review on international testing. The ITC International Handbook of Testing and Assessment has been published to address the many challenges facing the cross-cultural applications of psychological and educational testing in this era of globalization. It also represents and showcases the concerted efforts of the ITC in tackling the wide range of problems and complexities in international psychological testing. Finally, the Handbook has been designed to provide information and resources to help guide professionals and graduate students regarding testing and assessment from an international and global perspective.

Through the use of the tropes of intersectionality and transnationalism, this first-ever study of Jules Puech (1879–1957), is a double biography as it makes an intergenerational journey through his life’s work on Flora Tristan (1803–1844), feminist and socialist. Materials from the mid-nineteenth century press found from digitised searches extends knowledge of the advance of Flora Tristan’s political reputation. Its transmission beyond her notoriety as a radical during her lifetime was conveyed by both political activists and scholars. A key feature of the success of Puech is that he considered knowledge of her legacy as a significant ingredient of the nascent labour history of France of which he was part. My work claims that his biography was a major contribution to scholarship. It began when, as a postgraduate student in Paris in the 1900s, he completed his first doctoral thesis on Proudhonian influence on the first internationalist labour movements in France. My book explains the circumstances of how he embarked on the first in-depth biography of Flora Tristan and published it sixteen years later in 1925. By then Puech was unmatched in his knowledge of networks of activists who sustained the memory of early socialists, among them Flora Tristan. An independent scholar with a full-time job he was equally committed elsewhere. He and his suffragist feminist wife Marie-Louise, née Milhau, (1876–1966), also from a Protestant family of the Tarn, worked tirelessly for the pacifist movement, La Paix par le Droit. How his Flora Tristan study was thwarted by the wars of 1914–1918 and 1939–1945 is equally significant. In 1939, he handed both the original Flora Tristan journal and the typed manuscript of his edited Flora Tristan journal Tour de France to the newly established International Institute of Social History in Paris on the understanding that it would publish his work but was powerless to prevent their war-time disappearance. Their eventual recovery in Amsterdam came after his death, too late for him to see the fruition of his cherished project but available for trade-unionist Michel Collinet to publish his annotated edition in 1973, 130 years after Flora Tristan had begun to record her political campaign for a workers’ universal union. The double biography reveals both the multifaceted nature of feminism, socialism and pacifism in activism and the shaping of labour history as an academic subject in France of the first half of the twentieth century.

In Soundscapes of Liberation, Celeste Day Moore traces the popularization of African American music in postwar France, where it signaled new forms of power and protest. Moore surveys a wide range of musical genres, soundscapes, and media: the US military's wartime records and radio programs; the French record industry's catalogs of blues, jazz, and R&B recordings; the translations of jazz memoirs; a provincial choir specializing in spirituals; and US State Department-produced radio programs that broadcast jazz and gospel across the French empire. In each of these contexts, individual intermediaries such as educators, producers, writers, and radio deejays imbued African American music with new meaning, value, and political power. Their work resonated among diverse Francophone audiences and transformed the lives and labor of many African American musicians, who found financial and personal success as well as discrimination in France. By showing how the popularity of African American music was intertwined with contemporary structures of racism and imperialism, Moore demonstrates this music's centrality to postwar France and the convergence of decolonization, the expanding globalized economy, the Cold War, and worldwide liberation movements.

Maxim Gorky was one of the key figures of the twentieth century. In many coun- tries of the world: in the USA and Canada, Italy and Germany, China and Japan — Gorky is not only considered a world-class writer, but is also called one of the intel- lectual leaders of his time, whose voice the whole world listened to. In this work on an unknown archival material disclosed the global value of the writer’s personality and work, the influence of his philosophical and aesthetic views on the literature of other countries, his diverse ties with foreign writers, politicians, philosophers and artists. Gorky’s life and work are presented on a broad historical and philosophical background, which allows a new interpretation of such cardinal problems of the cen- tury as the assessment of wars and revolutions, social movements and literary move- ments. On the 150th anniversary of the birth of M. Gorky. The book is intended for philologists, historians, cultural scientists, as well as for a wide range of readers.

