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Journal articles on the topic 'Women's Liberation Movement][Feminists'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Ashley, Laura, and Beth Olson. "Constructing Reality: Print Media's Framing of the Women's Movement, 1966 to 1986." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no. 2 (1998): 263–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500203.

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This content analysis examined the use of framing techniques found in the New York Times, Time, and Newsweek's coverage of the women's movement. Coverage of both women who organized to promote and deter the movement was studied. Results showed that both groups were not considered important. The strongest evidence for framing techniques was the delegitimation of feminists. This included reporting aspects of the women's appearance, using quotation marks around such words as “liberation,” and emphasizing dissension within the movement. Conversely, the anti-feminists were described as well- organi

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2

OWEN, NICHOLAS. "MEN AND THE 1970s BRITISH WOMEN'S LIBERATION MOVEMENT." Historical Journal 56, no. 3 (2013): 801–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x12000611.

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ABSTRACTThis article examines the causes and consequences of the exclusion of men from the British Women's Liberation Movement in the 1970s. In common with many of the new social movements of the period, the Women's Liberation Movement was strongly committed to organizational autonomy and self-reliance, in the belief that the demands of oppressed groups should be formulated and presented directly by the oppressed themselves rather than made on their behalf by others, however sympathetic. Using contemporary archival sources, especially newsletters, conference papers, reports, and correspondence

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Kay, Jilly Boyce. "Speaking Bitterness." Feminist Media Histories 1, no. 2 (2015): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2015.1.2.064.

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This article explores the six-part television debate series No Man's Land, which was broadcast on ITV in Britain in 1973. It argues that the program is a historically significant example of the public orientation of the women's liberation movement and its engagement with, rather than straightforward hostility toward, the mass media. The program was produced by women who were active in the women's liberation movement; it was presented by the feminist Juliet Mitchell; and its studio audience was populated by, among others, many women who were aligned with the movement. The format of No Man's Lan

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THOMLINSON, NATALIE. "The Colour of Feminism: White Feminists and Race in the Women's Liberation Movement." History 97, no. 327 (2012): 453–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-229x.2012.00559.x.

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5

Yamamori, Toru. "A Feminist Way to Unconditional Basic Income: Claimants Unions and Women’s Liberation Movements in 1970s Britain." Basic Income Studies 9, no. 1-2 (2014): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/bis-2014-0019.

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AbstractThis article explores how the demand for an unconditional basic income (UBI) was discussed in the British Women’s Liberation Movement (WLM) in the 1970s. A resolution for UBI was passed with a majority vote at the National Women’s Liberation Conference in 1977. However, this fact appears not to have been properly recorded in any academic literature. This is slightly surprising because it has been more than a decade since feminist academics started to argue either for or against UBI. The resolution was raised by working class women in the Claimants Unions Movement. This article records

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6

Shahidian, Hammed. "The Iranian Left and the “Woman Question” in the Revolution of 1978–79." International Journal of Middle East Studies 26, no. 2 (1994): 223–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800060220.

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The relationship between feminism and socialism in both the theoretical and practical realms has been marked with difficulty and “unhappiness.” Feminists have criticized leftists for their lack of attention to sexual domination, and many socialists, in turn, have looked at women's liberation movements as a bourgeois deviation or, worse yet, a conspiracy against the workers' struggle. In 19th-century social democratic movements in Europe, conflicts between feminist-socialist advocates of women's rights such as Clara Zetkin and “proletarian anti-feminism” among workers and communists were consta

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Vergès, Françoise. "On Women and their Wombs: Capitalism, Racialization, Feminism." Critical Times 1, no. 1 (2018): 263–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/26410478-1.1.263.

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Abstract This article draws from Françoise Vergès's book, Le ventre des femmes: Capitalisme, racialisation, féminisme,* which traces the history of the colonization of the wombs of Black women by the French state in the 1960s and 1970s through forced abortions and the forced sterilization of women in French foreign territories. Vergès retraces the long history of colonial state intervention in Black women's wombs during the slave trade and post-slavery imperialism, and after World War II, when international institutions and Western states blamed the poverty and underdevelopment of the Third Wo

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Withers, D.-M. "The politics of the workshop: craft, autonomy and women’s liberation." Feminist Theory 21, no. 2 (2019): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119859756.

