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1

Staggenborg, Suzanne, and Verta Taylor. "Whatever Happened to The Women's Movement?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 10, no. 1 (2005): 37–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.10.1.46245r7082613312.

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Analyses of the women's movement that focus on its "waves" and theories of social movements that focus on contentious politics have encouraged the view that the women's movement is in decline. Employing alternative perspectives on social movements, we show that the women's movement continues to thrive. This is evidenced by organizational maintenance and growth, including the international expansion of women's movement organizations; feminism within institutions and other social movements; the spread of feminist culture and collective identity; and the variety of the movement's tactical reperto
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2

Lan-hung, Chiang. "Women's Movement, Women's Studies." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 1, no. 1 (1995): 152–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.1995.11665772.

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3

Anang Prihanto, Bayu, and Ambar Widaningrum. "Dinamika Perjuangan Kesetaraan Gender Masyarakat Urban (Memahami Gerakan Sosial International Women’s Day Di Kota Semarang)." Musãwa Jurnal Studi Gender dan Islam 23, no. 1 (2024): 22–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.14421/musawa.2024.223.23-38.

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Ketidaksetaraan dan ketidakadilan gender melahirkan gerakan sosial yang berfokus pada isu-isu pengarusutamaan gender. Salah satu gerakan sosial berbasis gender dikenal dengan International Women’s Day. Belum tercapainya kesetaraan gender di Indonesia menyebabkan pentingnya kajian yang menjelaskan tentang tahapan gerakan sosial International Women’s Day, sehingga dapat diketahui penyebab belum tercapainya tujuan gerakan di Indonesia. Studi ini menggunakan metode kualitatif deskriptif dengan menjelaskan tahapan gerakan sosial dan pola gerakan sosial International Women’s Day Semarang sebagai pel
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4

Kinanti, Dika Nanda, and Putut Widjanarko. "Digital Communication of ‘Aisyiyah during the COVID-19 Pandemic." Communicatus: Jurnal Ilmu komunikasi 7, no. 2 (2023): 143–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.15575/cjik.v7i2.21503.

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The widespread penetration of digital communication, especially social media, in every aspect of life, provides a means for the women's movement to increase women’s empowerment. 'Aisyiyah, one of Indonesia's largest women's organizations, has also started using social media platforms. Therefore, this research aims to find out how digital communication is used by 'Aisyiyah to promote women's awareness of the issues they face, build the 'Aisyiyah movement's public identity, and mobilize collective actions. This single-instrumental case study research was conducted during the COVID-19 pandemic wh
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Alam, Aisha, and Noor Sanauddin. "From 24/7 To 9-5: The Co-Optation And Indigenization1 Of Feminism By Women Rights NGOS In Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Pakistan." Pakistan Journal of Gender Studies 21, no. 2 (2021): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/pjgs.v21i2.562.

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The study explores the nature and form of the contemporary women's rights movement utilizing a contextual understanding of feminist activities accentuated by selected women NGOs. The thematic working areas of these organizations were aimed to gauge the status of women in the region to see how coherent and impactful the women’s movement is to achieve its goals in the presence and pressure of government and donor policies. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 27 participants working in Peshawar-based women/feminist NGOs using the purposive sampling technique. Herbert Blummer's theoreti
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6

Bani Salameh, Mohammed Torki, and Osama Essa Al Saleem. "The Journey to Empowerment: Evaluating Women's Political Progress through Jordan's Legislative Reforms." Dirasat: Human and Social Sciences 52, no. 6 (2025): 6337. https://doi.org/10.35516/hum.v52i6.6337.

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Objectives: This study explores the influence of the feminist movement and institutions on the empowerment of Jordanian women and their increased political participation, with focus on electoral legislation. It examines the strategies and policies advocated by Jordanian women's organizations to achieve their objectives, and assesses the effectiveness of the feminist movement in politicizing women's issues and securing their demands. Methods: The study adopts a historical approach, by tracing the evolution of the Jordanian feminist movement and examining election laws through a legal lens to ga
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7

Ihnatenko, Maria. "HISTORICAL CONTEXT OF THE INTERACTION BETWEEN FEMINISM AND NATIONALISM IN UKRAINE." Intermarum history policy culture, no. 15 (December 14, 2024): 130–42. https://doi.org/10.35433/history.112086.

