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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Women’s rights in Islam'
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Sortor, Angela E. "Explanation for the Variation of Women’s Rights Among Moderate Muslim Countries." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2012. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc149664/.
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Due to the actions of radicals and extremists, many in the West have come to view Islam as a religion of gender inequality that perpetuates the severe oppression of women. However, there is actually great variation in women’s rights across Muslim countries. This thesis presents a theoretical framework seeking to explain this variation, by examining differences in family law. The theory supposes that variation can be explained by the strategic actions of political leaders. From this theory, I hypothesize that the variations in women’s rights come from the variation in family law, which in large, are due to the existence of groups threatening the power of the political leaders, and the leader’s subsequent understanding of this threat. Using a most similar systems research design, I examine 4 moderate Muslim countries, Turkey, Tunisia, Morocco, and Egypt. Through case study research, I find limited support for the above hypothesis.
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Latif, Nazia. "Women, Islam and human rights." Thesis, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/10443/444.
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This thesis explores the position of women in contemporary Muslim societies. It examines whether restrictions placed on them are the result of Islamic edicts and how human rights documents address those restrictions. It looks at the position of women in the areas of family law, political and legal participation and veiling with particular reference to Pakistan and Iran. The thesis begins by exploring how Islamic scripture is used tn endorse opposing views of women. On the one hand is a body of literature, generally termed as conservative, that sees women as intellectually weak and in constant need of male guidance. I argue that this literature is actually based on an inconsistent approach to Islamic sources and show how Muslim women are using alternative, exegetical works and rulings from orthodox and contemporary scholars with classical training as a source of empowerment. Based on the findings of the case studies it is argued that human rights standards, embodied in the International Bill of Human Rights, overlook many aspects of Muslim women's suffering and in particular how their socio-economic status affects their ability to escape abuse suffered at the hands of private, non-state actors. I then contend that both Muslims and human rights advocates must begin by acknowledging that they have failed the plight of Muslim women. Muslims by acting on conservative arguments and human rights advocates by overlooking the reality of women's lives. I argue that both Islam and human rights can work together to empower women but firstly human rights advocates need to take on board the different criticisms levelled at their theory. Muslims also must endeavour to prove the authenticity of their challenges to conservative understandings of Islamic sources by educating at grassroots level and by taking on the task of Islamic scholarship through established centres of Islamic learning.
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Scott, Jennifer Lee. "An Islamic feminism? competing understandings of womens rights in Morocco." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/5430.
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Zarzour, Asma Adnan. "The particularities of human rights in Islam with reference to freedom of faith and women's rights a comparative study with international law /." Thesis, Available from the University of Aberdeen Library and Historic Collections Digital Resources, 2008. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?application=DIGITOOL-3&owner=resourcediscovery&custom_att_2=simple_viewer&pid=24806.
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Eshanzada, Riba Khaleda. "MUSLIM AMERICAN’S UNDERSTANDING OF WOMEN’S RIGHTS IN ACCORDANCE TO THE ISLAMIC TRADITIONS." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2018. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd/637.
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Islam is the most misrepresented, misunderstood, and the subject for much controversy in the United States of America especially with the women’s rights issue. This study presents interviews with Muslim Americans on their narrative and perspective of their understanding of women’s rights in accordance to the Islamic traditions. Utilizing a post-positive design, a qualitative data was gathered to compare Quranic text, and the Hadith of the Prophet Muhammad to daily practice of Muslim Americans in a Western democratic society. Participants acknowledged that although Islam as a religion has given women rights more than any other world religion and nation, practicing has not been implemented properly because of the cultural and interpretation barriers. Muslim Americans also acknowledge that the current political atmosphere in the United State has encouraged community members to become more vocal and practicing Muslims.
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Tehrani, Maryam Moazezi Zadeh. "Women's rights in Islam and current discourse of international human rights law." Thesis, University of Hull, 2007. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:6643.
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The international norm of non-discrimination on the basis of sex as reflected in the UN human rights instrument culminated in 1979 with the adoption of the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women. With the adoption of the Convention, the separate concepts of women's rights were recast in a global perspective, and supervisory machinery with terms of reference similar to those of existing human rights organs was provided for. Although the Convention is considered as the most important binding document for elimination of discrimination against women, it met with a large number of reservations by member states. The number of far reaching reservations entered to the Women's Convention has been the subject of a global debate and the Convention is seen as the most 'political' of all the human rights instruments. Muslim member states to the Convention have entered reservations to its substantive provisions based on Islamic Law and emphasise that the formulation and interpretation of these rights in Sharia is very different from the concept of human rights in international human rights instruments. Reservations of Muslim state parties to the substantive provisions of the Women's Convention and present gender discriminatory laws in Muslim states based on some jurists' interpretation of a few verses in the Quran and the existence of a few ahadith, including qawwamun (the superiority of male over female in marriage), divorce, guardianship and custody, women's testimony which is worth half that of a man in financial transactions; inheritance rights of women where women are entitled to half the share of a man in a comparable situation; polygamy and some issues in Islamic penal law which are undesirable from the perspective of women's human rights in international law have led to the belief that women in Islamic societies are second citizen and Islamic principles are an obstacle to eliminating discrimination against women. They also reinforce the view in the West that the concept of women's human rights in Islam is entirely irreconcilable with international human rights norms on the subject, such as those expressed in the Women's Convention. By studying the origin of the religion and Islamic sources, the present author, however, seriously doubts the validity of the Western view and Muslim parties' reservations to substantive provisions of the Convention, based solely on their interpretation of the Sharia. Contrary to the common perception, the principles of Islamic law do not consist of an immutable, unchanging set of norms, but have an inbuilt dynamism that is sensitive and flexible so that Islamic law can remain up-to-date and respond to the questions and demands of people at different times and places. This project, in the light of Islamic sources and interpretations of Islamic jurisprudence from both schools of thought, Sunni and Shi'a, is designed in four parts to discuss and explore the place of women's rights in Islam and the current discourse of women's human rights in modem international law in order to determine whether Islamic law is reconcilable with international women's human rights such as those expressed in the Women's Convention.
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González, Alessandra L. Froese Paul. "Islam, sex, and sect a quantitative look at women's rights in the Middle East /." Waco, Tex. : Baylor University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2104/5172.
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Mian, N. "Women's human rights in Islam and international human rights regime : the case of Pakistan." Thesis, Queen's University Belfast, 2005. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.419450.
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Svensson, Jonas. "Women's human rights and Islam : A Study of Three Attempts at Accommodation." Doctoral thesis, Lunds universitet, Islamologi, 2000. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-6036.