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The women’s liberation movements that emerged in Britain in the late 1960s are rarely thought of through their relationship with technology and technical knowledge. To overlook this is to misunderstand the movement’s social, cultural and economic interventions; it also understates how the technical environment conditioned the emergence of autonomous, women-centred politics. This article draws on archival evidence to demonstrate how the autonomous women’s liberation movement created experimental social contexts that enabled de-skilled, feminised social classes to confront their technical enviro

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Zetterman, Eva. "Claims by Anglo American feminists and Chicanas/os for alternative space: The LA art scene in the political 1970s." American Studies in Scandinavia 48, no. 1 (2016): 61–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v48i1.5361.

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Abstract: Originating in the context of the Civil Rights Movements and political activities addressing issues of race, gender and sexuality, the Women’s Liberation movement and the Chicano Movement became departures for two significant counter art movements in Los Angeles in the 1970s. This article explores some of the various reasons why Anglo American feminist artists and Chicana artists were not able to fully collaborate in the 1970s, provides some possible explanations for their separation, and argues that the Eurocentric imperative in visual fine art was challenged already in the 1970s by

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10

Forster, Laurel. "Spreading the Word: feminist print cultures and the Women's Liberation Movement." Women's History Review 25, no. 5 (2016): 812–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2015.1132878.

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11

Baxandall, Rosalyn. "Re-Visioning the Women's Liberation Movement's Narrative: Early Second Wave African American Feminists." Feminist Studies 27, no. 1 (2001): 225. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3178460.

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Cuthbert Brandt, Gail, and Naomi Black. "“Il en faut un peu”: Farm Women and Feminism in Québec and France Since 1945." Victoria 1990 1, no. 1 (2006): 73–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031011ar.

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Abstract Certain farm women's organizations continue to represent the social feminist tradition of Canadian suffragism and the broader social Catholic feminism still influential elsewhere. Canadian historians have often criticized such groups in contrast with a more aggressive, equal-rights feminism found among urban and rural women in both waves of feminism. We argue that, far from being conservative, groups identified as social feminist serve to integrate farm women into public debates and political action, including feminism. We outline the history of the Cercles de fermières of Québec, fou

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ANAN, NOBUKO. "Identity Politics in Women's Performance in Japan." Theatre Research International 37, no. 1 (2012): 68–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883311000782.

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In Japan, it was in the mid-1970s when women artists started to create their own professional theatre companies. This period also saw the development of the women's liberation movement in Japan, but there was no exchange between women theatre artists and activists. While the women artists explored a variety of issues in their work, with some few exceptions feminism was not their primary concern. This trend continues to this day, and accounts for why Tadashi Uchino argues that there has been no feminist theatre in Japan.

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Eloit, Ilana. "American lesbians are not French women: heterosexual French feminism and the Americanisation of lesbianism in the 1970s." Feminist Theory 20, no. 4 (2019): 381–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464700119871852.

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This article examines the ways in which 1970s French feminists who participated in the Women’s Liberation Movement (Mouvement de libération des femmes – MLF) wielded the spectre of lesbianism as an American idiosyncrasy to counteract the politicisation of lesbianism in France. It argues that the erasure of lesbian difference from the domain of French feminism was a necessary condition for making ‘woman’ an amenable subject for incorporation into the abstract unity of the French nation, wherein heterosexuality is conceived as a democratic crucible where men and women harmoniously come together

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Feldman Kołodziejuk, Ewelina. "The Mothers, Daughters, Sisters: The Intergenerational Transmission of Womanhood in Margaret Atwood’s The Handmaid’s Tale and The Testaments." ELOPE: English Language Overseas Perspectives and Enquiries 17, no. 1 (2020): 67–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/elope.17.1.67-85.

