Academic literature on the topic 'Woman's Rights Convention (1848)'

Historians have generally held that before the Civil War the popular press did little to help the woman's rights movement. But careful analysis of the New York Daily Herald, the New York Daily Tribune, and the New York Daily Times during the antebellum period indicates the movement received wide attention in New York's penny press. These papers became a conduit through which woman's rights activists communicated with the general public and helped to rescue a movement without a newspaper of its own from relative obscurity.

AbstractA woman's freedom to develop her personality or identity as she sees fit is supposed to be legally protected in twenty-first century Europe. The European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) provides a right to respect for one's private life in Article 8 which has been judicially interpreted to provide a right to identity or personality development. Additionally, Article 14 provides for non-discrimination and Articles 9 and 10 for freedom of expression, including that which is religious. Arguments are examined of some different interpretations of the overall purpose of human rights law − to respect human dignity and human freedom. These are examined by reference to the recent criminalisation of wearing face coverings in public places in certain European countries where the intention is to prevent the wearing of the Islamic full-face veil.1It is argued that each woman's identity is legally recognised when the concepts of human dignity and human freedom are interpreted as empowering and self-determining rather than constraining and paternalistic. Legally banning full-face veils, in liberal democracies in situations where an adult woman says she has freely chosen to wear such a garment, misrecognises her and disrespects her identity or personality: as a human being, as a member of a religious or cultural group and as an individual person capable of subjectively interpreting her own identity or personality as she sees fit.

As early as 1848, in the first public meeting on woman's rights, feminists raised the touchy issues of women's marital subjugation and divorce. They complained that the laws of marriage and divorce were framed for the benefit of men and to entrap women within the oppressive institution of marriage. Another controversial claim made at Seneca Falls—that to the ballot—went on to become the great organizing principle for women's campaigns for legal and political reform. But despite the bold beginning, divorce remained a complex and divisive issue for feminists throughout the century. Although legislatures in most states in the mid-nineteenth century were systematically liberalizing divorce laws, they could not lift the social stigma attached to it. Fearful of being branded as anti-marriage or anti-family, or believing in the permanency of marriage, many feminists spoke of divorce reluctantly, and never used their formidable organizing skills to launch a full-scale assault on laws restricting the dissolution of marriage.

AbstractFollowing the enactment of the Human Rights Act 1998 in English law, there was speculation as to whether the English legal position that the fetus has no right to life is compatible with Article 2 of the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR). The recent decision of the European Court of Human Rights in Vo v. France provides an opportunity to reflect on the current English and ECtHR approaches to the fetus. The problems of finding a fetal right to life, which Vo sidesteps, are noted. At the same time, the "all or nothingness" of rights language is not without difficulties and troubled the judges in Vo. In particular, the idea that the fetus has no right to life gives the impression that neither English nor ECHR law values the fetus. In this light, we find English and ECtHR judges trying to express a concern for the fetus which does not undermine a pregnant woman's legal interests. This article considers these issues and highlights the importance, in a highly genetic age, of developing ways of valuing the fetus without invoking the language of rights and thus without affecting the current legal balance of interests in the maternal-fetal relationship. The idea of valuing the fetus in this way is briefly explored with particular reference to aspects of selective abortion.

The history of American women fighting for equal rights dates back to the 18th century, when in Boston, in 1770, they voiced the demand that the status of women be changed. Abigail Adams, Sarah Grimke, Angelina Grimke and Frances Wright are considered to have pioneered American feminism. An organized suffrage movement is assumed to have originated at the convention Elizabeth Stanton organized in Seneca Falls in 1848. This convention passed a Declaration of Sentiments, which criticized the American Declaration of Independence as it excluded women. The most prominent success achieved in this period was the US Congress passing the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution granting women the right to vote. The 1960s saw the second wave of feminism, resulting from disappointment with the hitherto promotion of equality. The second-wave feminists claimed that the legal reforms did not provide women with the changes they expected. As feminists voiced the need to feminize the world, they struggled for social customs to change and gender stereotypes to be abandoned. They criticized the patriarchal model of American society, blaming this model for reducing the social role of women to that of a mother, wife and housewife. They pointed to patriarchal ideology, rather than nature, as the source of the inequality of sexes. The leading representatives of the second wave of feminism were Betty Friedan (who founded the National Organization for Women), Kate Millet (who wrote Sexual Politics), and Shulamith Firestone (the author of The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution). The 1990s came to be called the third wave of feminism, characterized by multiple cultures, ethnic identities, races and religions, thereby becoming a heterogenic movement. The third-wave feminists, Rebecca Walker and Bell Hooks, represented groups of women who had formerly been denied the right to join the movement, for example due to racial discrimination. They believed that there was not one ‘common interest of all women’ but called for leaving no group out in the fight for the equality of women’s rights. They asked that the process of women’s emancipation that began with the first wave embrace and approve of the diversity of the multiethnic American society.