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El-gousi, Hiam Sa. "Women's rights in Islam and contemporary Ulama : limitations and constraints : Egypt as case study." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2010. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/15221/.
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There is a general notion that Islam, as a religion, looks down upon women and encourages discrimination against them. Thus, the status of Arab and Muslim women has become a controversial issue, drawing significant research attention amongst scholars in different fields such as sociology, social development, theology and feminist studies. This thesis aims to explain and understand both the actual status of Muslim Egyptian women and their rights in Muslim societies and also the influential role played by the ulama. The case of Egypt offers a useful focus for this research since the matter can be studied from multiple angles; political, and cultural. The emphasis given to introducing Muslim women's views, especially at the grassroots level on the subject under examination, are based on their current status and personal experiences. Field research was conducted in two main governorates in Egypt; Cairo and Qena. A total of 233 Informants participated in this study, representing different social, economic, educational, geographical, and cultural backgrounds. The findings of the study suggest that women hold a good level of awareness and knowledge of the rights granted to them by Islam, despite the discrepancy in the percentages obtained in both governorates. There is also a strong link between the content of Television drama and raising awareness about current legislations, given that the Media represent the main source of education for women about their rights in both locations. Finally recommendations are made at both macro and micro levels with the aim of creating sustainable improvement in women's rights in Egypt.
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Barimo, Elise. "The impact of islam on women in the middle east a discussion of the political role of islam in turkey, saudi arabia, and lebanon." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/659.
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The social instability of the Middle East is often assumed to be consequential predominantly from the influences of extreme traditional Islamic practices; with substantial prominence placed upon the treatment of and violence against Middle Eastern women. This discussion seeks to directly prove the prevalence of Islamic influence on Middle Eastern politics and the resulting social instability. This assessment is designed around an interdisciplinary examination of coalescent factors. By assessing the political history, social and cultural lifestyle, and political and legal situation of the region, the assessment examines the contributors to the social instability of Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Turkey. The principal conclusion of this narrative is that the influences of extreme traditional Islamic values have a direct influence on the social instability and gender equality exhibited in Islamic Middle Eastern nation-states.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Khan, Zaynab. "Women Rights and Islam : A study of women rights and effects of Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism in the Kurdish area of Iraq." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Management and Economics, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-3265.
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Lack of women rights in the international society is something that UN and other international human organizations are striving against. Women oppression is common in many countries, but is often connected with the Muslim countries. Women oppression is something that is against UN: s definition of human rights. The international society has therefore tried to protect the women, and has formed resolutions, conventions and so on, for their security.
According to the Iraqi regime, human rights are an important question. The country has therefore signed the UN: s convention about women rights. Since the year of 1992, when the Kurdish area of Iraq became self- governed, Kurdistan has started programs that favour women rights. Organizations and institutions have for example been established, that are struggling for the women in the society. The ruling government has also instituted some laws that favour women rights.
Islamic fundamentalism and Muslim feminism are two theories that today have supporters in the international society. Both of those theories and their supporters believes in the Quran and use it to justify their own actions, but in different ways. The fundamentalists emphasize the differences that, by the nature, exist between the sexes. According to the fundamentalists, women and men have different responsibilities in the society. The feminists on the other hand believe in equality between the sexes and mean that women oppression has its origin in an erroneous interpretation of the Quran.
Different kinds of crimes against women rights issues are today common in Kurdistan. Many of those crimes don’t have any support in neither UN, nor the Quran. Muslim feminists, the department for human rights and the women organizations all has agreed about the meaning of women rights. They believe in UN: s definition of women rights and they all use the Quran to justify women right issues. Islamic fundamentalists on the other hand also use the Quran for justifying their actions, but they don’t believe in UN: s definition of women rights.
So both Muslim feminists and Islamic fundamentalists exist today in Kurdistan, and their engagement in women issues is therefore affecting the work of the organizations and the department.
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Sharafeldin, Marwa. "Personal status law reform in Egypt : women's rights : NGOs navigating between Islamic law and human rights." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:9d389f66-f8f6-4c0a-8755-1f7d2186a1ba.
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This thesis explores the ways in which Islamic law and human rights interact within the work of women’s rights non-governmental organizations (NGOs) that advocate the reform of the Egyptian Personal Status Law (PSL) in the period between 2006 and 2010. The thesis shows the relevance of the human rights framework as well as the flexibility of Islamic legal discourse in the work of the NGOs. Drawing on both Islamic law and human rights enabled NGOs to develop a more gender-sensitive religious discourse, which supported their PSL reform demands. However the interaction between these two frameworks was largely affected by several important factors, which sometimes led NGOs to dilute some of their demands. These factors included the implications of the change in the form of Shari‘a as codified law under the modern nation-state; the Egyptian political context both internally and externally; the common local perception that human rights are a Western production and an extension of Western colonialism; the dominant religious but patriarchal discourse governing the PSL; the implications of activism through the NGO structure; and the personal religiosity of individual activists. The thesis explores NGOs’ PSL reform demands in depth bearing in mind these factors. It investigates NGOs’ discourse and shows its strengths and weaknesses. It shows that the interaction between Islamic law and human rights within NGOs’ work in this particular Egyptian context produced reform demands that were innovative and practically appealing on one hand, but epistemologically problematic in some instances, on another.
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Lazcano, Christine Alexis. "Women's Rights in Islam: A Comparison Between the Holy Qu'ran and the Qur'anic Interpretation Implemented in Islamic Societies." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/311781.
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Abdel, Hadi Fouz. "Islamic Legislative Drafting Methodology for Women's Equality Rights in Palestine: Using Codification to Replace the Wife's Obedience Obligation by Full Equality in the Family Law." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/12748.
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The Islamic legislative drafting methodology is meant to bring the family law of Islamic countries into line with current conceptions of gender equality found not only in the West but in Islamic law (the shari’a) as well. The methodology involves identifying the fundamental principles of shari’a and recognizing that they must be adapted to the socio-economic conditions in which they are to be applied.
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Andersson, Karolina. "Att sätta muslimska kvinnors rättigheter på kartan : En studie av fem feministiska teoretikersperspektiv på islam och feminism." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-444015.