A network may refer to “a group of interdependent actors and the relationships among them,” or to a set of nodes linked by a web of interdependencies. The concept of networks has its origins in earlier philosophical and sociological ideas such as Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s “general will” and Émile Durkheim’s “social facts”, which adressed social and political communities and how decisions are mediated and ideas are structured within them. Networks encompass a wide range of theoretical interpretations and critical applications across different disciplines, including governance networks, policy networks, public administration networks, social movement networks, intergovernmental networks, social networks, trade networks, computer networks, information networks, and neural networks. Governance networks have been proposed as alternative pluricentric governance models representing a new form of negotiated governance based on interdependence, negotiation and trust. Such networks differ from the competitive market regulation and state hierarchical control in three aspects: the relationship between the actors, decision-making processes, and compliance. The decision-making processes within governance networks are founded on a reflexive rationality rather than the “procedural rationality” which characterizes the competitive market regulation and the “substantial rationality” which underpins authoritative state regulation. Network theory has proved especially useful for scholars in positing the existence of loosely defined and informal webs of experts or advocates that can have a real and substantial influence on international relations discourse and policy. Two examples of the use of network theory in action are transnational advocacy networks and epistemic communities.

The Oxford Handbook of Sound Art is a collection of new essays by artists and thinkers exploring the uses of sound in contemporary arts practice. Between them these chapters bring together a wide variety of perspectives and practices from around the world into the six overarching themes of Space, Time, Things, Fabric, Senses, and Relationality that form the structure of the book. These themes were chosen to represent some of the key areas of debate and development in the visual arts and music during the second half of the twentieth century from which Sound Art emerged. Emerging from a liminal space between multiple movements, Sound Art has been resistant to its own definition. Often discussed in relation to what it is not, Sound Art now occupies a space opened up these earlier debates and with only just enough time to benefit from hindsight, this book charts some of the most exciting ways in which Sound Art’s practitioners, commentators, and audiences are recognizing the unique contribution it can make to our understanding of the world around us. This book is not intended to define sound art and actively resists any attempt to establish a new canon. Rather, it is intended as a set of thematic frames through which to understand some of the recurring themes that have emerged over the past forty years or so, bringing constellations of disparate thought and practice into recognized centers of activity.

When Tammy Wynette sang "D-I-V-O-R-C-E," she famously said she "spelled out the hurtin' words" to spare her child the pain of family breakup. In this innovative work, Ted Ownby considers how a wide range of writers, thinkers, activists, and others defined family problems in the twentieth-century American South. Ownby shows that it was common for both African Americans and whites to discuss family life in terms of crisis, but they reached very different conclusions about causes and solutions. In the civil rights period, many embraced an ideal of Christian brotherhood as a way of transcending divisions. Opponents of civil rights denounced "brotherhoodism" as a movement that undercut parental and religious authority. Others, especially in the African American community, rejected the idea of family crisis altogether, working to redefine family adaptability as a source of strength. Rather than attempting to define the experience of an archetypal "southern family," Ownby looks broadly at contexts such as political and religious debates about divorce and family values, southern rock music, autobiographies, and more to reveal how people in the South used the concept of the family as a proxy for imagining a better future or happier past.

In the tumultuous year after Martin Luther King Jr.’s assassination, 29-year-old Pete O’Neal became inspired by reading The Autobiography of Malcolm X and founded the Kansas City branch of the Black Panther Party (BPP). The same year, FBI director J. Edgar Hoover declared the BPP was the “greatest threat to the internal security of the country.” This book is the gripping story of O’Neal, one of the influential members of the movement, who now lives in Africa—unable to return to the United States but refusing to renounce his past. Arrested in 1969 and convicted for transporting a shotgun across state lines, O’Neal was free on bail pending his appeal when Fred Hampton, chairman of the Illinois chapter of the BPP, was assassinated by the police. O’Neal and his wife fled the U.S. for Algiers. Eventually they settled in Tanzania, where they continue the social justice work of the Panthers through community and agricultural programs and host study-abroad programs for American students. Paul Magnarella—a veteran of the United Nations Criminal Tribunals and O’Neal’s attorney during his appeals process from 1997–2001—describes his unsuccessful attempts to overturn what he argues was a wrongful conviction. He lucidly reviews the evidence of judicial errors, the prosecution’s use of a paid informant as a witness, perjury by both the prosecution’s key witness and a federal agent, as well as other constitutional violations. He demonstrates how O’Neal was denied justice during the height of the COINTELPRO assault on black activists in the U.S.