This article is devoted to highlighting the content and nature of women's right to abortion and opportunities for its protection. Since this right is attributed by scientists to the fourth generation of human rights and it is relatively new, it is extremely relevant to clarify the issue of the relationship between the rights and interests of a pregnant woman and an unborn child. The authors point out the existence of an urgent problem associated with the absence in European сountries of a unified approach to determining the criteria and conditions under which abortion is considered legal. It is also necessary to pay attention to the fact that a separate article dedicated to the right to abortion is absent in the European Convention on Human Rights. Since one of the conditions of acceptability of an individual complaint is the requirement to refer to violation of only those rights that are provided and guaranteed by the ECHR. The only opportunity for women to protect their right or receive compensation for violation of the right to abortion - is appeal to the European Court of Human Rights, referring to Article 8 of the European Convention, which determines the right of everyone to respect for privacy. Thus, the right to abortion is considered through the prism of the right to privacy. The main emphasis in this article is made on the analysis of the most important decisions of the European Court of Human Rights in Affairs, where women complain about violation of their rights due to imprisonment of abortion, which led to terrible consequences. The authors clarified the relation of the ECHR to abortion and deprivation of the right of a woman on their conduct. The court has developed criteria that help determine whether there was a violation of a woman's right to respect for privacy, guaranteed by Article 8. In the article the main problems due to which women in most cases cannot implement their right in their own country properly are identified. Also, in the context of the court decisions, the difference between the ECHR positions regarding this issue and the internal legislation of some European countries, against which the complaints are most often served is analyzed. The authors draw the attention of states to the need to take into account the conclusions of the European Court and lead laws and other regulatory acts in accordance with its decisions.

FEMINISMO, VIOLÊNCIA E PODER: UMA ANÁLISE HISTÓRICO-JURÍDICA DA TRAJETÓRIA E DOS DOCUMENTOS QUE CULMINARAM NA LEI MARIA DA PENHA E NO FEMINICÍDIO FEMINISM, VIOLENCE AND POWER: AN HISTORICAL AND LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE TRAJECTORY AND THE DOCUMENTS WHICH CULMINATED IN THE MARIA DA PENHA LAW AND THE FEMICIDE Cristian Kiefer da Silva* Débora Totini Seabra**Luiz Antônio Soares Júnior*** RESUMO: O presente trabalho procura demonstrar que a Lei Maria da Penha e o Feminicídio são resultado da contestação a um processo histórico sexista através de movimentos sociais denominados de ondas do feminismo os quais culminariam na elaboração de documentos (inter)nacionais dentre os quais as leis que aqui serão tratadas. Eis que, historicamente, a sociedade se organizou numa estrutura patriarcal fundamentada na natureza humana, sobretudo na perspectiva de dominação e poderio dos homens sobre as mulheres o que levaria a uma sujeição da mulher ao marido e ao próprio aparelho estatal. Para demonstrar tal perspectiva, serão estudados, inicialmente, os aspectos históricos justamente com as ondas do feminismo, analisando a produção documental de feministas como Olympe de Gouges. Igualmente, serão objeto de estudo Mary Wollstonecraft, Virgínia Woolf, dentre outras que receberam o nome de tricoteuses. Paralelamente, serão abordadas convenções como a Convenção para o Direito das Mulheres de 1848, a Convenção de Seneca Falls, disposições do Código Civil brasileiro de 1916, do Código Comercial brasileiro de 1850, as Ordenações Filipinas, o Estatuto da Mulher Casada e de convenções mais recentes, tais como a Convenção Interamericana sobre a Concessão dos Direitos Civis à Mulher, a Convenção sobre os direitos políticos da Mulher, a CEDAW, e a Convenção Interamericanas para prevenir, punir e erradicar a violência contra a Mulher. Por fim, passar-se-á à análise da fragmentação da ideia de poder e violência, bem como da Lei Maria da Penha e do Feminicídio, destacando os seus aspectos mais relevantes. PALAVRAS-CHAVE: Feminismo. Feminicídio. Lei Maria da Penha. Violência. Poder. ABSTRACT: The present paper seeks to demonstrate that the Maria da Penha Law and the Feminicide are the result of the challenge to a historical sexist process through social movements denominated waves of feminism that culminate in the elaboration of (inter) national documents among which the laws that here will be explored. Historically, society has organized itself into a patriarchal structure based on human nature, especially in the perspective of domination and power between men and women, which led to the subjection of women to their husbands and to the state apparatus. In order to demonstrate this perspective, it will be firstly studied the historical aspects precisely with the waves of feminism, analyzing the documentary production of feminists like Olympe de Gouges. It will also be mentioned Mary Wollstonecraft, Virginia Woolf, among others who were called tricoteuses. At the same time, it will be studied conventions such as the Convention on the Rights of Women of 1848, the Seneca Falls Convention, and, in depth, provisions of the Brazilian Civil Code of 1916, the Brazilian Commercial Code of 1850, the Philippine Statute of Married Women and more recent conventions such as the Inter-American Convention on the Granting of Civil Rights to Women, the Convention on the Political Rights of Women, CEDAW, and the Inter-American Convention on the Prevention, Punishment and Eradication of Violence against Women. Finally, the analysis of the fragmentation of the idea of power and violence will be analyzed as well as the Maria da Penha Law and the Feminicide Law, highlighting its most relevant aspects. KEYWORDS: Feminism. Feminicide. Maria da Penha Law. Violence. Power. SUMÁRIO: Introdução. 1 As Ondas do Feminismo. 2 Os Principais Documentos Internacionais para a Promoção dos Direitos das Mulheres e da Igualdade de Gênero. 2.1 A Carta das Nações Unidas; Convenção Interamericana sobre a concessão dos Direitos Civis à Mulher; e a Convenção sobre os Direitos Políticos da Mulher. 2.2 A Convenção sobre os Direitos Políticos da Mulher e a Convenção para eliminação de todas as formas de discriminação contra a Mulher (CEDAW). 2.3 A Convenção Interamericana para prevenir, punir e erradicar a violência contra a Mulher – Convenção De Belém Do Pará. 3 A Fragmentação da Ideia de Poder e Violência: Lei Maria da Penha (Lei Nº 11.340 De 2006) e Feminicídio (Lei 13.104/2015). Considerações Finais. Referências.* Pós-Doutorando e Doutor pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais (PUC Minas). Professor dos Programas de Pós-Graduação em Direito da Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais (PUC Minas), da Faculdade Estácio de Sá, Minas Gerais, e do Instituto Universitário Brasileiro (IUNIB), Minas Gerais. Professor da Escola de Direito do Centro Universitário UNA, do Centro Universitário Newton Paiva e Minas Gerais e da Faculdade de Minas (Faminas-BH), Minas Gerais. ** Graduada em Direito pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais (PUC Minas).*** Graduado em Direito pela Pontifícia Universidade Católica de Minas Gerais (PUC Minas).