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Muslim women’s rights, and gender equality in the Muslim world, are commonly discussed subjects within the academic world. Feminism, as a term, is often connected to this topic of discussion. This thesis aims to analyze two different perspectives concerning how these rights should be achieved: Islamic feminism, using internal resources, and Muslim feminism, using external resources. Islamic feminism, as a strategy, proposes that by interpreting the Quran, the ultimate revelation of God, Islam could provide the central and egalitarian meaning of the Quran. There is disagreement within the academic community whether Islamic feminism would enable these rights. Muslim feminism, as a counterpoint to Islamic feminism, proposes that the state must become secularized. Rendering Islam and the state as separate entities. This thesis will utilize the theoretical perspective on Islam and feminism from five feministic academics. They all have different backgrounds, standpoints, and approaches towards the development of Muslim women’s rights, as well as what strategies they suggest to improve them. These strategies encounter different kinds of difficulties. The Islamic feminism, which uses the Quran, runs the risk of being too heavily associated with already established interpretations of the Quran. It may be seen as intertwined with existing fundamentalist views. On the opposite side of the spectrum, Muslim feminism may create a divide between Islam and women’s rights. This thesis aims to present the potential of different theoretical perspectives on Islam and feminism as well as the limitations on suggested strategies for improvement of Muslim women’s rights.
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Nkealah, Naomi Epongse. "Islamic culture and the question of women's human rights in North Africa : a study of short stories by Assia Djebar and Alifa Rifaat." Pretoria : [s.n.], 2006. http://upetd.up.ac.za/thesis/available/etd-09102007-111635.
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Moussavi, Bibi Fakhereh. "Les mobilisations des femmes Afghanes nées et socialisées en Iran après la révolution de 1979." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2048.
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Cette thèse porte sur la question de la mobilisation de la nouvelle génération des femmes en Afghanistan après 2001. Elle interroge d’abord l’existence d’un mouvement féministe, selon les significations des outils théoriques occidentaux. Ensuite, elle analyse la mobilisation des femmes à partir des éléments qui provoquent une mobilisation pour la transformation socialeet politique afin d’assurer les droits des femmes : ceux qui ont un impact important sur la société comme la politique ou l’économie qui ne laisse pas la place aux femmes pour s’exprimer librement. La nouvelle génération des femmes qui ont grandi sous la Révolution et les théories des révolutionnaires s’engagent progressivement dans un combat pour le droit et la démocratie sous l’influence du développement : la modernisation économique, l’éducation, l’immigration et la mondialisationThis thesis focuses on the topic of mobilization of the new generation of women in Afghanistan after 2001. First, it questions the existence of a feminist movement in Afghanistan, according to the meanings and Western theoretical tools. Then it analyzes themobilization of women from the elements that cause mobilization for social and political transformation to ensure women's rights: those that have a significant impact on society such as politics and economy of both countries which do not leave room for women to express themselves freely. The new generation of women who has grown up under the Revolution andrevolutionary theories has mobilized progressively in a fight for rights and democracy under the influence of development: economic modernization, education, immigration and globalization
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Cherland, Kelsey. "The Development Of Personal Status Law In Jordan & Iraq." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/865.
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This thesis explores the historical development of personal status law, which governs a person’s marriage, divorce, and custody rights. It is significant because it is part of a framework that has defined women’s rights for centuries. I will argue that personal status law is a patriarchal framework that has been reinforced over time, leading up to the creation of nation-states in the Middle East. As such, this is the “institution” of personal status that will be traced using historical institutionalism theory. In this thesis I will argue that personal status has undergone a critical juncture, or crucial moment of potential to change, in both Jordan and Iraq’s founding, and that this has consequentially affected personal status law development and responses to the women’s movement throughout the 20th century in both countries. This thesis briefly reviews the role of women’s rights and the development of law in pre-Islam era, Islam and the Qur’an, and the Ottoman Empire in order to describe the institution of personal status law. Next, I review the history of Jordan and then Iraq and identify the critical juncture of personal status in historical context. In each chapter I will also explore the matter of de facto, or what women’s rights are like in practice, as an example of the institution at work in the patriarchal protection paradox.
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Pettersson, Maria. "Whose Islam is the right Islam? :." Lund, Sweden : Department of Economic History at Lund University, 2002. http://www.ekh.lu.se/publ/mfs/6.pdf.
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Scharla, Løjmand Ida. "Voicing Women’s Rights: Being and Becoming a Women’s Rights Activist in Assam, India." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21191.
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This thesis is based on a minor field study (MFS) with the aim of investigating what habitus and forms of capital facilitate women’s rights activism in Assam, India – a state described as highly patriarchal but also a place where women enjoy higher status than elsewhere in the country. Using the concepts of capital and habitus and elements from social movement- and feminist theory, I analyze interviews with eight Assamese women’s rights activists. I conclude that the habitus of social engagement has been embodied early in most participants and that they all possess strong cultural and social capital that enable them to act. The identity of being independent is an integrated part of the participants and it is also what they strive to implement in the communities of women they work with.
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Hosseinioun, Mishana. "The globalisation of universal human rights and the Middle East." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:8f6bdf79-2512-4f32-840a-3565a096ae8d.
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The goal of this study is to generate a more holistic picture of the diffusion and assimilation of universal human rights norms in diverse cultural and political settings such as the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The overarching question to be investigated in this thesis is the relationship between the evolving international human rights regime and the emerging human rights normative and legal culture in the Middle East. This question will be investigated in detail with reference to regional human rights schemes such as the Arab Charter of Human Rights, as well as local human rights developments in three Middle Eastern states, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates, and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Having gauged the take-up of human rights norms on the ground at the local and regional levels, the thesis examines in full the extent of socialisation and internalisation of human rights norms across the Middle East region at large.
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Herbel, Lindsey Christine. "Explaining Gender Inequality in the Middle East:Islam vs. Oil." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2009. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/political_science_theses/28.
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What is the relationship between gender inequality and resource wealth in the Middle East? Why has progression of women’s rights in the Middle East advanced at a comparatively slower rate than most of the world? Conventional wisdom attributes the continued significant gaps in gender equality to the region’s strong patriarchic culture associated with Islam. However, recent statistical analysis conducted by Michael Ross suggests a correlation between oil production and women’s rights. This thesis examines an emerging schism in the literature and evaluates the relationship between social and political emancipation of women relative to Islam and oil wealth. The findings of this examination conclude that Ross’s theoretical framework is incomplete: Islamic law is a key causal mechanism left out of his examination. Furthermore, Islamic law has a more comprehensive negative impact on women’s social and political rights than oil wealth.
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Mantilla, Falcón Julissa. "Transitional Justice and Women’s Rights: Possibilities and challenges." IUS ET VERITAS, 2016. http://repositorio.pucp.edu.pe/index/handle/123456789/122951.