Territorial disputes are one of the main sources of tension in Northeast Asia. Escalation in such conflicts often stems from a widely shared public perception that the territory in question is of the utmost importance to the nation. Yet that’s frequently not true in economic, military, or political terms. The tiny and remote islets, known as Dokdo in South Korea and Takeshima in Japan, for instance, have no such value. Yet citizens and groups in both countries have mounted sustained campaigns to protect them as the heart of the nation. Similar movements are taking place throughout the region and have wide-ranging domestic and international consequences. Focusing on non-state actors rather than political elites, Alexander Bukh explains how and why apparently inconsequential territories become central to national and nationalist discourse in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. These Islands Are Ours gives us a new way to understand the nature of territorial disputes and how they inform national identities by exploring their social construction, amplification, and ideological consequences.

This book uses all the available evidence to create a site biography of Larinum from 400 bce to 100 ce, with a focus on the urban transformation that occurs there during the Roman conquest. Larinum, a pre-Roman town in the modern region of Molise, undergoes a unique transition from independence to municipal status when it receives Roman citizenship in the 80s bce shortly after the Social War. Its trajectory illuminates complex processes of cultural, social, and political change associated with the Roman conquest throughout the Italian peninsula in the first millennium bce. This work highlights the importance of local isolated variability in studies of the Roman conquest and provides a narrative that supplements larger works on this theme. Through a focus on local-level agency, it demonstrates strong local continuity in Larinum and its surrounding territory. This continuity is the key to Larinum’s transition into the Roman state, which is spearheaded by the local elites. They participate in the broader cultural choices of the Hellenistic koiné and strive to be part of a Mediterranean-wide dialog that, over time, will come to be dominated by Rome. The case is made for advancing the field of Roman conquest studies under a new paradigm of social transformation that focuses on a history of gradual change, continuity, connectivity, and local isolated variability that is contingent on highly specific issues rather than global movements.

This groundbreaking book breaks with established canons and resists some of the stereotypes of feminist biblical studies. A wide range of contributors—from the Netherlands, Germany, Norway, East Africa, South Africa, Argentina, Israel, Hong Kong, the US, the UK, and Iran—showcase new methodological and theoretical movements such as feminist materialisms; intersectionality; postidentitarian ?nomadic? politics; gender archaeology; lived religion; and theories of the human and the posthuman. They engage a range of social and political issues, including migration and xenophobia; divorce and family law; abortion; ?pinkwashing?; the neoliberal university; the second amendment; AIDS and sexual trafficking; Tianamen Square and 9/11; and the politics of ?the veil?. Foundational figures in feminist biblical studies work alongside new voices and contributors from a range of disciplines in conversations with the Bible that go well beyond the expected canon-within-the-canon assumed to be of interest to feminist biblical scholars. Moving beyond the limits of a text-orientated model of reading, they look at how biblical texts were actualized in the lives of religious revolutionaries, such as Joanna Southcott and Sor Juana Inés de la Cruz. In important interventions—made all the more urgent in the context of the Trump presidency and Brexit—they make biblical traditions speak to gun legislation, immigration, the politics of abortion, and Roe v. Wade.

Protestant Dissent was assailed by Anglo-Catholics in England and by the Mercersburg Theologians in the United States for its fissiparous tendencies, sectarian nature, and privileging of emotional conversionism over apostolic order and objective, sacramental religion. Yet this chapter argues that personal conversion was essential to the faith of Dissent and the key to its spirituality, worship, and congregational life. Whether conversion was gradual or instantaneous, it remained the point of entry into the Christian life and the full privileges of church membership. Spurred by the preaching of the gospel and sometimes, but not always, accompanied by the application of the divine law, the earlier underpinning of conversionism in Calvinism gave way to an emphasis on human response. Popular in both the United States and Great Britain, the ‘new measures’ of the Presbyterian evangelist Charles Finney, in which burdened souls were called forward to ‘the anxious bench’ and prayerfully incited to undergo the new birth, brought thousands into the churches. However, in more liberal circles especially, conversion had by the end of the century become less of a crisis of guilt and redemption than a smooth progression towards spiritual fullness. Although preaching was often linked, especially in the first part of the century, with revivalist exuberance, it remained a mainstay of congregational life. Mainly expository and practical with a view of building up congregants in the faith, it was accompanied by hymn singing, scriptural readings, public prayers, and the two sacraments or ‘ordinances’ of baptism and the Lord’s Supper. Sermons tended to become shorter as the century progressed, from an hour or so to thirty or forty minutes, while the ‘long prayer’, invariably offered by the minister, tended to be didactic in tone. From mid-century onwards, there was a move towards more rounded worship, though congregations would sit (or sometimes stand) for prayer, but not kneel. The liturgical use of the church year with congregational recitation of the Lord’s Prayer became slowly more acceptable. Communion, either monthly or quarterly, was usually a Zwinglian memorial of Christ’s atoning sacrifice. The impact of the temperance movement during the latter part of the century dictated the use of non-alcoholic rather than fermented wine in the Lord’s Supper, while in a reaction to Anglican sacerdotalism, baptism too, whether believers’ baptism or paedo-baptism, progressively lost its sacramental character. Throughout the century, Dissenters sang. In the absence of an externally imposed prayer book or a standardized liturgy, hymns provided them with both devotional aids and a collective identity. Unaccompanied at first, hymn singing, inspired mostly by the muse of Isaac Watts, Charles Wesley, and, in Wales, William Williams, became more disciplined, eventually with organ accompaniment. Even while moving towards a more sophisticated, indeed bourgeois mode, Dissent maintained a vibrant congregational life which prized a simple, biblically based spirituality.