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The aim of this article is to explore the historical context of the interaction between nationalism and feminism in Ukraine (from the late 19th century to the 1930s), analyze their relationship and influence on each other, and determine how these two ideological movements affected the formation of Ukrainian national identity and the development of the women's movement. Methodology. The methods of historical-genetic, historical-comparative, and historical-systemic analysis are employed in this article to examine the historical context of the interaction between feminism and nationalism in Ukrai
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8

Bauer, Gretchen. "Update on the Women's Movement in Botswana: Have Women Stopped Talking?" African Studies Review 54, no. 2 (2011): 23–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/arw.2011.0040.

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Abstract:Across Africa in the early twenty-first century, autonomous women's movements have transformed the political landscape. With their support, African women are lobbying for constitutional reforms, entering political office in unprecedented numbers, and initiating legislation to expand women's rights. African women's movements have been emboldened by changes in international and regional norms concerning women's rights and representation, a new availability of resources to enhance women's status, and in many places, an end to conflict. In Botswana, the 1980s and 1990s were a period of he
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9

Rosenthal, Naomi, David McDonald, Michele Ethier, Meryl Fingrutd, and Roberta Karant. "Structural Tensions in The Nineteenth Century Women's Movement." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1997): 21–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.2.1.j013483258402309.

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The organizational affiliations of four groups of nineteenth century women in New York State provide the basis for an exploration of tensions between local and national level organizations within a social movement. Information about overlapping membership among women's organizations over a period of almost seventy years is used to map the geography of connections between organizations affiliated with the early women's movement and other voluntary groups. In particular, we explore the connections of the movement's organizations to non-insurgent voluntarism in each setting, describing the range
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10

Banaszak, Lee Ann, and Heather L. Ondercin. "Public Opinion as a Movement Outcome: The Case of the U.S. Women's Movement*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 3 (2016): 361–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-3-361.

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We demonstrate that an important outcome of social movements is public opinion change, particularly in the case of the U.S. women's movement. We argue that contentious events associated with the women's movement provide informational cues that prime the public. This process then leads to changes in attitudes regarding gender. We use quarterly time series data on contentious events of the U.S. women's movement ranging from 1960 to 1992 and public opinion about gender attitudes in the United States to examine whether public opinion moves in response to social movement events. Using an error corr
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11

Tripp, Aili Mari. "The politics of autonomy and cooptation in Africa: the case of the Ugandan Women's Movement." Journal of Modern African Studies 39, no. 1 (2001): 101–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x01003548.

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State responsiveness to pressures from women's movements in Africa has been limited. However, where inroads have been made, associational autonomy from the state and dominant party has proved critical. The women's movement is one of the most coordinated and active social movements in Uganda, and one of the most effective women's movements in Africa more generally. An important part of its success comes from the fact that it is relatively autonomous, unlike women's movements in earlier periods of Uganda's post-independence history. The women's movement, in spite of enormous pressures for coopta
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12

Aprilia Triaristina and Octari Tauvita. "Women’s Rights Fought for in Women's Movement during the National Movement." Jurnal Perempuan dan Anak 6, no. 1 (2023): 11–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.22219/jpa.v6i1.22866.

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Women during the national movement have seen that in addition to being a mother, they have the right to contribute, have an opinion and develop themselves. Elite women and those who were able to receive education at that time moved to inspire and make changes for Indonesian women to get their rights and progress afterward. For this reason, this article will discuss the rights of women who were fought for and the beginning of the existence of the movement to fighting for women's rights. From there it can be seen whether the rights that we get today are a gift from the struggle of the women's mo
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13

STOPER, EMILY. "Women's Work, Women's Movement: Taking Stock." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 515, no. 1 (1991): 151–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716291515001013.

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14

Pandey, Rekha. "Women's liberation movement." Social Change 18, no. 3 (1988): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0049085719880301.

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15

Everitt, Joanna. "Public Opinion and Social Movements: The Women's Movement and the Gender Gap in Canada." Canadian Journal of Political Science 31, no. 4 (1998): 743–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900009628.