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This article is about the issue of Transitional Justice and its relationship with women’s rights. The author defines the concept of this term and makes a list of the rights that are covered by it, also she mentions that women have not been properly considered in the Transitional Justice process by not having the gender perspective, which is necessary to be done. The author concludes by stating that the reports have been more truthful when gender perspective was applied.El presente artículo versa sobre la Justicia Transicional y su relación con los derechos de las mujeres. La autora define el concepto de este término y da a conocer un listado de los derechos que éste engloba, asimismo menciona que las mujeres no han sido debidamente incorporadas en los procesos de Justicia Transicional al no tener estos una perspectiva de género, lo cual es necesario que ocurra. Finalmente, la autora señala que se han tenido informes más verídicos cuando se aplicó este enfoque de género.
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Zakaria, Aalhassan. "Human Rights In Islam : A Pluralistic Approach." Thesis, Linköping University, Centre for Applied Ethics, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-9125.
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Human rights as codified in international documents are claims every human being have by virtue of being a human. Meaning that every state must ensure, through its laws, that each individual is guaranteed these claims or rights equally. Islamic principles like other religions are obligations that its members (Muslims) must perform rather than claims. Therefore, it is possible that individual rights may not be respected within Islamic principles because, of the differences in their origin and emphasis, one is a claim and the other a duty of believers.
The concern of violating rights of other people within Islamic law calls into attention how Islamic principles can be applied in a state while guaranteeing human rights as universal principles.
This study discusses various approaches proposed by Muslim authors on how human rights can be justified in Islam. Since human rights are political concepts, in the sense that each state must ensure that human beings go about their life freely, they should be the focus of consensus among different doctrines in a modern state. That is a principle to justify human rights in Islam must consider the fact of pluralism of religious doctrines and how all are included in the political process of the state.
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Chase, Anthony G. "Islam and human rights : clashing normative orders? /." Thesis, Connect to Dissertations & Theses @ Tufts University, 2000.
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Thesis (Ph.D) -- Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, 2000.Adviser: Andrew Hess. Typescript. Vita. Bibliography: unnumbered leaves. Access restricted to members of the Tufts University community. Also available via the World Wide Web;
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Rahmani, Tabar Mohsen. "La protection pénale des libertés et droits fondamentaux de la femme. : Étude comparée Iran-France." Thesis, Montpellier 1, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014MON10050.
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Nous observons des différences significatives au sein de la protection pénale des libertés et droits fondamentaux de la femme entre l'Iran et la France. Ces dissemblances sont issues de divergences fondamentales dans la définition des concepts bâtisseurs des droits de l'Homme, basée sur les perceptions du monde selon l'Islam et la laïcité. Ces divergences influent sur la mise en œuvre juridique des droits de l'homme et de la femme au niveau international et national. La France a réaffirmé ses engagements vis-à-vis de la Déclaration DHC par l'adoption de celle-ci dans le Code constitutionnel français. Elle a adhéré à la majorité des textes internationaux et régionaux concernant les droits fondamentaux de l'Homme, la prévention des violences faites aux femmes et la discrimination à l'égard des femmes. Elle s'est engagée à appliquer les traités internationaux ratifiés et à les absorber en droit interne à travers le mécanisme prévu par le Code Constitutionnel. En Iran, selon le Code Constitutionnel, toutes les lois doivent être compatibles avec les prescriptions islamiques. Nous avons étudié l'incompatibilité avec l'Islam de certains droits proclamés dans la DUDH et dans d'autres textes internationaux, notamment la Convention sur l'élimination de toutes formes de discriminations à l'égard des femmes. Le droit pénal comparé franco-iranien, à l'égard de la protection pénale de la femme, permet d'identifier clairement la politique criminelle dans la lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et la discrimination à travers les incriminations et les réponses punitives à cet égardWe observe significant differences in the criminal protection of fundamental rights and freedoms of women between Iran and France. These dissimilarities are derived from fundamental differences in the definition of concepts of human rights based on the perception of the world in Islam and secularism. These differences affect the legal implementation of the human rights of women in the national and international level. France has affirmed its commitment to the DDHC by its adoption in the French constitutional bloc. It has acceded to most international and regional instruments on human rights, prevention of violence against women and discrimination against women. It is committed to implement the ratified international treaties and to internalize through the mechanism provided by the Constitutional Code. Iran claimed the Constitutional Code; all laws must be consistent with Islamic requirements. We studied the incompatibility of Islam with certain rights enshrined in the UDHR and other international instruments including the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women. The French Criminal Law in relation to Iranian penal protection of women clearly identifies the criminal policy in the struggle against violence against women and discrimination through criminalization and punitive responses in this regard
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Wafeq, Nabila. "Shifting Perspectives: Changing Policies Promoting Women’s Empowerment in Afghanistan." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/20503.
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THESIS ABSTRACT
In this thesis, I attempt to identify major obstacles that are challenging the implementation of international human rights treaties in Afghanistan. With a focus on the treaties that promote women’s rights and prevent violence against women in a post-conflict situation. There are several obstacles including lack of rule of law and the existence of customary practices in Afghanistan. Despite these challenges, there are national legislations and policies that promote women’s rights and empowerment in Afghanistan. However, for women’s empowerment, it is not sufficient to have supportive laws and policies, but there is need for a systematic transformation of patriarchal structures by conducting a thorough gender analysis and ensuring gender mainstreaming. The Afghan government, as part of its commitment to the international community, has to take measures for removing obstacles and ensuring the implementation of human rights treaties in order to pave the way for women’s empowerment in Afghanistan.
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Fagbongbe, Mosope Doris. "Reconstructing women’s rights in Africa using the African regional human rights regime : problems and possibilities." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/24824.
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The struggle for women’s rights has gained momentum in the last three decades with recognition in an assortment of international, regional and national institutions and instruments. The African human rights regime constitutes one such framework for addressing women’s rights. Activating the mechanisms of the regime for the benefit of African women, however, poses an ongoing challenge. Available data indicates African women’s continuing vulnerability to human rights violations, with their already precarious situation exacerbated by factors such as the high prevalence of HIV/AIDS in some parts of Africa.
This dissertation assesses the African regional human rights regime in the context of the challenges African women confront in their attempts to access it. It acknowledges that the regional initiatives created to protect rights constitute a potentially valuable framework for addressing violations of women’s rights, highlighting some successes but also exposing the limitations. The dissertation uses the case of the right to health recognised within the Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples’ Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa to study the question of rights at the regional level. It applies a feminist Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) perspective to highlight the inclusions and omissions of this instrument in an attempt to construct a holistic, contextual and interdependent understanding of women’s rights in Africa. This dissertation argues that such a re-reading of rights is imperative in order to accelerate women’s ability to effectively mobilise for their rights using regional human rights mechanisms. It recognises the importance of the activities and influences of diverse actors to the implementation of rights. Building on the progress made by the regime, this dissertation identifies international and particularly regional and local actors, such as the African Union and its institutions, State Parties to the African Union, governmental and non-governmental organisations and entities whose activities, directly or indirectly, have implications for women’s rights. It analyses their actions and influences and offers fresh perspectives to enable these stakeholders to further the transformation of women’s situations using the regional human rights regime.