With global revenue surpassing twenty-five billion dollars annually, organic agriculture is a highly visible and rapidly growing component of agricultural production. In Organic Agriculture: A Global Perspective, Paul Kristiansen, Acram Taji, and John Reganold, and their international group of contributors scientifically review key aspects of organic agriculture. At the intersection of research, education, and practice, the contributors look at the organic agricultural movement’s successes and limitations. 
 The first half of this book critically evaluates the agricultural production of both plants and livestock in organic farming systems. All major aspects of organic agriculture are explored, including historical background and underlying principles, soil-fertility management, crop and animal production, breeding strategies, and crop protection. This global and comprehensive overview also addresses the economic, social, and political aspects of organic farming. These include economics and marketing; standards and certification; environmental impacts and social responsibility; and research, education, and extension.
 The book is a unique and timely science-based international work documenting current practices in organic agriculture and evaluating their strengths and weaknesses. For more than two decades, research into organic methods by mainstream scientists has generated a large body of information that can now be integrated and used for assessing the actual impacts of organic farming in a wide range of disciplines. The knowledge of selected international experts has been combined in one volume, providing a comprehensive review of organic farming globally. 
 Researchers, teachers, extensionists, students, primary producers and others around the world who are interested in sustainable agriculture will find this book to be a valuable and reliable resource.

The objectives and principles of neurological history and examination in children are the same as those in adults. This chapter therefore, will not provide an all-encompassing description of the neurological assessment of children, but highlights where the approach must differ substantially from that used in adults. Further it aims to provide a practical and useful approach to the examination of children, who may be preverbal and certainly will show less stamina for cooperation than adults. Of course as children get older, the examination can become more conventional and systematized. By adolescence the examination can be the same as the adult examination.The first and overriding factor for success is to be flexible and to make observations when the opportunity arises rather than to wait for abnormalities to arise during the course of a more systematic approach. Nonetheless a systematic approach to recording these results is essential, so as to bring together related observations made disparately in time. The history is of paramount importance in guiding the examination. Since it is unlikely that you will be able to complete a full examination, it is important to prioritize the observations needed in light of a differential diagnosis before you begin examining. Rather than rushing straight into the examination it is rewarding to gain a young child’s confidence by playing briefly with them. Also, instead of insisting on examining the child on a couch, it helps to become adept at examining young children on their parent’s or caretaker’s knee. Finally, no matter how cooperative a child is, potentially disturbing investigations should be left until last, including tendon reflexes or examination of the tongue, fundi, and ears. Otherwise all subsequent cooperation from the child may be lost after these examinations.The examination room environment is the key to a successful neurological examination and requires careful thought. There should be sufficient space to accommodate families and for the children to play. The room needs to be friendly and conducive to encouraging play. It needs to be equipped with carefully selected toys, pictures, pencils and paper, and books of interest to children over a wide age range. Observation of the child’s play whilst you are taking a history from the parents or caregivers will allow assessment of the child’s motor skills and developmental stage. Their use of play material can yield important clues to the nature of a deficit, by revealing ataxia, weakness, involuntary movements, tics, or spasticity. Play also provides an opportunity to assess the child’s behaviour, for instance their impulsivity, distractibility, and attention span. Interaction of the child with parents or caregivers can be observed also. If the child participates actively in the history taking, their understanding and contribution to the session allows you to make assessments of their language and intellectual skills.