The purpose of this thesis is to examine the origins of the first women's rights convention held at Seneca Falls, NY during the summer of 1848. Taxation without representation was one of the foundations that the Continental Congress used as a basis for Independence from England. But when the revolution ended and the Republic was formed, the United States adopted many English laws and traditions regarding the status of women. Women, who were citizens or could be naturalized, were left civically invisible by the code of laws (coverture) once they married. They were not able to own property, form contracts, sue or be sued. In essence, they were "covered" by their husbands under coverture. Single women who owned property or inherited property were subject to taxation, though they had no voice in the elective franchise. Therefore, women, both married and single, who were counted for legislative purposes, were given no voice in choosing their government representatives. I conclude that there were three bases for women's rights: equity, Republican Motherhood, and women's organizations. The legal concept of equity, the domestic ideology of Republican Motherhood combined with the social model of women's organizations formed the earliest foundation of what would become the first feminist movement, leading directly to the Declaration of Sentiments at Seneca Falls in 1848. Through an analysis of the changes in women's property ownership to the enhancement of the female domestic role in the early nineteenth century, women challenged their place in the public sphere. The sisterhood that was created as a result of the new domestic ideology and improved female education led to the creation of organizations to improve women's place in society. Through an almost fifty year evolution, the earliest women's volunteer organizations became the mid-nineteenth century reform organizations, leading to a campaign for woman's suffrage.<br>M.A.<br>Department of History<br>Arts and Humanities<br>History MA

abstract: In speeches, declarations, journals, and convention proceedings, mid-nineteenth-century American woman's rights activists exhorted one another to action as equal heirs of the rights and burdens associated with independence and chided men for failing to live up to the founders' ideals and examples. They likened themselves to oppressed colonists and compared legislators to King George, yet also criticized the patriot fathers for excluding women from civic equality. This dissertation analyzes these invocations of collective memories of the nation's founding, described as Revolutionary heritage rhetoric, in publicly circulated texts produced by woman's rights associations from 1848 to 1890. This organization-driven approach de-centers the rhetoric of the early movement as the intellectual products of a few remarkable women, instead exploring movement rhetoric across the first generation through myriad voices: female and male; native- and foreign-born; those who spoke extemporaneously at conventions along with well-known organizers. Tracing the use of Revolutionary heritage rhetoric over a fifty-year span reveals that activists’ invocations of the founding were inseparably connected to their willingness to work for racial and class equality along with woman's rights. References to the Revolution and such slogans as “no taxation without representation” could be inclusive or exclusionary, depending upon how they were used and who used them. In the opening decades of the organized woman’s rights movement, claims to a shared Revolutionary heritage reflected larger commitments to racial, class, and gender equality. As organizations within the movement fractured around competing ideas about how to best improve women's lives, activists’ rhetoric changed as well. When the commitment to universal equality gave way to ideologies of race, class, and nativity privilege, references to the founding era morphed into justifications for limited, rather than equal rights. Revolutionary heritage rhetoric largely disappeared from suffrage, education, and pay equity arguments by the late 1880s, replaced by arguments grounded in white, Protestant, female moral superiority.<br>Dissertation/Thesis<br>Doctoral Dissertation History 2016