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Jaffer, Taskeen. "Women’s rights are human rights – a review of gender bias in South African tax law." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/80447.
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The role of taxation in gender inequality is something that is perhaps not considered earnestly enough. Both in South Africa and within the context of global initiatives such as the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) which are aimed at eradicating all forms of gender-based discrimination, the importance of understanding the gender consequences of tax policy, whether intended or not, should not be underestimated.
This study seeks to identify whether or not there are any instances where South Africa’s personal income tax laws have an effect which is potentially inconsistent with both the Constitutional right to equality between genders and international gender equality agreements to which South Africa is bound, namely the CEDAW and the SDG. In doing so, determine whether South Africa’s personal income tax legislation should become a focal point in this regard and be one of the pillars that could further be used as a means to uphold and further the cause of substantive gender equity.Mini Dissertation (MCom (Taxation))--University of Pretoria, 2020.
pt2021
Taxation
MCom (Taxation)
Unrestricted
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Collins-Frohlich, Jesslyn R. "CREATING DOMESTIC DEPENDENTS: INDIAN REMOVAL, CHEROKEE SOVEREIGNTY AND WOMEN’S RIGHTS." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/english_etds/16.
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What, this project asks, are the impacts of the alliance between women and Native Americans in the nineteenth century debate over Indian Removal? How might groups similarly excluded from patriarchal systems of government by race and gender turn exclusion into arguments for inclusion? In what ways might this alliance change interpretations of the women’s right and Native American rights movements? While arguments made by women and Native Americans during Indian Removal receive considerable scholarly attention, most studies-especially those concerned with women’s involvement- subordinate Indian Removal to abolition or create significant omissions in the narratives of both movements by adopting a critical approach that interprets strategic use of racialized and gendered ideology as assimilation.
In “ Creating Domestic Dependents” I fill these gaps and situate Indian Removal as a significant intersection of the Native American rights and women’s rights movements. Using historical romances by Catherine Sedgwick and Lydia Child, Catherine Beecher’s “Circular Addressed to the Benevolent Ladies of the United States,” the Cherokee Nation’s “1829 Memorial” and “Letter to the American People,” and domestic fiction by E.D.E.N Southworth and Nathaniel Hawthorne, I argue that, during Indian Removal, white women and the Cherokee come together to fight for rights by situating property-- the very thing used to exclude them-- at the center of their arguments for rights and against Indian Removal. In doing this, they create interdependent approaches that simultaneously embrace and reject prescribed societal roles in order to construct a rhetorical strategy composed of moments of public solidarity and strategic distance.
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Broome, Sarah K. "Stri-Dharma: Voice of the Indian Women's Rights Movement 1928-1936." Digital Archive @ GSU, 2012. http://digitalarchive.gsu.edu/history_theses/57.
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The journal Stri-Dharma, published by the Women’s Indian Association from 1918 to 1936, endeavored to be the voice of the Indian women’s rights movement. It addressed political and social issues facing women in India as well as the achievements of women worldwide. Using the dichotomy of the home and world, this thesis examines how Stri-Dharma represented the tensions experienced by the Indian women’s movement as it pressed for reforms from the British colonial state, participation in the Indian nationalist movement, and inclusion in the international women’s movement.
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Slenes, Rebecca de Faria 1984. "Negociação de sentidos : violência e direitos da mulher na prática de ONGs em Marrocos." [s.n.], 2014. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279630.
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Orientador: Guita Grin DebertDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
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Resumo: Essa dissertação tem como objetivo analisar as práticas de ativistas marroquinas dentro de organizações não governamentais (ONGs) que prestam atendimento a mulheres vítimas de violência. Com base em pesquisa etnográfica realizada em uma ONG marroquina de direitos da mulher e em entrevistas com ativistas em diferentes regiões do país, analiso as experiências e estratégias de mulheres trabalhando dentro de ONGs no combate à violência contra a mulher em Marrocos. Interessa explorar como noções de violência e direitos são concebidos e instrumentalizados por essas mulheres e como elas traduzem e negociam conceitos de direitos para as populações com quem trabalham. Refletindo sobre o papel das ativistas como mediadoras de uma linguagem de direitos entre a população, instâncias governamentais e órgãos financiadores internacionais, procuro mostrar que o trabalho delas é influenciado por fatores diversos, incluindo discursos religiosos e de direitos humanos. Atentando para as diferenças entre as ONGs designadas feministas e islâmicas, a dissertação realça também os pontos em comum nas práticas desenvolvidas por essas associações e argumenta que tanto uma abordagem jurídica em prol dos direitos como uma abordagem que protege a família não dão conta dos dilemas enfrentados pelas ativistas. A pesquisa busca contribuir para reflexões antropológicas sobre como fluxos de direitos de caráter global são articulados em contextos específicos
Abstract: The aim of this master¿s thesis is to analyze the practice of Moroccan activists working in nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) to support women victims of violence. Based on an ethnographic study in an NGO that works with survivors of violence and on interviews with activists in different regions of the country, I analyze the experiences and strategies of women working inside NGOs to fight violence against women in Morocco. This research intends to observe how notions of violence and rights are conceived and instrumentalized by these women, and how they translate and negotiate concepts of rights to the populations that they work with. Reflecting on the role of activists as mediators of a rights-based language between local populations, governmental bodies and international human rights agencies, I attempt to show that their work is influenced by a diversity of factors, including religious and human rights discourses. Attentive to the differences between so called liberal feminist NGOs and Islamic NGOs, the thesis also highlights the points in common in the practices developed by these associations and argues that both a judicial approach in favor of rights, as well as an approach that protects the family, do not account for the dilemmas faced by the activists. This research hopes to contribute to anthropological reflections on how global rights-based networks are articulated in specific contexts
Mestrado
Antropologia Social
Mestra em Antropologia Social
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Al-Hamli, Ahmed Thani Juma. "Islam, democracy, and human rights : can universal human rights be applied in our relativistic world?" Thesis, University of Hull, 2006. http://hydra.hull.ac.uk/resources/hull:5842.