Nationalism: Past as Prologue began as a single volume being compiled by Ad Akande, a scholar from South Africa, who proposed it to me as co-author about two years ago. The original idea was to examine how the damaging roots of nationalism have been corroding political systems around the world, and creating dangerous obstacles for necessary international cooperation. Since I (Bruce E. Johansen) has written profusely about climate change (global warming, a.k.a. infrared forcing), I suggested a concerted effort in that direction. This is a worldwide existential threat that affects every living thing on Earth. It often compounds upon itself, so delays in reducing emissions of fossil fuels are shortening the amount of time remaining to eliminate the use of fossil fuels to preserve a livable planet. Nationalism often impedes solutions to this problem (among many others), as nations place their singular needs above the common good. Our initial proposal got around, and abstracts on many subjects arrived. Within a few weeks, we had enough good material for a 100,000-word book. The book then fattened to two moderate volumes and then to four two very hefty tomes. We tried several different titles as good submissions swelled. We also discovered that our best contributors were experts in their fields, which ranged the world. We settled on three stand-alone books:” 1/ nationalism and racial justice. Our first volume grew as the growth of Black Lives Matter following the brutal killing of George Floyd ignited protests over police brutality and other issues during 2020, following the police assassination of Floyd in Minneapolis. It is estimated that more people took part in protests of police brutality during the summer of 2020 than any other series of marches in United States history. This includes upheavals during the 1960s over racial issues and against the war in Southeast Asia (notably Vietnam). We choose a volume on racism because it is one of nationalism’s main motive forces. This volume provides a worldwide array of work on nationalism’s growth in various countries, usually by authors residing in them, or in the United States with ethnic ties to the nation being examined, often recent immigrants to the United States from them. Our roster of contributors comprises a small United Nations of insightful, well-written research and commentary from Indonesia, New Zealand, Australia, China, India, South Africa, France, Portugal, Estonia, Hungary, Russia, Poland, Kazakhstan, Georgia, and the United States. Volume 2 (this one) describes and analyzes nationalism, by country, around the world, except for the United States; and 3/material directly related to President Donald Trump, and the United States. The first volume is under consideration at the Texas A & M University Press. The other two are under contract to Nova Science Publishers (which includes social sciences). These three volumes may be used individually or as a set. Environmental material is taken up in appropriate places in each of the three books. * * * * * What became the United States of America has been strongly nationalist since the English of present-day Massachusetts and Jamestown first hit North America’s eastern shores. The country propelled itself across North America with the self-serving ideology of “manifest destiny” for four centuries before Donald Trump came along. Anyone who believes that a Trumpian affection for deportation of “illegals” is a new thing ought to take a look at immigration and deportation statistics in Adam Goodman’s The Deportation Machine: America’s Long History of Deporting Immigrants (Princeton University Press, 2020). Between 1920 and 2018, the United States deported 56.3 million people, compared with 51.7 million who were granted legal immigration status during the same dates. Nearly nine of ten deportees were Mexican (Nolan, 2020, 83). This kind of nationalism, has become an assassin of democracy as well as an impediment to solving global problems. Paul Krugman wrote in the New York Times (2019:A-25): that “In their 2018 book, How Democracies Die, the political scientists Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt documented how this process has played out in many countries, from Vladimir Putin’s Russia, to Recep Erdogan’s Turkey, to Viktor Orban’s Hungary. Add to these India’s Narendra Modi, China’s Xi Jinping, and the United States’ Donald Trump, among others. Bit by bit, the guardrails of democracy have been torn down, as institutions meant to serve the public became tools of ruling parties and self-serving ideologies, weaponized to punish and intimidate opposition parties’ opponents. On paper, these countries are still democracies; in practice, they have become one-party regimes….And it’s happening here [the United States] as we speak. If you are not worried about the future of American democracy, you aren’t paying attention” (Krugmam, 2019, A-25). We are reminded continuously that the late Carl Sagan, one of our most insightful scientific public intellectuals, had an interesting theory about highly developed civilizations. Given the number of stars and planets that must exist in the vast reaches of the universe, he said, there must be other highly developed and organized forms of life. Distance may keep us from making physical contact, but Sagan said that another reason we may never be on speaking terms