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AbstractLittle research provides concrete evidence of relationships between socialization by the women's movement and support for feminism and equality. Support for these issues has increased in Canada since the early 1970s, and using cohort analysis this study demonstrates clear generational differences in this support. The greatest support appears among women's movement and post-women's-movement cohorts. Furthermore, this article identifies gender differences on feminism and equality not appearing in the aggregate data. These differences increase with added controls for education and employm
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16

Popov-Momčinović, Zlatiborka. "Political socialization of women: Experiences of women's movement." Socioloski godisnjak, no. 5 (2010): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/socgod1005229p.

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In this work it was tried to point out the forms and contents of political engagements of women within women's movements both old and new, as well as the contemporary obstacles and challenges in globalizing world. The significance of women's movement is not only in its endurance and successfulness, yet also in the fact that it expanded the framework of what is considered political and offered different political sensibility within the movement's activists and general public were socialized politically.
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17

Bona, Nívea Canalli. "Women's March and its communication." Revista Mídia e Cotidiano 13, no. 1 (2019): 369. http://dx.doi.org/10.22409/ppgmc.v13i1.20996.

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This work discusses the concepts of Social Movement and Grassroots Movements applied to the Women´s March that happened in Washington, jan, 21 st , 2017. It brings, also, the documental analysis of the digital communication of this movement in three spheres: national, state wise (Maine) and local, focusing the communication efforts made by a group from Mount Desert Island, in Maine. The results bring what Castells tries to explain about internet serving as an Ágora for Social and Grassroots Movements state theirs voices.
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18

Cowell-Meyers, Kimberly B. "The Social Movement as Political Party: The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition and the Campaign for Inclusion." Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 1 (2014): 61–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271300371x.

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For about 10 years beginning in the mid 1990s, Northern Ireland had its own women's political party. The Northern Ireland Women's Coalition (NIWC) was created by members of the women's movement to achieve “equitable and effective political participation” for women. Despite being small, marginal and short-lived, the party increased access for women in nearly all the other political parties in the system. I connect the scholarship on social movements with that on political parties by examining the impact a social movement can have through the venue of its own political party. I argue three main
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19

Brahma, Bhanuprabha, and Mofidul Hassan. "Women at the Crossroads: The Intersectional Dynamics of Women’s Movements in Assam." Space and Culture, India 12, no. 02 (2024): 6–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v12i03.1473.

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The paper explores the mobilisation, interdependence, and organisation of the women's movement in Assam, locating it from the landmark events of the Assam Movement through a feminist lens. Instead of positioning women as passive recipients in Assam’s conflict-ridden areas, it captures the feminist recovery in the state’s men-led political movement. The study points out that while male leadership in Assam’s movements often relied on women’s involvement, women’s specific demands were frequently overlooked, and their voices were marginalised. In response, women have sought to reclaim their agency
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20

Mahayasa, Dias Pabyantara Swandita. "Nudity as Strategy: Examining Femen Sextremism Ideology to Weaponize Women’s Body." JUSS (Jurnal Sosial Soedirman) 6, no. 1 (2023): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.20884/juss.v6i1.8384.

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In the age of the new wave feminism movement, Femen stood out to be one of the heavily discussed topics of women's movements due to its controversial protest strategy. They are one of few feminist movements that utilize, or in their terms, weaponize, the naked body to deliver a political message. It generates various backlash, upon which they are accused of perpetuating western biased standards of beauty and marginalizing non-white women's experience. Despite the controversy, they gained international recognition from the birth of the movement in 2009 until recently. We explore the matters by
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21

Ramadhan, Gilang, and Ika Arinia Indriyany. "POTRET REPRESENTASI GERAKAN PEREMPUAN DALAM MENDORONG KETAHANAN PANGAN DI PROVINSI BANTEN." JURNAL POLINTER : KAJIAN POLITIK DAN HUBUNGAN INTERNASIONAL 7, no. 2 (2022): 43–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.52447/polinter.v7i2.5452.