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This study mainly focuses on the compatibility of the international human rights with the diverse cultural and religious values of our world, in particular, the Islamic Shari'ah, consisting of values that not only extend across different regions but even form an important factor of legitimacy for most Islamic states. The study will extensively discuss the international conception of human rights and whether such rights are universal in character and hence applicable to all societies irrespective of their local values, or whether their local values are to a certain degree inevitable to establish real universal human rights with full realization of their essence. It will raise some religious and cultural matters that could form obstacles to the full realization of human rights, such as the complexity of the implementation of human rights under Islamic Shari'ah. It will also refer to traditional values and principles of the British common law, in which Parliament is the sovereign body accorded unrestrained power, which seems to pose the same difficulty that Islam could cause in human rights implementation. The study will demonstrate that the cultural tension with human rights is not exclusive to a certain culture but it is a result of the variety of diverse traditions of different nations that fonn our relativistic world. The study will suggest that although some of the local values of certain societies may raise tension with the principles and values of the current international trend of human rights, this does not mean that these local principles and values must be changed to comply. Rather, it may more appropriately be suggested that this developing notion of human rights should be reconsidered to make universal rights more universal and not relative to a certain regional part of the world.
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Baker, Razan. "Online social networks and Saudi youth participation in physical activity." Thesis, Brunel University, 2016. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/14522.
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Previous studies targeting youth participation in physical activity have argued that self-motivation is the main key to increasing participation. However, few studies have focused specifically on the role of structural factors in prompting youth participation in physical activity. The structure may include people, and institutions that are introducing, providing and facilitating physical activity to youth. Therefore, this study focuses on the role of the structure surrounding youth. The study takes youth in Saudi Arabia aged 15-24 as its subjects in order to examine the use of three online social networks (OSNs), i.e., Facebook, Twitter, and Instagram, for communication and exchange of resources and the influence on participation of key decision makers such as home (parents and siblings), school (Ministry of Education and PE teachers), physical activity and sports clubs (General Authority of Sports [GAS]), and friends. The study uses mixed methods and follows the social network structural theory to examine how the exchange of resources (e.g., information, emotional support, financial support, and facilities and services) takes place between agent and structure. The main findings are that the structure plays a role in influencing participation among Saudi youth. Friends are of great influence, as they occupy the longest hours of youth time both at school, where friends interact in person, and outside of school, where friends communicate through OSNs. An Islamic and conservative society prevails in Saudi Arabia, where 99 per cent of the population is Muslim. Therefore, in addition to the structural factors noted above, religion is also investigated. Indeed, Islam drives motivation in this large conservative group as individuals learn to obey and implement the religious advice and Islamic teachings of the prophet Mohammed (peace be upon him), including those messages with relation to becoming a healthy and strong Muslim. Finally, the study also focuses on the participation of Saudi female youth in physical activity. Due to cultural reasons preventing women from participating in physical activity as freely and equally as their male peers in the country, Saudi Arabia has seen an increasing percentage of obese women. The main aim of this research is to understand the relationship between agency and structure and thereby to identify the role of structure in increasing the participation of youth in physical activity. The research question (How do OSNs facilitate Saudi youth participation in physical activity?) investigates the relationship between agency and structure to delineate the pattern of information exchange regarding resources for involvement in physical activity. Through the use of mixed methods including face-to-face interviews, online survey and digital ethnography, the researcher investigates how youth social networks function both offline and online. The study concludes that decision makers in the field of physical activity participation in Saudi Arabia vary in their level of encouragement, influence and communication. Family members do not seem to communicate with youth via online platforms, but they do play a crucial role in offline social networks. Private institutions are becoming very active in OSNs, and public institutions are following the trend, albeit at a slower pace. The study shows that physical activity facilitators in Saudi Arabia are still failing to effectively reach youth and encourage them to participate in physical activity. Various policies need to be reviewed and enhanced if the public institutions do indeed want to reach more youth and benefit youth and the community, including the female youth, who make up more than half of the population. The study shows that the way to develop these policies is to communicate with youth via OSNs and to provide youth with more facilities, venues and services in the country that are suitable for both genders.
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Awabdeh, Mohamed al. "History and prospect of Islamic criminal law with respect to the human rights." [S.l. : s.n.], 2005. http://deposit.ddb.de/cgi-bin/dokserv?idn=976510677.
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Tripp, Caitlin. "The American Impact on the Evolution of the Japanese Women’s Rights Movement." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2018. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/449.
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The purpose of this research is to explore the impact of America’s influence on Japanese women’s efforts to obtain equal rights. America’s role in various Japanese women’s rights groups and movements has been the subject of essays and theses in the past, yet the topic is generally centered specifically on the period during the American occupation following World War II in 1945. This paper aims to take a broader look at Japanese Women’s Rights efforts before and after the war to garner a better understanding of the ways in which the American influence aided in the development of the movement. Japanese women have fought for their rights without the aid of American influence, yet the relationship between the two has had benefits for both parties.
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Alldén, Susanne. "How do international norms travel? : Women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste." Doctoral thesis, Umeå universitet, Statsvetenskap, 2009. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:umu:diva-26837.
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How do international norms travel, via statebuilding efforts, into post-conflict settings, and how do international and national actors interact in this process? These are the main questions addressed in this thesis. The empirical focus is the spreading and rooting of the norm of women’s political rights in Cambodia and Timor-Leste, two countries in which international actors have played a significant role in statebuilding efforts. Although statebuilding has increasingly become a part of UN peacebuilding missions, we still lack a thorough understanding of how much, and in what ways, the international community can successfully promote change. This is important in view of the fact that the key to success ultimately depends on how the receiving community responds to the presence and efforts of international actors to promote new social norms. This study analyzes the interaction between international and national actors engaged in the promotion of women’s political rights as part of the effort to advance democracy. Three institutional developments are examined in detail – electoral rules and regulations, the establishment of a national gender equality/women’s machinery and the strengthening of the local government structure. The study uses a modified norm diffusion approach and makes two theoretical contributions to the literature. First, I place the norm diffusion process in a post-conflict context. Second, I add the concept of capability to function in order to conceptualize and study the internalization of the norm. The thesis is based on both an analysis of written material and semi-structured interviews. A total of 65 interviews were conducted during three research trips to each of the countries between 2007 and 2009. In general, the four empirical chapters reveal that the interaction between international and national actors has predominantly been characterized by international actors setting the agenda, with varying degrees of consultation and collaboration with national actors. While norm institutionalization has been rather high in both countries, norm internalization lags behind. This is explained by discriminating ways of life and attitudes, lack of resources and time. Norm internalization is higher in Timor-Leste, in part because national actors have adapted the norm of women’s political rights to fit the local setting, but also due to their openness to international influences. The empirical study underscores that international actors can push for change and norm adherence, but their efforts are not enough. In the end, national actors have to buy into the message that international actors try to convey. The strengths and weaknesses that have been uncovered in the Cambodian and Timorese case studies presented here should be carefully considered as international actors, led by the UN, embark upon future statebuilding missions around the globe.