with another intelligent race is (judging from our own example) could be their penchant for destroying themselves in relatively short order after reaching technological complexity. This book’s chapters, introduction, and conclusion examine the worldwide rise of partisan nationalism and the damage it has wrought on the worldwide pursuit of solutions for issues requiring worldwide scope, such scientific co-operation public health and others, mixing analysis of both. We use both historical description and analysis. This analysis concludes with a description of why we must avoid the isolating nature of nationalism that isolates people and encourages separation if we are to deal with issues of world-wide concern, and to maintain a sustainable, survivable Earth, placing the dominant political movement of our time against the Earth’s existential crises. Our contributors, all experts in their fields, each have assumed responsibility for a country, or two if they are related. This work entwines themes of worldwide concern with the political growth of nationalism because leaders with such a worldview are disinclined to co-operate internationally at a time when nations must find ways to solve common problems, such as the climate crisis. Inability to cooperate at this stage may doom everyone, eventually, to an overheated, stormy future plagued by droughts and deluges portending shortages of food and other essential commodities, meanwhile destroying large coastal urban areas because of rising sea levels. Future historians may look back at our time and wonder why as well as how our world succumbed to isolating nationalism at a time when time was so short for cooperative intervention which is crucial for survival of a sustainable earth. Pride in language and culture is salubrious to individuals’ sense of history and identity. Excess nationalism that prevents international co-operation on harmful worldwide maladies is quite another. As Pope Francis has pointed out: For all of our connectivity due to expansion of social media, ability to communicate can breed contempt as well as mutual trust. “For all our hyper-connectivity,” said Francis, “We witnessed a fragmentation that made it more difficult to resolve problems that affect us all” (Horowitz, 2020, A-12). The pope’s encyclical, titled “Brothers All,” also said: “The forces of myopic, extremist, resentful, and aggressive nationalism are on the rise.” The pope’s document also advocates support for migrants, as well as resistance to nationalist and tribal populism. Francis broadened his critique to the role of market capitalism, as well as nationalism has failed the peoples of the world when they need co-operation and solidarity in the face of the world-wide corona virus pandemic. Humankind needs to unite into “a new sense of the human family [Fratelli Tutti, “Brothers All”], that rejects war at all costs” (Pope, 2020, 6-A). Our journey takes us first to Russia, with the able eye and honed expertise of Richard D. Anderson, Jr. who teaches as UCLA and publishes on the subject of his chapter: “Putin, Russian identity, and Russia’s conduct at home and abroad.” Readers should find Dr. Anderson’s analysis fascinating because Vladimir Putin, the singular leader of Russian foreign and domestic policy these days (and perhaps for the rest of his life, given how malleable Russia’s Constitution has become) may be a short man physically, but has high ambitions. One of these involves restoring the old Russian (and Soviet) empire, which would involve re-subjugating a number of nations that broke off as the old order dissolved about 30 years ago. President (shall we say czar?) Putin also has international ambitions, notably by destabilizing the United States, where election meddling has become a specialty. The sight of Putin and U.S. president Donald Trump, two very rich men (Putin $70-$200 billion; Trump $2.5 billion), nuzzling in friendship would probably set Thomas Jefferson and Vladimir Lenin spinning in their graves. The road of history can take some unanticipated twists and turns. Consider Poland, from which we have an expert native analysis in chapter 2, Bartosz Hlebowicz, who is a Polish anthropologist and journalist. His piece is titled “Lawless and Unjust: How to Quickly Make Your Own Country a Puppet State Run by a Group of Hoodlums – the Hopeless Case of Poland (2015–2020).” When I visited Poland to teach and lecture twice between 2006 and 2008, most people seemed to be walking on air induced by freedom to conduct their own affairs to an unusual degree for a state usually squeezed between nationalists in Germany and Russia. What did the Poles then do in a couple of decades? Read Hlebowicz’ chapter and decide. It certainly isn’t soft-bellied liberalism. In Chapter 3, with Bruce E. Johansen, we visit China’s western provinces, the lands of Tibet as well as the Uighurs and other Muslims in the Xinjiang region, who would most assuredly resent being characterized as being possessed by the Chinese of the Han to the east. As a student of Native American history, I had never before thought of the Tibetans and Uighurs as Native peoples struggling against the Independence-minded peoples of a land that is called an adjunct of China on most of our maps. The random act of sitting next to a young woman on an Air India flight out of Hyderabad, bound for New Delhi taught me that the Tibetans