In 1847-1848, the Posts participated in numerous efforts to advance social justice and religious liberty. When Douglass launched the North Star in Rochester, the Posts were drawn further into interracial circles. Douglass’s co-editor, William Nell lived with the Posts; and he and Amy became fast friends. Douglass’ coverage of European revolutions and critiques of he Mexican-American War tied local radicals to international struggles. The Posts’ daughter Mary and her husband William Hallowell and Amy’s sister Sarah joined in activist ventures. They also helped with housework and childcare as Amy participated in dozens of WNYASS antislavery fairs and annual Emancipation Day celebrations; joined Douglass, Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton at the Seneca Falls Woman’s Rights Convention; embraced spiritualism and the newly-established Yearly Meeting of Congregational Friends; assisted fugitive slaves; and led efforts to organize the Rochester Woman’s Rights Convention and a local Working Women’s Protective Union. The Posts lived their politics at home, boycotting slave-produced goods and inviting their household workers to join in their activities. Although Douglass and Nell joined Post in advocating woman’s rights, Amy was unable to induce local African American women to participate in these activities.

In 1849, Harriet Jacobs joined Posts’ household after Nell returned to Boston, and Sojourner Truth befriended Amy in 1851. The Posts invited black and white friends to their home, and Amy helped organize an interracial dinner during a WNYASS convention. Still aiding a flood of fugitive slaves, the Posts became increasingly involved in woman’s rights, spiritualism, temperance, and the Congregational Friends. Susan B. Anthony settled in Rochester in 1849 and joined Amy in woman’s rights and temperance efforts. As Isaac became absorbed in spiritualism, Amy travelled to antislavery and woman’s rights conventions, visited William Nell in Boston, and toured fugitive communities in Canada. While honing her skills as a conductor across movements, Post also confronted her limits. In 1849 Julia Griffiths arrived from Scotland to aid Douglass’s work. More attracted to political abolitionism and affluent supporters than to radical activists, Griffiths nonetheless hoped to gain Post’s support. Instead, as Douglass grew closer to Griffiths, he became more critical of Post. The gulf widened when Griffiths organized the Rochester Ladies’ Anti-Slavery Society and Douglass embraced political abolitionism. Still, Post remained close with Nell, Jacobs, and Truth, who shared her spiritualist and women’s rights views as well as her radical abolitionism.

Don goldsberry had been speaking for only a few minutes at the Game Commission’s April 1972 hearing, and already Elizabeth Stanton Lay couldn’t believe her ears. Branding killer whales with dry ice? Burning their skin with lasers? Confining them to pools for research and profit? What kind of men were these? After listening to representatives from the Audubon Society, Friends of the Earth, and the Washington Environment Council voice their opposition, the sixty-year-old Lay rose to speak. “I have never before heard such a frank statement of what seems to me a totally inhumane attitude toward living creatures,” she declared. Marine mammals could do without the type of “research” Namu Inc. proposed. Whales were disappearing around the world, she reminded listeners, and the same could happen to orcas in Puget Sound. “When I was a very little girl, we used to see blackfish out in the bay, and we loved it,” she recalled. Now locals rarely saw the great creatures, except when men like Goldsberry trapped them behind nets. Lay was never one to stand idly by. Named after Elizabeth Cady Stanton, organizer of the 1848 Seneca Falls Convention on women’s rights, she would have made her namesake proud. Born in Tacoma in 1911, she had grown up in the nearby town of Rosedale on Henderson Bay and earned a history degree from Reed College in Portland, followed by a master’s degree in political science from the University of Washington. She studied in Geneva, worked as a journalist in Washington, DC, and served in the new Federal Security Agency during World War II. From the mid-1940s to the mid-1950s, she worked as a historian for the US military, living in Paris, Frankfurt, and Seoul and producing a two-volume account of the Berlin Airlift. By the time of the Game Commission hearing, Lay had retired to Rosedale, where she played the organ at her Christian Science church, promoted forest preservation, and fought to stop orca capture. Her interest in the issue may have started with young Ken Gormly’s 1968 account of the catch in Vaughn Bay.