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Oppenheimer, Emily. "Prostitution as the exploitation of women and a violation of women’s human rights." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/12972.
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Includes bibliographical references.This thesis draws attention to South Africa’s shift in perspective of prostitution as a criminal offense to a human rights concern. This thesis addresses the proposed adult prostitution legal reforms in South Africa. These models are analyzed and evaluated in order to discover which model best upholds international standards of human rights. International best practices and prostituion legislation in other parts of the world are used to depict current successes and failures. However, concern has been raised if certain legal reforms could succeed in a sociocultural context such as South Africa. This thesis seeks to investigate prostitution within the sociocultural context of male power and female oppression in South Africa. Prostitution is revealed as the exploitation of women and a violation of human rights. It is concluded that South Africa’s context of pervasive violence against women is not unique, but a reflection of a global view of women. The Nordic model is the human rights model that is recommended for South Africa. This model is not only able to improve the sociocultural status of women, but also penalize the demand for female sexual labor, which is considered the primary force behind the sex industry.
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Neumann, Caryn E. "Status seekers: long-established women’s organizations and the women’s movement in the United States, 1945-1970s." The Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1135871482.
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Thomas, Dakota. "REPRESSION AND WOMEN’S DISSENT: GENDER AND PROTESTS." UKnowledge, 2019. https://uknowledge.uky.edu/polysci_etds/27.
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Why do women protest? Why do women protest “as women”? Why do some women participate in protests but not others? In the wake of the Women’s March of 2017, perhaps the largest single day protest event in history, these questions are particularly timely and deserve scholarly attention. One important but understudied and undertheorized motivation for women’s protests is state sanctioned violence, particularly repression. This dissertation explicitly theorizes about how state perpetration of violence, particularly state use of repression, both motivates and shapes women’s protests on a global scale.
In this dissertation, I argue that one key motivation for women’s protest is repression by the state, and I theorize that women will protest more frequently when the state uses repression. Repression negatively impacts members of the population, particularly relatives, friends, and communities of those targeted by the state, and this motivates those people to protest.
However, I argue that the type of repression, and more specifically how gendered the state practices repression, matters. The more that gender plays a role in determining who states target with repression, the more gender matters in the societal response to repression.
In particular, I examine the use of forced disappearances. Based on historical and contemporary accounts, I show that forced disappearance largely targets males, and thus motivates women’s protests but has no effect on protests by other groups. When the state makes use of forced disappearances, some women are motivated to protest due to their connections to victims of repression. Furthermore, opportunities to protest in these circumstances are more available to women than to men, due to their relatively lower likelihood of being targeted, as well as women’s distinctive positions in society and their ability to organize themselves as women.
Not only do women have additional space relative to men to protest when the state is repressive, but individual women recognize that their gender can serve as a resource in such contexts. Thus, individual women are more likely to participate in protests themselves when the state uses repression, closing the gender gap in protest participation between men and women.
I test my theory of women’s protest using two unique approaches. First, utilizing unique new data on women’s protests that is globally comprehensive for all countries from 1990-2009, I show that women’s protests are more frequent when the state is repressive, and that forced disappearances in particular motivate women’s protests, specifically, but do not have an observable effect on general protests. Second, I utilize regionally comprehensive data on citizens in Latin America from 2006 and 2008 to show that women are more likely to participate in protests when the state uses forced disappearances, but that men are not more likely to participate in protests in repressive contexts.
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Goodwin-Kucinsky, Molly. "Filling the Gaps: How Women’s Groups Meet Changing Needs in Post-Soviet Russia." The Ohio State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1243868760.
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Kucharski, Zuzanna. "Pathways of Women’s Empowerment: Global Struggle, Local Experience, A Case Study of CARE-International’s Women’s Empowerment Project in Zanzibar." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/31032.
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In the field of International Development, increased attention has been given to the concept of women’s empowerment as it has been recognized as a potential driver for change. Classified as a global struggle, commitments to this concept have been at the core of many development interventions, whether they be a small NGOs working in a single community or large-scale international aid agencies with presence all around the world. Despite its international recognition, women’s empowerment has been largely left unquestioned within development practices and especially with regards to the impact it may have on local beneficiary communities. This thesis will address how universal ideas such as this one become meaningful in the local setting through a case study of CARE-International’s Women’s Empowerment in Zanzibar project that was implemented from the years 2008-2011. In applying Sally Merry’s (2006) concept of vernacularization, as a theoretical framework, it will be shown that international aid organizations do not simply adapt women’s empowerment to the local arena. Instead, various local actors are involved in a dynamic process of translating, negotiating, and making the concept more meaningful to the beneficiaries and, thus, cause a new hybrid understanding of women’s empowerment to emerge. This new concept draws more extensively on local institutions, knowledge and practices that have been inter-weaved with Islamic practices which play an important role in the lives of Zanzibaris. This thesis will illustrate how NGO culture converges with and diverges from the local communities and expose the realities that exist within the greater development discourse.
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Al-Haidar, Ghaneemah Moham. "Struggling for a right : Islam and the participation in sports and physical recreation of girls and women in Kuwait." Thesis, Brunel University, 2004. http://bura.brunel.ac.uk/handle/2438/5066.
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The present study is the first of its kind. It is a study about the involvement of Kuwaiti females in sports and physical recreation. The study invesigates both the structures and resources that make female participation in sports and physical recreation possible, and the ideological and physical barriers that prevent girls and young women from taking part. The development of female sports and physical recreation in Kuwait is investigated in relation to relevant historical and political developments, taking particular account of the influence of Islamic ideologies about the role of women in society, women's enfranchisement, and women's bodies. It provides evidence from the Holy Qur'an in support of the need for girls and women to exercise their bodies. The research highlights the contradictory position that Kuwaiti women find themselves in living in a relatively liberal Islamic state with an official discourse of gender equality, but facing traditional and unequal gender divisions in daily life and throughout culture, specifically in sports and physical recreation. Opportunities for females in sports and recreation are tied to the political administration system of the state and the study looks at the present day situation of public provision and resourcing, following the liberation of the country from Iraq, as well as private resources that have developed as a result of westernized, global influences.. The study presents recommendations for Kuwaiti sports policy-makers, planners, and providers - that may be useful, too, for those in other societies in the Arabian Peninsula - concerning sports and physical recreation for Muslim girls and women in the future. The project traces the development of organised sport and physical recreation for females from 1950 until the present day. It includes details of physical education in schools, and the establishment and expansion of sport clubs and other facilities that are now in the country. Reference is made to the role of government agencies and departments - in particular the Public Authority for Youth and Sport (PAYS) that has special responsibility to establish stronger and more specialized opportunities. Since there is virtually no previous research or literature about the topic of girls and young women's involvement in sport and physical recreation in Kuwait, the main method of data collection was through questionnaires and interviews, supported by documentary evidence, including official statements.