had something to share with the Lakota, the Iroquois, and hundreds of other Native American states and nations in North America. Active resistance to Chinese rule lasted into the mid-nineteenth century, and continues today in a subversive manner, even in song, as I learned in 2018 when I acted as a foreign adjudicator on a Ph.D. dissertation by a Tibetan student at the University of Madras (in what is now in a city called Chennai), in southwestern India on resistance in song during Tibet’s recent history. Tibet is one of very few places on Earth where a young dissident can get shot to death for singing a song that troubles China’s Quest for Lebensraum. The situation in Xinjiang region, where close to a million Muslims have been interned in “reeducation” camps surrounded with brick walls and barbed wire. They sing, too. Come with us and hear the music. Back to Europe now, in Chapter 4, to Portugal and Spain, we find a break in the general pattern of nationalism. Portugal has been more progressive governmentally than most. Spain varies from a liberal majority to military coups, a pattern which has been exported to Latin America. A situation such as this can make use of the term “populism” problematic, because general usage in our time usually ties the word into a right-wing connotative straightjacket. “Populism” can be used to describe progressive (left-wing) insurgencies as well. José Pinto, who is native to Portugal and also researches and writes in Spanish as well as English, in “Populism in Portugal and Spain: a Real Neighbourhood?” provides insight into these historical paradoxes. Hungary shares some historical inclinations with Poland (above). Both emerged from Soviet dominance in an air of developing freedom and multicultural diversity after the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union collapsed. Then, gradually at first, right wing-forces began to tighten up, stripping structures supporting popular freedom, from the courts, mass media, and other institutions. In Chapter 5, Bernard Tamas, in “From Youth Movement to Right-Liberal Wing Authoritarianism: The Rise of Fidesz and the Decline of Hungarian Democracy” puts the renewed growth of political and social repression into a context of worldwide nationalism. Tamas, an associate professor of political science at Valdosta State University, has been a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard University and a Fulbright scholar at the Central European University in Budapest, Hungary. His books include From Dissident to Party Politics: The Struggle for Democracy in Post-Communist Hungary (2007). Bear in mind that not everyone shares Orbán’s vision of what will make this nation great, again. On graffiti-covered walls in Budapest, Runes (traditional Hungarian script) has been found that read “Orbán is a motherfucker” (Mikanowski, 2019, 58). Also in Europe, in Chapter 6, Professor Ronan Le Coadic, of the University of Rennes, Rennes, France, in “Is There a Revival of French Nationalism?” Stating this title in the form of a question is quite appropriate because France’s nationalistic shift has built and ebbed several times during the last few decades. For a time after 2000, it came close to assuming the role of a substantial minority, only to ebb after that. In 2017, the candidate of the National Front reached the second round of the French presidential election. This was the second time this nationalist party reached the second round of the presidential election in the history of the Fifth Republic. In 2002, however, Jean-Marie Le Pen had only obtained 17.79% of the votes, while fifteen years later his daughter, Marine Le Pen, almost doubled her father's record, reaching 33.90% of the votes cast. Moreover, in the 2019 European elections, re-named Rassemblement National obtained the largest number of votes of all French political formations and can therefore boast of being "the leading party in France.” The brutality of oppressive nationalism may be expressed in personal relationships, such as child abuse. While Indonesia and Aotearoa [the Maoris’ name for New Zealand] hold very different ranks in the United Nations Human Development Programme assessments, where Indonesia is classified as a medium development country and Aotearoa New Zealand as a very high development country. In Chapter 7, “Domestic Violence Against Women in Indonesia and Aotearoa New Zealand: Making Sense of Differences and Similarities” co-authors, in Chapter 8, Mandy Morgan and Dr. Elli N. Hayati, from New Zealand and Indonesia respectively, found that despite their socio-economic differences, one in three women in each country experience physical or sexual intimate partner violence over their lifetime. In this chapter ther authors aim to deepen understandings of domestic violence through discussion of the socio-economic and demographic characteristics of theit countries to address domestic violence alongside studies of women’s attitudes to gender norms and experiences of intimate partner violence. One of the most surprising and upsetting scholarly journeys that a North American student may take involves Adolf Hitler’s comments on oppression of American Indians and Blacks as he imagined the construction of the Nazi state, a genesis of nationalism that is all but unknown in the United States of America, traced in this volume (Chapter 8) by co-editor