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This research was conducted to see the progress of the women's movement in Banten. The women's movement arises because of the political opportunity structure that provides space for women to maximize the resources they have to form social movements. As a representation of the women's movement, GOW has a role in realizing women-friendly policies and food security through one of the organizations under it, namely KWT which focuses on the empowerment of women farmers. This study uses a descriptive qualitative approach, while the results of the research are descriptions of a phenomenon in differen
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22

Ackerman, Bruce. "Interpreting the Women's Movement." California Law Review 94, no. 5 (2006): 1421. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20439069.

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23

Gull, Raashida. "Third World Women's Movement." Asian Journal of Research in Social Sciences and Humanities 4, no. 11 (2014): 16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5958/2249-7315.2014.01028.4.

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24

Champagne, Rosaria, and Linda Kintz. "The Other Women's Movement." Women's Review of Books 16, no. 3 (1998): 28. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4023157.

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25

Fester, Gertrude. "Towards a women's movement." Journal of Literary Studies 9, no. 1 (1993): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02564719308530026.

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26

Mendes, Kaitlynn. "Reporting The Women's Movement." Feminist Media Studies 11, no. 4 (2011): 483–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14680777.2011.555968.

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27

Munch, Shari. "The Women's Health Movement." Social Work in Health Care 43, no. 1 (2006): 17–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j010v43n01_02.

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28

Landwirth, Trudy. "The Women's Health Movement." Serials Librarian 12, no. 3 (1987): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j123v12n03_10.

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29

Beck, Elizabeth L., Ellen Dorsey, and April Stutters. "The Women's Suffrage Movement." Journal of Community Practice 11, no. 3 (2003): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j125v11n03_02.

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30

Subramaniam, Mangala. "The Indian Women's Movement." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 33, no. 6 (2004): 635–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009430610403300603.

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31

Banaszak, Lee Ann. "The Hidden Women's Movement." Politics & Gender 10, no. 02 (2014): 284–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x14000105.

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32

Tchaïcha, Jane D. "Moroccan women's rights movement." Journal of North African Studies 21, no. 1 (2015): 153–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2015.1101953.

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Ferree, Myra Marx, Barbara Risman, Valerie Sperling, Tatiana Gurikova, and Katherine Hyde. "The Russian Women's Movement." Women & Politics 20, no. 3 (1999): 83–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j014v20n03_05.

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34

Si, Junhan, Xutao Jiang, and Tianyi Tu. "Comparative Study of Feminist Movements in China and the United States in 1920." International Journal of Education and Humanities 19, no. 3 (2025): 38–40. https://doi.org/10.54097/fh2qjw78.

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The year 1920 was a year of significant progress in the women's rights movement in China and the United States. In the United States, women gained the right to vote through a long struggle, while in China, the May Fourth New Culture Movement promoted the development of the women's liberation movement. Although the movements in both countries were constrained by traditional notions, they laid the groundwork for subsequent gender equality and social change. This study analyzes the situation and comparative analysis of the feminist movement in China and the United States in the 1920s, reveals the
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Hidayah, Ahdiyatul, and Ahmad Bunyan Wahib. "Defending Women's Legal Rights through Organizations in Turkey." An-Nisa Jurnal Kajian Perempuan dan Keislaman 15, no. 2 (2022): 185–200. https://doi.org/10.35719/annisa.v15i2.109.

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Turkey is a progressive country in defending women's rights. So to achieve equal rights they have to fight not easily. This research focues on the renewal of women's rights to obtain the same rights as men through various women's movements. This study aims to find out the extent of the journey of the women's movement to get equal rights with men. This research uses an approach to the social movements integration, which is a theory that prioritizes rational attitudes so that an action is an organized collective. The results showed that the women's movement in Turkey are almost gave up because i
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Younes, Anna–Esther. "A gendered movement for liberation: Hamas's women's movement and nation building in contemporary Palestine." Contemporary Arab Affairs 3, no. 1 (2010): 21–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17550910903475729.