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Skogh, Maja. "Women’s narratives on (in)security in Abkhazia : Theorizing abortion rights as a security issue." Thesis, Försvarshögskolan, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:fhs:diva-9449.
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This thesis is set out to examine how women in Abkhazia understand their own (in)security and to explore how the participating women understand the prohibition of abortions that is implemented in the breakaway region. Furthermore, the study seeks to, based on the empirical findings, theorize abortion rights as a security issue. The thesis is guided by Feminist Security Theory and previous feminist literature. The data is generated through ten semi-structured interviews with women. Through a thematic analysis the findings from the interviews are categorized into two main themes that are responding to the two first research questions; How do women in Abkhazia understand their (in)security?; How do women understand the prohibition of abortions? The thematic analysis finds that women in Abkhazia understand their (in)security as dependent on four aspects; conflict context; economic insecurity; political representation and participation; structural inequality and gender-based violence. Moreover, it finds that women’s understanding of the abortion prohibition also includes four aspects; economic insecurity; women’s rights; political representation and participation; the nation’s interests. The findings are understood as mirroring and thus this thesis argues that abortion prohibition exacerbates women’s insecurity. Lastly, it suggests that abortion rights should theoretically be understood as a security issue. The study at hand empirically contributes to the existing literature on women’s (in)security narratives and furthermore adds a theoretical contribution on abortion rights as a security issue.
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Dalacoura, Katerina. "Human rights in international relations : Islam and liberalism in Eqypt and Tunisia." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1996. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.399796.
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Suhaila. "The status and rights of religious minorities in contemporary Islamists' discourse /." Thesis, McGill University, 2002. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=79772.
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This thesis is an attempt to examine one of the most important on-going debates in contemporary Islamists' discourses, namely, the status and rights of religious minorities in an Islamic state. The call by Islamists for the establishment of such a state governed by the Shari'ah has given rise to criticism that Islamization would entail the revival of the discriminatory rulings of traditional Islamic law with respect to non-Muslim citizens and the negation of the modern principle of the right to equality for all citizens irrespective of religious belief. To provide a background to the problem, this study presents a brief review of the stance of traditional Islamic law on the status and rights of non-Muslims living within the domain of Islam. This tradition has informed the discourses of contemporary Islamists on the question. Two currents of thought are examined: radical and moderate Islamism. Radical Islamists assert that granting non-Muslim citizens equal status and rights with Muslims is inconsistent with the teachings of Islam, although in stating this they confirm the apprehensions that Islamization would result in institutionalizing discrimination against religious minorities. Moderate Islamists on the other hand maintain that the concept of equal rights for all citizens is compatible with the tenets of Islam. Nonetheless, their arguments are not without problems as there are limits to how far they are willing to go in offering equal status and rights to non-Muslims.
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Nathanson, Joanna. "Women's Rights in the two Sudans : A study on the adoption of legislation on women’s rights in Sudan and South Sudan." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-423397.
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In 2011 the state of South Sudan gained its independence from Sudan and thus became the world’s youngest country to date. During its nine years of existence the country has ratified several major conventions and protocols on women’s rights, whereas Sudan has yet to ratify any. Despite being the same country until barely a decade ago the two authoritarian countries have approached the legislative rights of women in very different manners. Based on a Method of Difference-design, and with the help of process-tracing, this study seeks to answer why this is. By consulting previous research on why authoritarian states advance women’s rights, this study distinguishes three main, indicative theoretical patterns from earlier research which argues under what circumstances authoritarian states advance women’s rights, and when they do not. These patterns include the stability of the government, the work of women’s rights movements and the states relations with the international community. It is concluded that the explanation for the different behaviours of the two Sudans lay mainly in their tactics of governing. South Sudan adopts reforms on gender equality to keep its population content but makes sure to closely control and monitor these reforms. Their women’s rights organisations can be outspoken, and they share the goals of ratifying certain women’s rights conventions. Furthermore, their main donors often include conditions of state-building on their foreign aid, forcing South Sudan to advance on issues such as women’s rights. In contrast, Sudan applies a more violent and oppressing stance against its population, suppress women’s movements and rely mainly on unconditional investments rather than conditional aid from the international community. Furthermore, the women’s movements of Sudan have not expressed a shared goal of ratifying conventions on women’s rights.
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Huzejrovic, Huanita. "Human Rights and the Islamic Headscarf." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för ekonomistyrning och logistik (ELO), 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-27472.
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In 2004 a law banning all religious affiliation in public schools in France came into force. This started a heavy debate in the whole of Europe on whether this law is a violation of human rights law on the basis on freedom of religion and the freedom to manifest his/hers religion or belief in worship. This had the greatest impact on Muslim girls wearing the Islamic headscarf. This is a study of the legal framework of the law in the light of human rights perspective. It is also a semi comparison between the French and the United Kingdom way of approaching the issue with the Islamic headscarf in public schools.Keywords: religion,
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Delgado, Falcon Gaudi. "Advancing Women’s Rights in the Age of Social Media: An Analysis of the #MeToo Movement." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21620.
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In 2017, the Me Too campaign, founded ten years earlier to help women of color from low-income communities who were survivors of sexual violence, became a viral social media movement following allegations on Twitter by actress Alyssa Milano of sexual harassment and violence against the powerful Hollywood producer Harvey Weinstein. Using the hashtag #MeToo, Milano unwittingly mobilized millions of women to share their stories via social media, and the #Metoo movement subsequently helped to illuminate both the structural and individual aspects of sexual harassment and abuse by men against women within virtually all aspects of society. As the #MeToo movement swept the globe, millions of women shared stories of sexual harassment and abuse through social media platforms, and indictments of the “inappropriate behavior” against women gained center stage. To understand this movement today and how media made it possible, this study analyses the discussion about online media and social movements surrounding the 2019 World Economic Forum held in Davos, Switzerland. In doing so, this research sheds light on the achievement and impact of the movement. Employing a mixed-method approach providing a feminist epistemological perspective on elements drawn from discourse analysis, comparative discourse analysis, content analysis, and critical discourse analysis, this thesis analyses a sample of ten online reports on how online mass media, and particularly social media, shapes movements for social change. It shows that online media is of great significance in constructing movements for social change because it facilitates the construction and dissemination of a social change discourse and influences how we determine which situations and actions constitute “sexual harassment.” This analysis further shows that feminist principles of gender equality, women’s sexual self-determination, and empowerment no longer define the politics of sexual harassment in the digital age.