Johansen. Beginning in Mein Kampf, during the 1920s, Hitler explicitly used the westward expansion of the United States across North America as a model and justification for Nazi conquest and anticipated colonization by Germans of what the Nazis called the “wild East” – the Slavic nations of Poland, the Baltic states, Ukraine, and Russia, most of which were under control of the Soviet Union. The Volga River (in Russia) was styled by Hitler as the Germans’ Mississippi, and covered wagons were readied for the German “manifest destiny” of imprisoning, eradicating, and replacing peoples the Nazis deemed inferior, all with direct references to events in North America during the previous century. At the same time, with no sense of contradiction, the Nazis partook of a long-standing German romanticism of Native Americans. One of Goebbels’ less propitious schemes was to confer honorary Aryan status on Native American tribes, in the hope that they would rise up against their oppressors. U.S. racial attitudes were “evidence [to the Nazis] that America was evolving in the right direction, despite its specious rhetoric about equality.” Ming Xie, originally from Beijing, in the People’s Republic of China, in Chapter 9, “News Coverage and Public Perceptions of the Social Credit System in China,” writes that The State Council of China in 2014 announced “that a nationwide social credit system would be established” in China. “Under this system, individuals, private companies, social organizations, and governmental agencies are assigned a score which will be calculated based on their trustworthiness and daily actions such as transaction history, professional conduct, obedience to law, corruption, tax evasion, and academic plagiarism.” The “nationalism” in this case is that of the state over the individual. China has 1.4 billion people; this system takes their measure for the purpose of state control. Once fully operational, control will be more subtle. People who are subject to it, through modern technology (most often smart phones) will prompt many people to self-censor. Orwell, modernized, might write: “Your smart phone is watching you.” Ming Xie holds two Ph.Ds, one in Public Administration from University of Nebraska at Omaha and another in Cultural Anthropology from the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, Beijing, where she also worked for more than 10 years at a national think tank in the same institution. While there she summarized news from non-Chinese sources for senior members of the Chinese Communist Party. Ming is presently an assistant professor at the Department of Political Science and Criminal Justice, West Texas A&M University. In Chapter 10, analyzing native peoples and nationhood, Barbara Alice Mann, Professor of Honours at the University of Toledo, in “Divide, et Impera: The Self-Genocide Game” details ways in which European-American invaders deprive the conquered of their sense of nationhood as part of a subjugation system that amounts to genocide, rubbing out their languages and cultures -- and ultimately forcing the native peoples to assimilate on their own, for survival in a culture that is foreign to them. Mann is one of Native American Studies’ most acute critics of conquests’ contradictions, and an author who retrieves Native history with a powerful sense of voice and purpose, having authored roughly a dozen books and numerous book chapters, among many other works, who has traveled around the world lecturing and publishing on many subjects. Nalanda Roy and S. Mae Pedron in Chapter 11, “Understanding the Face of Humanity: The Rohingya Genocide.” describe one of the largest forced migrations in the history of the human race, the removal of 700,000 to 800,000 Muslims from Buddhist Myanmar to Bangladesh, which itself is already one of the most crowded and impoverished nations on Earth. With about 150 million people packed into an area the size of Nebraska and Iowa (population less than a tenth that of Bangladesh, a country that is losing land steadily to rising sea levels and erosion of the Ganges river delta. The Rohingyas’ refugee camp has been squeezed onto a gigantic, eroding, muddy slope that contains nearly no vegetation. However, Bangladesh is majority Muslim, so while the Rohingya may starve, they won’t be shot to death by marauding armies. Both authors of this exquisite (and excruciating) account teach at Georgia Southern University in Savannah, Georgia, Roy as an associate professor of International Studies and Asian politics, and Pedron as a graduate student; Roy originally hails from very eastern India, close to both Myanmar and Bangladesh, so he has special insight into the context of one of the most brutal genocides of our time, or any other. This is our case describing the problems that nationalism has and will pose for the sustainability of the Earth as our little blue-and-green orb becomes more crowded over time. The old ways, in which national arguments often end in devastating wars, are obsolete, given that the Earth and all the people, plants, and other animals that it sustains are faced with the existential threat of a climate crisis that within two centuries, more or less, will flood large parts of coastal cities, and endanger many species of plants and animals. To survive, we must listen to the Earth, and observe her travails, because they are increasingly our own.