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This research on Hamas's women's movement explains the contemporary political and social involvement of women with a multilayered perspective of different theories based on a textual analysis of the movement's publications (the Hamas Charta 1988 and the Electoral Program 2006, as well as women's testimonies to popular media outlets). Subsequently, it is claimed that only a comprehensive combination of post-colonial studies, gender and nationalism studies can fully grasp women's roles within the Hamas movement. Uniting these three approaches, there are three main hypotheses for women's activism
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Jimoh, Dauda, Yusuff Ridwan, and Yusuf Muhammad-Bashir. "Women's Movement Of Nigeria: the Challenge Of State Patriarchy." Mujer Andina 3, no. 2 (2025): e030207. https://doi.org/10.36881/ma.v3i2.1010.

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This paper examines the role of state power in limiting the Nigerian Women's Movement (WMN) during the 1950s, focusing on the challenges faced by women activists in their pursuit of empowerment and gender equality. The study explores the historical context of women's marginalization in Nigeria, shaped by cultural practices and British colonialism, which restricted women's roles in society and politics. Despite these barriers, the WMN emerged as a significant force advocating for women's rights, aiming to challenge societal norms and secure political participation for women. Using a qualitative
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Tsai, Chiung-Tzu Lucetta. "The Women's Movement and Women's Leisure in Taiwan." World Leisure Journal 50, no. 1 (2008): 70–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/04419057.2008.9674528.

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39

Kaufman, Joan. "The Global Women's Movement and Chinese Women's Rights." Journal of Contemporary China 21, no. 76 (2012): 585–602. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10670564.2012.666830.

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40

Merina Rahaman, Merina Rahaman. "Women’s Empowerment of Adivasi and Rajbansi’s in Tebhaga Movement of North Bengal." INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES, ENGINEERING, SCIENCE AND MANAGEMENT 4, no. 1 (2023): 109–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.59364/ijhesm.v4i1.238.

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This conference presentation investigates the involvement and function of Rajbansi and Adivasi women in North Bengal's Tebhaga activities. Peasants in Bengal fought for equitable crop distribution and land rights during the Tebhaga movement in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Given that they made up a sizable portion of the agricultural labour force, women's involvement in this movement was essential. The difficulties experienced by Adivasi and Rajbansi women in the movement are examined in this essay, including sexism, class discrimination, and a lack of resources and access to education. Neve
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Giner, Elisenda, Laura Ruiz, Ma ÁNgeles Serrano, and Rosa Valls. "Free Women's Contributions to Working-Class Women's Sexual Education during the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) and Beyond." Teachers College Record: The Voice of Scholarship in Education 118, no. 4 (2016): 1–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/016146811611800401.

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Background/Context Women's sexuality, and the ways they experience it, has been a major topic in feminist theories and movements throughout history. For the more than 20,000 working-class women who participated in the Free Women movement in Spain (the libertarian women's movement, which started in 1936), women's sexuality was also a key topic in both their process of empowerment and their claims and activities. Purpose The objective of this article is twofold. First, it explores the ways in which the Free Women movement helped improve the personal lives of women in that period. Second, this ar
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Faupel, Alison, and Regina Werum. ""Making Her Own Way": The Individualization of First-Wave Feminism, 1910-1930." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 16, no. 2 (2011): 181–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.16.2.h4j28147n4621253.

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Scholars of the women's movement often postulate that it dissipated after winning suffrage in 1920, but empirical studies about the movement's post-victory transformation remain scarce. We use the first wave of the women's movement to explore the conditions under which movement frames change during periods of decline. Drawing on political opportunity theory, we hypothesize that waning political and cultural opportunities for collective action should lead to a rise in individualist frames. To that end, we examine how a prominent movement organization's use of collectivist versus individualist f
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Gumiandari, Septi, and Ilman Nafi'a. "WOMEN IN THE IDENTITY CRISIS OF FEMINISM; A CRITICAL ANALYSIS ON GENDER MOVEMENT BASED ON ISLAMIC PSYCHOLOGY PERSPECTIVE." HUMANISMA : Journal of Gender Studies 3, no. 1 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.30983/humanisme.v3i1.1167.