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The article reads The Handmaid’s Tale and The Testaments as a response to changes in the feminist movement. Less radical than their mothers’ generation, second-wave feminists’ daughters often abandoned the struggle for equality and focused on homemaking. Nevertheless, the 1990s saw a resurgence of the women’s liberation movement known as the third wave. These feminism(s) significantly redefined the notion of womanhood and emphasised the diversity of the female. After 2010, critics argue, third-wave feminism entered the fourth wave. This analysis of The Handmaid’s Tale focuses on Offred’s relat

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Marchbank, Jennifer. "The Political Mobilisation of Women's Interest Issues: The Failure of Childcare." Politics 16, no. 1 (1996): 9–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9256.1996.tb00141.x.

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The Women's Liberation Movement achieved political success with several issues – but not with childcare. This article addresses the reasons for the success and failure of various WII's, examining the nature of pressure politics, methods of organising, public and private debates before focusing on women's attitudes to the childcare issue. The conclusion drawn here is that the more successful feminist issues' do not challenge gender roles to the same extent as childcare does - which could explain the nonmobilisation of childcare as an issue.

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Alatas, Salim, and Vinnawaty Sutanto. "Cyberfeminisme dan Pemberdayaan Perempuan Melalui Media Baru." Jurnal Komunikasi Pembangunan 17, no. 2 (2019): 165–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.46937/17201926846.

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In the era of new media, every individual and social, cultural, economic and political groups must require themselves to interact actively with new media. This is done not only to express the identity of individuals or groups, but more importantly how then each group uses new media as a means of communication to empower or liberate themselves. Feminism as a liberation movement for women has included new media and their application as important issues in their movements; cyberfeminism is an important outcome of this application. New media in the view of cyberfeminism has provided a large area,

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Withers, D.-M. "‘Neither Pure Love nor Imitating Capitalism’: Euro WILD and the Invention of Women's Music Distribution in Europe, 1980–1982." Feminist Review 120, no. 1 (2018): 85–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/s41305-018-0138-3.

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Euro Women's Independent Label Distribution (WILD) was a pan-European network of feminist music distributors active in the early 1980s. They were affiliated to WILD, the US-based Women's Music distribution network founded in 1979 to disseminate the growing corpus of Women's Music emerging from the US Women's Liberation Movement (WLM). This article presents an interpretation of archive materials that document Euro WILD's activities from the Women's Revolutions Per Minute archive, housed at the Women's Art Library, London. Constrained and enabled by the archive materials on offer, I revisit some

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19

Graham, Elaine L. "Gender, Personhood and Theology." Scottish Journal of Theology 48, no. 3 (1995): 341–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600036796.

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One of the most significant phenomena within the Western Church over the past twenty-five years has been the emergence of feminist theology. Fuelled by the second wave of the modern women's movement, drawing upon the theoretical and critical stances of academic feminism, and inspired by Latin American Liberation Theology, feminist theologians have achieved a remarkable body of work in a relatively short time. They have sought to establish the opportunities and validate the methods by which women, long silenced as theological subjects, may articulate their perspectives and contribute towards th

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20

Kirca, Suheyla. "Popular Culture: From Being an Enemy of the "Feminist Movement" to a Tool for Women's "Liberation"?" Journal of American Culture 22, no. 3 (1999): 101–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1542-734x.1999.2203_101.x.

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Tiefer, Leonore. "A Brief History of the Association for Women in Psychology: 1969–1991." Psychology of Women Quarterly 15, no. 4 (1991): 635–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1991.tb00436.x.

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The Association for Women in Psychology (AWP) was founded in 1969 by American Psychological Association (APA) members who were frustrated with sexism in psychology, in the APA, and at the 1969 APA convention itself. The activism of the 1960s, together with the new women's liberation movement, gave the founders tools and justification for a new organization. This article, the first published AWP history, describes the founding circumstances, early skirmishes concerning structure and operations, evolution of major activities (such as the annual conference, importance of lesbians, growing attenti

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22

Harvey, Elizabeth. "The Failure of Feminism? Young Women and the Bourgeois Feminist Movement in Weimar Germany 1918–1933." Central European History 28, no. 1 (1995): 1–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900011225.