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<p><em>This paper attempted to analyze critically the women's movement that had been developing so far and tried to offer the ideology of the gender movement based on the values </em><em>of humanism of Islamic Psychology. This study used a qualitative methodology with a literature approach. The results showed that (1) the male clone tendency in the women's movement had actually been predicted by various parties, including by the female activists. Because of the obsession to equalize the active role of women as equal to men, the women's movement was trapped in standardiz
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Yadav, Ranju. "Madheshi Women and Feminist Movement in Nepal." Nepal Journal of Multidisciplinary Research 7, no. 1 (2024): 84–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/njmr.v7i1.65252.

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Background: The formal feminist movement in Madhesh emerged in reaction to the discriminatory, oppressive, and autocratic actions perpetrated by the state, entwined with concurrent political movements, effectively spotlighting and confronting prevalent social issues. Feminist movements in Nepal have played a significant role in bringing about major changes in various aspects of society, advocating for gender equality, women's rights, and social justice. Methods: This research adopted a qualitative method with an intersectionality theoretical framework to explore the firsthand experiences of Ma
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45

Arianingsih, Fadhilatillaili. "Women in the Religious Modernity Movement: A Study of the Community of Veiling Women in Lombok." YASIN 5, no. 1 (2025): 32–45. https://doi.org/10.58578/yasin.v5i1.4580.

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This research examines women in the religious modernity movement by studying Lombok's veiled women's community. Specifically, this research discusses the forms of veiled women's movements amid modernity, which are analyzed using the Resource Mobilization Theory. The researcher uses a qualitative approach with a case study method that focuses on the experiences and views of veiled women in the socio-religious Movement. The research type used is field research using a qualitative descriptive approach. The research subjects were the founders, leaders, and administrators of Lombok's veiled women's
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Situmeang, Talenta Febriani, Wardah Wardah, and Chindy Atika Wd Nst. "Women's Organizations During the National Movement." Holistic Science 4, no. 2 (2024): 195–99. https://doi.org/10.56495/hs.v4i2.585.

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This article discusses the role of women's organizations during the national movement. The role of Indonesian women in upholding the life of the nation cannot be ignored. Women's organizations were also born and participated in the struggle of the national movement. This research aims to determine the role of women in national movements and emerging organizations. This research uses qualitative analysis methods, specifically literature analysis. According to (Safitri & Anggraeni Dewi, 2021) this method is carried out by analyzing data from secondary sources of research articles related to
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Dahal, Radhika Devi. "Sociological Review of Women Participation in Social Movements of Nepal." Interdisciplinary Journal of Management and Social Sciences 5, no. 1 (2024): 131–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ijmss.v5i1.62669.

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This article applies social structural approach to analyze women's involvement in social and political movements. It studies feminist movement of the world, and draws conclusion on the history and contemporary state of women as participants of movement sin Nepal. It reviews some theoretical articles written by foreign scholars by giving equal emphasis to Nepali writers' articles to review the evolution of women participation in movements in Nepal. Throughout the paper, feminist movement in common and issues of women exclusion in particular are discussed. Women issues or the feminist movements
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Makaradze, Emzar. "The Role of Women in the Educational System of Turkey after WWII." Balkanistic Forum 30, no. 1 (2021): 227–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v30i1.14.

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The study of women's issues, the feminist movement, as an academic discipline, and the first curriculum were established in the University of San Diego in 1970. The women’s problems have been mainly studied in the framework of traditional social and humani-tarian disciplines, mostly in literature, philosophy and psychology.The active dissemination of feminist ideas in Turkey after World War II, espe-cially in the late 1970s, and the creation of various feminist societies and journals provided a solid foundation for the establishment of research centers in universities, that study women's issue
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Taylor, Verta. "Social Movement Continuity: The Women's Movement in Abeyance." American Sociological Review 54, no. 5 (1989): 761. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2117752.

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Goetz, Anne Marie. "No shortcuts to power: constraints on women's political effectiveness in Uganda." Journal of Modern African Studies 40, no. 4 (2002): 549–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x02004032.

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Numbers of women in public representative office have increased dramatically in Uganda since the introduction of the National Resistance Movement's ‘no party’ system, because affirmative action measures have been taken to reserve seats for them in Parliament and local government. This article offers an assessment of the impact of these measures on women's political effectiveness, examining how far women in Parliament have been able to advance gender equity concerns in key new legislation. The article suggests that the political value of specially created new seats has been eroded by their expl
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