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In a pamphlet published in 1932 entitled “Women's Status and Women's Vocation,” the chairwoman of the German Women Teachers' Association, Emmy Beckmann, looked back at how the position of women in German society had developed since the founding of the Weimar Republic. She painted a pessimistic picture:It is well known how things have developed since the Weimar Constitution came into force. How little it has been possible for women to make their views and their goals count in the machinery of party politics, which quickly srestabilized itself and slipped back into old patterns; how soon the ris

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23

Shun-hing, Chan. "Politics of Female Subjectivities and the Everyday: The Case of the Hong Kong Feminist Journal Nuliu." Feminist Review 92, no. 1 (2009): 36–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.2009.7.

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Based on selected writings on women's experiences of and reflections on dress and travel published in the Hong Kong feminist journal Nuliu, this paper discusses the politics of female subjectivity in relation to the everyday. The context of the discussion is the changing actualization of the well-known feminist slogan ‘the personal is political’ within the local feminist movement in Hong Kong between the 1980s and the 1990s. The paper aims to create a new paradigm for analysing agency – the key concept in subject formation – by critiquing the ideology of choice, which is a liberal value system

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Abu-Odeh, Desiree, Shamus Khan, and Constance A. Nathanson. "Social Constructions of Rape at Columbia University and Barnard College, 1955–90." Social Science History 44, no. 2 (2020): 355–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2019.49.

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AbstractSex on college campuses has fascinated scholars, reporters, and the public since the advent of coeducational higher education in the middle of the nineteenth century. But the emergence of rape on campus as a public problem is relatively recent. This article reveals the changing social constructions of campus rape as a public problem through a detailed examination of newspaper reporting on this issue as it unfolded at Columbia University and Barnard College between 1955 and 1990. Adapting Joseph R. Gusfield’s classic formulation of public problem construction, we show the ways police an

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Abreu, Jacqueline Amadio de, and Roberta Stubs. "Pensando as figurações feministas e o devir-mulher a partir da arte." Revista PHILIA | Filosofia, Literatura & Arte 2, no. 2 (2020): 269–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/2596-0911.103978.

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Este artigo tem como objetivo pensar as figurações feministas e o devir-mulher a partir da arte para refletir sobre subjetividades inventivas. Em seu conteúdo, aborda-se o contexto do lugar da mulher na arte, desde o apagamento das mulheres até a reapropriação desse espaço pelos movimentos feministas. Para refletir sobre a arte, são apresentados os conceitos de devir e de figuração, bem como artistas que dialogam com esses conceitos. Sob o aporte teórico feminista, o trabalho aponta a arte como um meio de resistência na produção de novas narrativas pelas figurações, além de um estado de devir

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Li, Jianhua. "Evaluating the Intersectionality of Women Liberation Movements." Learning & Education 9, no. 2 (2020): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/l-e.v9i2.1423.

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The paper focuses on how women’s liberation movements overlook women from minority race groups. The rise of feminism, for example, ignores the unique challenges faced by queer women and women of color. Additionally, women liberation movements do not highlight the plight of women from minority race groups, who are thought of as less feminine. For instance, feminist movements do not highlight the discrimination against black women, who tend to be assertive and confident, traits associated with masculinity. Moreover, women’s suffrage protests were subjects of criticism for segregating women based

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Slonecker, Blake. "“It’s with Tokens”." Pacific Historical Review 89, no. 3 (2020): 402–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2020.89.3.402.

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This article examines the evolving relationship between the women’s liberation movement and the underground press in Seattle between 1967 and 1970, arguing that the mixed-sex alternative media belatedly embraced feminist ideals but failed to establish robust feminist institutional cultures. Prior to 1969, the hierarchical work environment and masculine aesthetic of the Helix (1967–1970) proved inhospitable to feminist critiques. Beginning in 1969, the emergence of democratic work collectives and increasing coverage of feminism at the Helix and its successor, the Sabot (1970), provided the prin

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Burridge, Daniel P. "The Horizon of Critical Collaboration: Feminist Cogovernance and Movement-State Negotiations in El Salvador." Latin American Perspectives 47, no. 4 (2020): 150–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x20918545.

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Examination of the negotiated relationships between feminist social movements and state institutions controlled by the leftist Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front political party in El Salvador based on ethnographic research in the semiurban municipality of Suchitoto shows that “critical collaboration” characterizes the local feminist movement’s efforts to work alongside state actors in the formulation, implementation, and oversight of public policies addressing women’s rights, violence against women, and gender-equitable community development. Theoretically, critical collaboration shows

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Case, Sue-Ellen. "The Power of Sex: English Plays by Women, 1958–1988." New Theatre Quarterly 7, no. 27 (1991): 238–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00005741.

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Reading backwards, through the feminist critique, Sue-Ellen Case explores the role of sexuality in women's lives as portrayed in the work of British women playwrights during the past three decades. She illustrates the way in which the oppressive uses of sexuality in the patriarchy, identified by the social movement as rape and pornography, have been dramatized through dramatic narrative and character construction. In contrast to this representation of oppression, she discusses how the liberating role of pleasure and of women reclaiming their own desires provide a revolutionary feminist stage p

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Izzati, Fathimah Fildzah. "The Problem of “Women’s Work” and the Idea of Work Democratization for the Liberating Empowerment of Women." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 2 (2019): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i2.319.

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<p class="p1">Women never make choices about their work democratically. In patriarchal society, “women’s work” is constructed as work that is in the area of social reproduction and is “natural” for women. Consequently, women are increasingly in a vulnerable position in the labor market. In addition, women also face obstacles to being actively involved in various democratic spaces such as unions and women’s movements, and wider social movements because they bear a double workload that is life-consuming. However, various women’s empowerment programs launched by a number of development inst

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Stokes, Ashli Quesinberry. "Constituting Southern feminists: Women's liberation newsletters in the South." Southern Communication Journal 70, no. 2 (2005): 91–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10417940509373316.

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Bruley, Sue, and Laurel Forster. "Historicising the Women's Liberation Movement." Women's History Review 25, no. 5 (2016): 697–700. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2015.1132872.

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Rose, Suzanna, and Laurie Roades. "Feminism and Women's Friendships." Psychology of Women Quarterly 11, no. 2 (1987): 243–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1471-6402.1987.tb00787.x.

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The ideology of “sisterhood” within the feminist movement suggests that feminists' and nonfeminists' same-sex friendships would differ profoundly. This assumption was tested by examining the friendships of 45 heterosexual nonfeminists, 43 heterosexual feminists, and 38 lesbian feminists from a large midwestern city. Participants ranged in age from 19 to 46. Using objective measures, differences were found between feminists and nonfeminists for some structural dimensions of friendship, including number of cross-generational friendships, degree of equality, and amount of privacy preferred with a

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Kapusta, John. "Pauline Oliveros, Somatics, and the New Musicology." Journal of Musicology 38, no. 1 (2021): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jm.2021.38.1.1.

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This article examines the connections between experimental composer Pauline Oliveros, the US somatics movement, and the new musicology. While scholars tend to position Oliveros’s work within the familiar framework of women’s liberation and queer activism, we should instead understand Oliveros as a somatic feminist for whom somatic practice was synonymous with women’s liberation. Oliveros helped instigate an influential movement to integrate somatic discourse and practice into US musical culture—including music scholarship. Scholars of the so-called new musicology concerned with issues of embod

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Mapuranga, Tapiwa. "Bargaining with Patriarchy?" Fieldwork in Religion 8, no. 1 (2013): 74–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v8i1.74.

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The status of women remains contested. While women constitute the majority of members in literally all religions, the top positions tend to be monopolised by men. An array of historical, cultural, theological and socio-economic reasons has been proffered to account for this anomaly. New religious movements have often promised women liberation and emancipation. In Africa, Pentecostal and neo-Pentecostal movements have accorded women leadership roles as they interrogate missionary Christianity. This study examines women’s notable rise to influential leadership within the Pentecostal movement in

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Breeze, Maddie. "The Women's Liberation Movement in Scotland." Scottish Affairs 28, no. 1 (2019): 116–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/scot.2019.0269.

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Iversen, Joan Smythe, and Kathleen C. Berkeley. "The Women's Liberation Movement in America." History Teacher 33, no. 3 (2000): 399. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/495037.

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Akibayashi, Kozue. "Cold War Shadows of Japan’s Imperial Legacies for Women in East Asia." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (2020): 659–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315179.

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Japan occupies a unique position in the history of East Asia as the sole non-Western colonial power. Japan’s defeat in the Asia-Pacific War that ended its colonial expansion did not bring justice to its former colonies. The Japanese leadership and people were spared from being held accountable for its invasion and colonial rule by the United States in its Cold War strategy to make post–World War II Japan a military outpost and bulwark in the region against communism. How then did the Cold War shape feminisms in Japan, a former colonizing force that never came to terms with its colonial violenc

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Flaherty, Emily. "The Women's Liberation Movement in ScotlandSARAH BROWNE." Women's History Review 24, no. 4 (2015): 651–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2015.1007642.

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Mckeon, Olive. "The Wallflower Order and Social Reproduction: Gender, Work, and Feminist Dance." TDR/The Drama Review 62, no. 1 (2018): 31–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/dram_a_00717.

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Emerging out of the women’s liberation movements of the 1970s, a group of dancers founded the Wallflower Order Dance Collective (1975–1984), one of the first explicitly feminist dance groups in the US. It’s clear from looking at the networks of support set up for creating their work, their collective process, and their eventual split, that the Wallflower Order embodies the contradictions of social reproduction.

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Knight, John M. "The “Modern Girl” Is a Communist." positions: asia critique 28, no. 3 (2020): 517–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10679847-8315114.

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Woman was a category in flux during China’s revolutionary 1920s. Alongside commercial magazines that celebrated the arrival of the modern girl (xiandai nüzi) were political currents that prioritized class and nation as sites for women’s liberation. Scholarship has criticized Marxism and the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) for negating women’s gendered interests in favor of a class focus. Yet, it was the proletarian women’s movement of the United Front that attracted the largest amount of women activists during China’s National Revolution (1925–27). What was the allure of a Communist-influenced m

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Pernet, Corinne A. "Chilean Feminists, the International Women's Movement, and Suffrage, 1915-1950." Pacific Historical Review 69, no. 4 (2000): 663–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3641229.

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Bird, Elizabeth. "The academic arm of the women's liberation movement." Women's Studies International Forum 25, no. 1 (2002): 139–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0277-5395(02)00217-0.

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Withers, Deborah. "Theorising the Women's Liberation Movement as Cultural Heritage." Women's History Review 25, no. 5 (2016): 847–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09612025.2015.1132871.

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Magarey, Susan. "Women's Liberation was a Movement, Not an Organisation." Australian Feminist Studies 29, no. 82 (2014): 378–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08164649.2014.976898.

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Beaumont, Caitríona. "Sarah Browne, The Women's Liberation Movement in Scotland." Northern Scotland 9, no. 1 (2018): 108–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/nor.2018.0160.

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Delap, Lucy. "Feminist Bookshops, Reading Cultures and the Women’s Liberation Movement in Great Britain, c. 1974–2000." History Workshop Journal 81, no. 1 (2016): 171–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbw002.

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Mama, Amina. "‘We will not be pacified’: From freedom fighters to feminists." European Journal of Women's Studies 27, no. 4 (2020): 362–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1350506820953459.

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Whether hailed for transitioning to the ballot box, or condemned for failing to hold elections, Africa’s postcolonial states exhibit profound contradictions in the arena of gender politics. Where reforms have been achieved, implementation remains minimal, as undemocratic state structures and uncivil societies alike lack the political will to change. This article addresses the emergence of feminism as an intellectual and political force for freedom that radically challenges the ongoing exploitation and oppression of women in Africa. It focuses on the contribution of radical intellectuals to the

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Younes, Anna–Esther. "A gendered movement for liberation: Hamas's women's movement and nation building in contemporary Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903475729.

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This research on Hamas's women's movement explains the contemporary political and social involvement of women with a multilayered perspective of different theories based on a textual analysis of the movement's publications (the Hamas Charta 1988 and the Electoral Program 2006, as well as women's testimonies to popular media outlets). Subsequently, it is claimed that only a comprehensive combination of post-colonial studies, gender and nationalism studies can fully grasp women's roles within the Hamas movement. Uniting these three approaches, there are three main hypotheses for women's activism

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Falk, Candace. "Jewish Radical Feminism: Voices from the Women's Liberation Movement." Journal of American History 106, no. 1 (2019): 262–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz317.

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